Manhattan Murders Mystery Quotes

I knew he was all about atmosphere: the lighting, the artwork on the walls, the spacing of tables, music. He loved the full experience.

Back then, Manhattan was the infant country

I don't know who you are," she thought, "but whoever you are, you're one hell of a player.

New York was the swing state in the upcoming presidential election—and Manhattan was the swing district in New York State. Control the city, and you controlled the 1800 presidential race.

I picked up fresh spinach, prosciutto, a variety of cheeses and a wonderful loaf of crusty bread to go with it. I'd also make a green salad and had a special wine from the Burgundy region of France at home that would pair perfectly with the lasagna.

Let me tell you something. If you are not careful, the thrill of the ambush can become more addictive than heroin.

How does a person deal with the fact someone possibly wanted to murder you, but killed your unsuspecting sister instead?

As much as we may sometimes find it hard to breathe, we must, for if we do not, we die. And as much as we may sometimes find it hard to forgive, so, too, must we do that, or else we die as well.

I cannot say it will be a painless death. But I can say it will be a stylish one.

There’d been 350 fewer murders in 1994 than in 1993; 650 fewer than in 1990. Even Bratton didn’t take all the credit: “Nobody can be sure exactly what is going on,” he told the Times in an article titled “When Crime Recedes: New York Crime Falls, But Just Why Is a Mystery.” What the NYPD could own was the start of a virtuous cycle. At first, “fear,” wrote Fred Siegel, “declined even more rapidly than crime.” Subway ridership was up, and more New Yorkers spending more time in public space dampened opportunistic crime. The next year, murders fell to a 25-year low, making the panic over young Black superpredators appear less like science and more like White panic, but theories on both sides were being disproved. Three-quarters of New Yorkers below the poverty line were statistically in “extreme poverty,” and by 1998, more than 600,000 people a month relied on emergency meals, more than twice the number as when Giuliani took office, so if hunger made you a criminal, crime should have been shooting up. Nor were the moral measures that a Manhattan Institute type might look for—single-parent homes, for example—getting any better.