Prime Era Quotes

C'era stata quella volta e ce n'erano state infinite altre, che Alice non ricordava più, perché l'amore di chi non amiamo si deposita sulla superficie e da lì evapora in fretta.

Lo capì dalle prime righe, che Leonardo Villani non era solo uno dei più bei corpi che avesse mai avuto modo di ammirare. Era anche una delle menti più brillanti che avesse mai avuto modo di incontrare.

Por primera vez sintió que la inmensa distancia que los separaba era insignificante. Estaba convencida de que él seguía en el mismo sitio, donde ya le había escrito algunas veces, muchos años antes. Porque estaban unidos por un hilo invisible, oculto entre mil cosas de poca importancia, que sólo podía existir entre dos personas como ellos: dos soledades que se reconocían.

I plea with the current Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, Mr. Boris Johnson. He ought to look at the following law - The Age of Marriage Act 1929 which has caused many unwanted or forced marriages by their wicked parents. It is horrific to see an outdated law in this era.

Qualche giorno fa, mentre pensavo alla mia vita, mi sono chiesta quanti uomini ci sono voluti perché potessi essere pronta per quello di oggi. In realtà ho capito che la domanda era sbagliata: quante donne ho dovuto indossare per essere pronta per l'uomo di oggi?

IN THE TORRID London summer of 1886, William Gladstone was up against Benjamin Disraeli for the post of prime minister of the United Kingdom. This was the Victorian era, so whoever won was going to rule half the world. In the very last week before the election, both men happened to take the same young woman out to dinner. Naturally, the press asked her what impressions the rivals had made. She said, “After dining with Mr. Gladstone, I thought he was the cleverest person in England. But after dining with Mr. Disraeli, I thought I was the cleverest person in England.” Guess who won the election? It was the man who made others feel intelligent, impressive, and fascinating: Benjamin Disraeli.

Ci si può ammalare anche solo di un ricordo, e lei era ammalata.

L'unica cosa certa era che lui era tornato e che lei avrebbe voluto non se ne andasse più.

... le prime cose che Hélène percepiva nella gente erano la mediocrità, la meschinità, la vigliaccheria, la gelosia, l'insicurezza, la paura; forse perché quei sentimenti erano presenti in lei, li individuava subito negli altri. Antoine invece era portato ad attribuire al prossimo intenzioni nobili, motivazioni di valore, ideali, come se non avesse mai sollevato il coperchio di un'anima per scoprire fino a che punto puzzava e brulicava di vermi.

Era sólo que el tiempo volaba llevándose consigo más tiempo; eran sólo actos evidentes que nada sabían del futuro ni del pasado.

Aquello era exactamente lo contrario de la oscuridad, pero infundía el mismo miedo.

Perché aveva paura ad ammetterlo, ma quando era con lei sembrava che valesse la pena di fare tutte le cose normali che le persone normali fanno.

C'era qualcosa, che le faceva venire voglia di avvicinarsi, di sollevargli il mento e di dirgli guardami, sono qui.

Ecco. Ci pensava spesso. Di nuovo. Era come un altra delle sue malattie, dalla quale non voleva veramente guarire. Ci si può ammalare anche solo di un ricordo e lei era ammalata.

Era quello che aveva immaginato così spesso. Non proprio uguale, in realtà, ma per una volta decise di non fare caso alle imperfezioni

It might be unpalatable in our more egalitarian era to admit it, but Churchill became prime minister by a process that was far from democratic.

È come se tutta la sua vita si fosse cristallizzata. Fissata per sempre in una condizione che non evolve mai. Come un mammut dell’era glaciale. Ma questa non è la cosa peggiore, no. La cosa peggiore è che se guardo dentro a quel blocco di ghiaccio io non ci vedo Deprecabile. Ci vedo il riflesso mio. E i plumcake col latte gelato. E le serie tv prima di dormire. Tutte le mie coperte di Linus, insomma.

Sapeva che il disordine del mondo non può che aumentare, che il rumore di fondo crescerà fino a coprire ogni segnale coerente, ma era convinto che misurando attentamente ogni suo gesto avrebbe avuto meno colpa di questo lento disfacimento.

And the conservatives have not mounted what seems to be their real objection: that they wish to preserve traditional marriage and more than that, traditional gender roles. I know lovely and amazing heterosexual couples who married in the 1940s and 1950s and every decade since. Their marriages are egalitarian, full of mutuality and generosity. But even people who weren't particularly nasty were deeply unequal in the past. I also know a decent man who just passed away, age ninety-one: in his prime he took a job on the other side of the country without informing his wife that she was moving or inviting her to participate in the decision. Her life was not hers to determine. It was his. It's time to slam the door shut on that era. And to open another door, through which we can welcome equality: between genders, among marital partners, for everyone in every circumstance. Marriage equality is a threat: to inequality. It's a boon to everyone who values and benefits from equality. It's for all of us.

And if heroic figures, in days that never were, seem to startle out from their surroundings in fashion unbecoming to a Forsyte of the Victorian era, we may be sure that tribal instinct was even then the prime force, and that ‘family’ and the sense of home and property counted as they do to this day, for all the recent efforts to ‘talk them out.

The principal reason for this limited mastery of materials was the energy constraint: for millennia our abilities to extract, process, and transport biomaterials and minerals were limited by the capacities of animate prime movers (human and animal muscles) aided by simple mechanical devices and by only slowly improving capabilities of the three ancient mechanical prime movers: sails, water wheels, and wind mills. Only the conversion of the chemical energy in fossil fuels to the inexpensive and universally deployable kinetic energy of mechanical prime movers (first by external combustion of coal to power steam engines, later by internal combustion of liquids and gases to energize gasoline and Diesel engines and, later still, gas turbines) brought a fundamental change and ushered in the second, rapidly ascending, phase of material consumption, an era further accelerated by generation of electricity and by the rise of commercial chemical syntheses producing an enormous variety of compounds ranging from fertilizers to plastics and drugs.

Per anni ho aspettato che la mia vita cambiasse, invece ora so che era lei ad aspettare che cambiassi io.

Qualcuno rise di questo mutamento, ma egli lo lasciò ridere e non ci fece caso, perché era abbastanza saggio da sapere che nulla di buono succede su questa terra, senza che qualcuno, sulle prime, si prenda il gusto di riderne.

Indeed. But what is sane? Especially here in ‘our own country’––in this doomstruck era of Nixon. We are all wired into a survival trip now. No more of the speed that fueled the Sixties. Uppers are going out of style. This was the fatal flaw in Tim Leary’s trip. He crashed around America selling ‘consciousness expansion’ without ever giving a thought to the grim meat-hook realities that were lying in wait for all the people who took him seriously. After West Point and the Priesthood, LSD must have seemed entirely logical to him…but there is not much satisfaction in knowing that he blew it very badly for himself, because he took too many others down with him. Not that they didn’t deserve it: No doubt they all Got What Was Coming To Them. All those pathetically eager acid freaks who thought they could buy Peace and Understanding for three bucks a hit. But their loss and failure is ours, too. What Leary took down with him was the central illusion of a whole life-style that he helped to create…a generation of permanent cripples, failed seekers, who never understood the essential old-mystic fallacy of the Acid Culture: the desperate assumption that somebody––or at least some force––is tending that Light at the end of the tunnel. This is the same cruel and paradoxically benevolent bullshit that has kept the Catholic Church going for so many centuries. It is also the military ethic…a blind faith in some higher and wiser ‘authority.’ The Pope, The General, The Prime Minister…all the way up to “God”.

Pela primeira vez, Mattia envergonhou-se de aos vinte e dois anos de idade ainda não ter carta de condução. Era outra das coisas que havia deixado para trás, outro passo óbvio na vida de um rapaz que ele escolhera não dar, para se manter o mais possível fora da engrenagem da vida. Como comer pipocas no cinema, como sentar-se nas costas de um banco, como não respeitar a hora de entrada em casa imposta pelos pais, como jogar futebol com uma bola de estanho enrolada ou estar de pé, nu, em frente a uma rapariga. Pensou que a partir daquele dia tudo seria diferente. Decidiu que ia tirar a carta de condução o mais depressa possível. Fá-lo-ia por ela, para a levar a passear. Porque tinha medo de o admitir, mas quando estava com ela parecia que valia a pena fazer todas as coisas normais que as pessoas normais fazem.

However popular Candid Camera may have been, though, it represented a genre—with the exception of a few popular shows like COPS, Real World, and America’s Funniest Home Videos—that lay dormant on American prime-time television until the late 1990s. Then, stung by a loss of viewers and watercooler buzz to more innovative, more targeted, and more creatively unshackled cable operators, network television programmers revisited reality. The show that ushered in the new era in network programming debuted in the summer of 2000 on CBS, and it became a ratings powerhouse known as Survivor.

Britain, however, under Prime Minister Chamberlain, built up Hitler, granting to him in haste everything that had for a decade been refused to the German Republic - the remilitarization of the Rhineland, the Nazi-terrorized plebiscite in the Saar, German re-armament, naval expansion, the Hitler-Mussolini intervention in Spain. British finance, which had strangled German democracy by demanding impossible reparations, helped Hitler with investments and loans. Every intelligent world citizen knew that these favors were given to Hitler because British Tories saw in him their 'strong-arm gangster' against the Soviets.

Lui sorride. L’estate ha ingranato la marcia. Posso aver perso delle prime volte piuttosto importanti con Hudson, ma uscire con Arthur ha il sapore di una nuova partenza. Ogni bacio con Arthur ha il sapore di una scoperta, come se ci sentissimo sempre più a nostro agio a ogni respiro. E non abbiamo ancora fatto sesso, il che è grandioso. Non grandioso nel senso che non volessi farlo, perché lo volevo eccome, e lo voglio ancora. Ma grandioso perché non ci stiamo sforzando solo per compiacere l’altro. Io sono giusto per lui e lui è giusto per me e questo sembra più che perfetto. L’universo sapeva che era amore prima che lo sapessimo noi

Cuando estaba con ella sentía que valía la pena hacer todas esas cosas normales que hacen las personas normales. Mattia pensó que nada bueno había en tener una cabeza como la suya, que con ganas se la habría arrancado y sustituido por otra, incluso por una caja de galletas siempre que estuviera vacía y fuera ligera. Quiso contestar que sentirse especial era una jaula, lo peor que podía pasarle a uno, pero se abstuvo. Estaban unidos por un hilo invisible, oculto entre mil cosas de poca importancia, que sólo podía existir entre dos personas como ellos: dos soledades que se reconocían. No lo había elegido entre nadie; no había pensado en nadie más.

Poi", continuò Marguerite, "tu eri l'unica persona davanti alla quale avevo subito intuito che potevo pensare e parlare liberamente. Tutti coloro che stanno intorno alle donne come me analizzano tutto quello che diciamo, cercano di trarre delle conclusioni dalle nostre azioni più insignificanti. Per natura, non abbiamo amici. Abbiamo amanti egoisti, che dilapidano il patrimonio non certo per noi, come dicono, ma per la loro vanità. Per questi amanti, dobbiamo essere gaie quando sono allegri, in buona salute quando vogliono cenare, scettiche come loro. Ci è proibito avere un cuore, per non essere beffate e perdere il nostro credito. Noi non ci apparteniamo più. Non siamo più esseri umani, ma cose. Siamo le prime nel loro amor proprio, le ultime nella loro stima. Abbiamo amiche, ma sempre del genere di Prudence, ex mantenute, che hanno conservato il gusto dello scialo senza poterselo permettere, data l'età. Allora diventano le nostre amiche, o meglio, le nostre commensali. La loro amicizia arriva fino al servilismo, mai fino al disinteresse. Mai ci daranno un consiglio, se non venale. A loro poco importa se abbiamo dieci amanti, purché ci ricavino qualche vestito, o un braccialetto, e possano ogni tanto passeggiare nella nostra carrozza o andare al teatro nel nostro palco. Prendono i mazzi di fiori che abbiamo ricevuto il giorno prima, e si fanno prestare i nostri scialle di cachemire. Non ci fanno mai il minimo piacere senza farselo pagare il doppio di quello che vale. L'hai visto tu stesso, la sera in cui Prudence mi ha portato i seimila franchi che l'avevo pregata di chiedere da parte mia al duca: se n'è fatta prestare cinquecento che non mi restituirà mai, o che mi pagherà in cappelli che resteranno eternamente nelle loro scatole. Noi non possiamo avere, o meglio io non potevo avere che una gioia, triste come sono talvolta, sofferente come sono sempre: trovare un uomo abbastanza superiore da non chiedermi conto della mia vita, ed essere l'amante dei miei sentimenti molto più che del mio corpo. Un uomo così l'avevo trovato nel duce, ma il duca è vecchio, e la vecchiaia non protegge né consola. Avevo creduto di poter accettare la vita che mi offriva, ma che vuoi? morivo di noia, e per finire con l'uccidersi è meglio gettarsi in un incendio che asfissiarsi col carbone. Allora ho incontrato te, giovane, ardente, felice, e ho cercato di fare di te l'amante che avevo invocato nella mia rumorosa solitudine. Ciò che amavo in te non era l'uomo che eri, ma quello che dovevi essere. Tu non accetti questo ruolo, lo respingi come indegno di te, sei un amante volgare; fai come gli altri: pagami, e non ne parliamo più.

Sam era sempre stato diverso dalle altre ragazze, ma fu solo in terza elementare che passò da sentirsi diverso ad avvertire che c’era qualcosa di profondamente sbagliato. Per la prima volta lui e i suoi compagni di classe non erano più soltanto alunni, ma vennero divisi in due gruppi: maschi e femmine. La separazione sembrò portare con sé una nuova serie di regole, divieti e aspettative invisibili che lui non aveva mai imposto a se stesso. Tutto ciò lo metteva a disagio, ma non riusciva a capire il perché. Sapeva di essere una femmina, era ovvio, ma perché non si sentiva donna? Perché dentro di sé sentiva di essere un maschio? Perché voleva essere trattato come un ragazzo? Era confuso, frustrato e si sentiva sbagliato, e quel sentimento diventò sempre più forte col passare del tempo. L’infanzia di Sam fu tormentata da domande cui non riusciva a trovare risposta. Era uno scherzo della natura? C’era qualcosa di guasto dentro di lui? Dio aveva fatto un errore? Era andato a catechismo con il suo amico Joey, e sapeva di poter imparare come pregare e chiedere a Dio di aggiustarlo. Tutte le sere Sam pregava di svegliarsi il giorno dopo nel corpo giusto, ma le sue preghiere non vennero mai esaudite. Qualche anno più tardi, le prime fasi della pubertà gli sembrarono più un dirottamento che una naturale evoluzione. Il suo corpo stava crescendo, ma sembrava tradirlo ogni giorno di più. Stava diventando qualcosa che non andava d’accordo con quello che provava. Non importava quanti video sull’argomento guardasse, l’idea di emergere dai suoi anni da teenager come donna sembrava estranea e innaturale, come un bruco che da crisalide si trasforma in ragno. Sam pensò che se avesse ignorato i cambiamenti, il suo corpo avrebbe potuto respingerli o invertirli. Invece di procurarsi un reggiseno, Sam si avvolse intorno al seno una benda elastica, in modo che il torace apparisse piatto. Più i seni crescevano più stringeva la benda, tanto che finì per ferirsi. A un certo punto comprò un reggiseno sportivo che aveva lo stesso effetto, ma fu per lui un momento di sconfitta: stava perdendo la battaglia con il proprio corpo

The busy 20th and 21st centuries have made Garfield's era seem remote and irrelevant, its leaders ridiculed for their very obscurity... to the generation of Americans then alive, though, their dramas, humanities, and dignity were a compelling part of daily life. For twenty years after the Civil War, America was led by a group of larger-than-life figures with clay feet who fought and raged and plied their craft with nerve and ambition while following a code of honor riddled with blind spots and inconsistencies; during that time, public involvement in politics reached levels far higher than today. Garfield held a special place: one of the most promising of his generation, shot down in his prime, martyred for taking a principled stand.

Come per tutto quel poco che sappiamo della sua vita, anche la data di morte di Dante è riferita da fonti contraddittorie. Secondo il Boccaccio morì il giorno dell’Esaltazione della Santa Croce, che corrisponde al 14 settembre, ma gli epitaffi che i letterati fecero a gara a scrivere per l’occasione datano la morte del poeta alle idi di settembre, cioè il 1319. Siccome uno di questi epitaffi, composto da Giovanni del Virgilio, è trascritto dal Boccaccio stesso, parrebbe che il biografo non ci vedesse nessuna contraddizione; e in effetti basta ricordare che le feste cristiane, in continuità con la tradizione ebraica, cominciano al tramonto della vigilia per concludere che Dante dev’essere morto nelle prime ore della notte fra il 13 e il 14. Quella notte, il profeta andò a scoprire se quanto aveva immaginato in tutti quegli anni era vero.

Cinque cicatrici (L’abitudine di restare). Ho cinque cicatrici. Una me la feci a tre anni ruzzolando per le scale. Sbattei forte col mento contro uno spigolo, il mento si aprí a metà. Ogni tanto Virginia mi dice: «Papà, mi fai vedere la cicatrice sotto la barba?», io alzo la testa e lei fruga fra i peli della barba e guarda la cicatrice, poi mi chiede se fa male. La seconda è sul torace, frutto di un lungo intervento chirurgico di quando mi esplose un polmone in una sera d’estate. Ci dormii su per tutta la notte pensando a un dolore intercostale, invece era un polmone che mi era collassato sul cuore. Sopravvissi per un misto d’intuizione e tempismo e perché il secondo medico mi prese sul serio, anziché rimandarmi a casa con due compresse di Voltaren come aveva fatto il primo. La terza cicatrice è sul medio della mano destra, che mi affettarono con un coltello quand’ero giovane e troppo stupido per capire che certe volte vinci proprio quando perdi. La quarta e la quinta non si vedono, ma sono le uniche cicatrici che fanno ancora male. Dalle prime tre non ho imparato niente, dalle altre invece sí. Ho imparato che quando le cose finiscono non è necessariamente colpa tua, ma che, se tieni distanti gli altri nel tentativo di proteggerti, allora non puoi pretendere di riprenderteli quando d’un tratto ti senti pronto tu. Che la vita è quel che accade, anche se è fatta di quel che scegli. E con quel che accade hai in genere solo due alternative: abbracciarlo con tutto te stesso oppure andare via. Ho a lungo creduto che la libertà che serve fosse quella di un marinaio sempre pronto a prendere il mare. Invece oggi so che la libertà che scelgo e la forza che conta, quell’orizzonte che sentivo di dover cercare ogni volta piú lontano, non si fondano sull’attitudine a partire. Ma sull’abitudine di restare.

Longevi, ci chiamavamo tra noi. Eravamo una sorta di Dorian Gray ambulanti senza un ritratto marcescente in soffitta e, durante i secoli, avevamo collezionato i più stravaganti epiteti: streghe, vampiri, angeli, demoni, doppelgänger. Non avremmo mai conosciuto le gioie della maternità o della paternità, poiché i nostri figli morivano – senza eccezioni – appena venuti alla luce. Avremmo potuto tentare all’infinito, accontentarci di sentire per nove mesi i loro calci ovattati attraverso la pelle del ventre, per poi dover accettare di vederli spegnersi appena fatto capolino nel mondo. Avevo seppellito tre figli, tutti nati morti alle prime avvisaglie di autunni distanti vite intere l’uno dell’altro. Alcune sere percepivo ancora la sensazione asfissiante della terra bagnata sotto le unghie. Temere che la propria creatura, di cui non hai mai udito il pianto, possa sentire freddo sotto la terra è il primo segnale di una follia disperata. Scavare tra le lacrime per riabbracciare quel corpo inerme e bianco, che non è mai stato vivo se non nel buio del tuo grembo, e poi desistere in un barlume di lucidità è un’esperienza straziante. Si rimane con un pugno di fango in mano, la gola stretta dall’angoscia e il cuore vuoto. Ho sentito tre figli crescere e perire dentro di me. E se fossi così folle da riprovarci, un quarto, un quinto e un sesto mi farebbero singhiozzare dalla gioia e poco dopo dal tormento. Così sarà per sempre. È una delle mie tante condanne. Malachia, Robert e io non potevamo dirci amici. Tuttavia lo eravamo, quasi inevitabilmente, per una serie di eventi e per la maledizione che ci univa. Nella mia lunga carriera ne avevo profanati di sarcofagi, templi e necropoli. Così innumerevoli, che ormai avevo perso il conto. Eppure, con tutti gli anatemi che mi ero tirata addosso, nessuno di questi era ancora riuscito a farmi apprezzare quello sotto il quale ero nata.

It is in this regard that the riot is the sign of a situation that must in the end absolutize itself. Not because of some wild and affective nature of riot, though those who have had such experiences know that this is an astonishing force, but because of the still unfolding and still deteriorating situation in which it finds itself. Riot prime is not a demand but a civil war. We have, then, something like a last contradiction. On the one hand, the riot must absolutize itself, move toward a self-reproduction beyond wage and market, toward the social arrangement that we define as the commune, always a civil war. On the other hand, the riot is entangled both internally and externally with the police function that seems a blockage to any such absolutization. This contradiction offers some ways to think about the riots, rebellions, and uprisings of the years since the global market collapse of 2008—the historical particulars they embody, the failures they bear, the future they suggest.

if MLK and Gandhi and Bob Dylan can all be conscripted as neoliberal shills, then absolutely anything and anyone can be severed from their contexts and made to mean their precise opposite. The story beneath the story was the normalization of the disassociation between words from reality, which could only usher in the era of irony and flat detachment, because those seemed like the only self-respecting postures to adopt in a world in which everyone was lying all the time. And from there we were all primed to dive headlong into the sea of social media non sequiturs, the scroll that scrambles the narrative structures of argument and story in favor of a never-ending thought confetti of “this” and “this” and “this” and “look over there.

Poi però si fermò, tornò indietro, mi disse: «Come stai bene, non ti avevo riconosciuta, sei diventata un’altra». Lì per lì fui contenta ma presto mi dispiacqui. Che vantaggio avrei potuto trarre dal diventare un’altra? Volevo restare io, vincolata a Lila, al cortile, alle bambole perdute, a don Achille, a tutto. Era l’unico modo per sentire intensamente ciò che mi stava accadendo. D’altra parte è difficile resistere alle modificazioni, in quel periodo mio malgrado cambiai più che negli anni di Pisa. A primavera uscì il libro, che molto più della laurea mi diede una nuova identità. Quando ne mostrai una copia a mia madre, a mio padre, ai miei fratelli, se lo passarono in silenzio, ma senza sfogliarlo. Fissavano la copertina con sorrisi incerti, mi sembrarono agenti di polizia di fronte a un documento falso. Mio padre disse: «È il mio cognome», ma parlò senza soddisfazione, come se all’improvviso, invece di essere fiero di me, avesse scoperto che gli avevo rubato soldi dalle tasche. Poi passarono i giorni, uscirono le prime recensioni. Le scorsi con ansia, ferita da ogni accenno anche lieve di critica. Lessi ad alta voce a tutta la famiglia le più benevole, mio padre si rischiarò. Elisa disse sfottente: «Ti dovevi firmare Lenuccia, Elena fa schifo». In quei giorni agitati mia madre comprò un album per le fotografie e cominciò ad attaccarci tutto ciò che di buono si scriveva su di me. Una mattina mi chiese: «Come si chiama il tuo fidanzato?». Lo sapeva, ma aveva qualcosa in mente e per comunicarmelo voleva partire da lì. «Pietro Airota». «Tu quindi ti chiamerai Airota». «Sì». «E se farai un altro libro, sulla copertina ci sarà scritto Airota?». «No». «Perché?». «Perché mi piace Elena Greco». «Anche a me».

One of Castro’s first acts as Cuba’s Prime Minister was to go on a diplomatic tour that started on April 15, 1959. His first stop was the United States, where he met with Vice President Nixon, after having been snubbed by President Eisenhower, who thought it more important to go golfing than to encourage friendly relations with a neighboring country. It seemed that the U.S. Administration did not take the new Cuban Prime Minister seriously after he showed up dressed in revolutionary garb. Delegating his Vice President to meet the new Cuban leader was an obvious rebuff. However, what was worse was that an instant dislike developed between the two men, when Fidel Castro met Vice President Richard Milhous Nixon. This dislike was amplified when Nixon openly badgered Castro with anti-communistic rhetoric. Once again, Castro explained that he was not a Communist and that he was with the West in the Cold War. However, during this period following the McCarthy era, Nixon was not listening. During Castro’s tour to the United States, Canada and Latin America, everyone in Cuba listened intently to what he had to say. Fidel’s speeches, that were shown on Cuban television, were troubling to Raúl and he feared that his brother was deviating from Cuba’s path towards communism. Becoming concerned by Fidel’s candid remarks, Raúl conferred with his close friend “Che” Guevara, and finally called Fidel about how he was being perceived in Cuba. Following this conversation, Raúl flew to Texas where he met with his brother Fidel in Houston. Raúl informed him that the Cuban press saw his diplomacy as a concession to the United States. The two brothers argued openly at the airport and again later at the posh Houston Shamrock Hotel, where they stayed. With the pressure on Fidel to embrace Communism he reluctantly agreed…. In time he whole heartily accepted Communism as the philosophy for the Cuban Government.

La casa dove tua bis-bis-bisnonna e io andammo a stare appena sposati dava sulle cascatelle [...] Aveva pavimenti di legno e finestre magnifiche e spazio sufficiente per una famiglia numerosa. Era una bella casa. Una buona casa. Ma l'acqua... diceva la tua bis-bis-bisnonna ... non riesco a sentirmi quando penso. Tempo, io la incalzavo. Datti tempo. E, lascia che te lo dica: anche se la casa era spaventosamente umida, e il prato davanti una fangaia perenne a causa degli spruzzi; anche se i muri ogni sei mesi necessitavano di riparazioni, e scaglie di pittura cadevano dal soffitto in tutte le stagioni come neve... ciò che si dice di chi abita vicino a una cascata è vero. Che cosa, chiese mio nonno, cosa si dice? Si dice che chi abita vicino a una cascata non senta l'acqua. Questo, si dice? Esatto. Naturalmente la tua bis-bis-bisnonna aveva ragione. All'inizio fu terribile. Non sopportavamo di rimanere in casa per più di poche ore di fila. Le prime due settimane furono caratterizzate da notti di sonno intermittente, litigi soltanto per il gusto di farci sentiore sopra lo scroscio. Litigavamo al solo scopo di ricordarci a vicenda che eravamo innamorati e non in preda all'odio. Però le settimane successive andò un po' meglio: era possibile dormire qualche buona oretta per notte e mangiare con un disagio sopportabile. la tua bis-bis-bisnonna ancora malediceva l'acqua [...], ma meno di frequente, e con minore furia. [...] La vita continuò perchè la vita continua, e il tempo passò, perchè il tempo passa, e dopo poco più di due mesi: Hai sentito? le domandai, una delle rare mattine in cui eravamo seduti insieme a tavola. Hai sentito? Deposi il mio caffè e mi alazi dalla sedia. La senti quella cosa? Quale? mi chiese lei. Esatto! risposi, correndo fuori per salutare a pugno teso la cascata. Esattamente! Ballammo, lanciando in aria manciate d'acqua, senza sentire proprio neinte. Alternavamo abbracci di perdono e urla di umano trionfo all'indirizzo dell'acqua. Chi vince la battaglia? Chi vince la battaglia, cascata? Noi! La vinciamo noi! E questo vivere vicino a una cascata, Safran. [..] Il timbro si sbiadisce. La lama si smussa. Il dolore si affievolisce. Ogni amore è scolpito nella perdita. [...] Ma questa non è tutta la storia, continuò la Meridiana. L'ho capito la prima volta che ho tentato di bisbigliare un segreto senza riuscirvi, o fischiettare una canzone senza insinuare la paura nei cuori di chi era nel raggio di centro metri, quando i miei colleghi della conceria mi hanno supplicato di abbassare la voce perché chi riesce a pensare se gridi in quel modo? Al che io ho domandato: STO DAVVERO GRIDANDO? * La storia della casa sulla cascata, la Meridiana

Late in the nineteenth century came the first signs of a “Politics in a New Key”: the creation of the first popular movements dedicated to reasserting the priority of the nation against all forms of internationalism or cosmopolitanism. The decade of the 1880s—with its simultaneous economic depression and broadened democratic practice—was a crucial threshold. That decade confronted Europe and the world with nothing less than the first globalization crisis. In the 1880s new steamships made it possible to bring cheap wheat and meat to Europe, bankrupting family farms and aristocratic estates and sending a flood of rural refugees into the cities. At the same time, railroads knocked the bottom out of what was left of skilled artisanal labor by delivering cheap manufactured goods to every city. At the same ill-chosen moment, unprecedented numbers of immigrants arrived in western Europe—not only the familiar workers from Spain and Italy, but also culturally exotic Jews fleeing oppression in eastern Europe. These shocks form the backdrop to some developments in the 1880s that we can now perceive as the first gropings toward fascism. The conservative French and German experiments with a manipulated manhood suffrage that I alluded to earlier were extended in the 1880s. The third British Reform Bill of 1884 nearly doubled the electorate to include almost all adult males. In all these countries, political elites found themselves in the 1880s forced to adapt to a shift in political culture that weakened the social deference that had long produced the almost automatic election of upper-class representatives to parliament, thereby opening the way to the entry of more modest social strata into politics: shopkeepers, country doctors and pharmacists, small-town lawyers—the “new layers” (nouvelles couches) famously summoned forth in 1874 by Léon Gambetta, soon to be himself, the son of an immigrant Italian grocer, the first French prime minister of modest origins. Lacking personal fortunes, this new type of elected representative lived on their parliamentarians’ salary and became the first professional politicians. Lacking the hereditary name recognition of the “notables” who had dominated European parliaments up to then, the new politicians had to invent new kinds of support networks and new kinds of appeal. Some of them built political machines based upon middle-class social clubs, such as Freemasonry (as Gambetta’s Radical Party did in France); others, in both Germany and France, discovered the drawing power of anti-Semitism and nationalism. Rising nationalism penetrated at the end of the nineteenth century even into the ranks of organized labor. I referred earlier in this chapter to the hostility between German-speaking and Czech-speaking wage earners in Bohemia, in what was then the Habsburg empire. By 1914 it was going to be possible to use nationalist sentiment to mobilize parts of the working class against other parts of it, and even more so after World War I. For all these reasons, the economic crisis of the 1880s, as the first major depression to occur in the era of mass politics, rewarded demagoguery. Henceforth a decline in the standard of living would translate quickly into electoral defeats for incumbents and victories for political outsiders ready to appeal with summary slogans to angry voters.

La Torre era cambiata, così come i suoi abitanti. Non c'era più l'aria spensierata e tranquilla in cui si era immersa durante le sue prime giornate, da quando tutto aveva iniziato a crollare intorno a loro. Si respirava una costante aria di tensione e pericolo imminente. Come se il nemico potesse nascondersi nelle ombre più sottili, pronto ad aggredirli e destabilizzarli.

Il tempo stava cambiando. Nuvoloni grigi spuntavano minacciosi dietro la cerchia dei monti alle spalle della città; lì il cielo era livido. Una grossa nuvola coprì il sole e la terrazza si oscurò all'improvviso. Il barone sollevò gli occhi malati e li puntò su Monte Pellegrino. Lo vedeva sfocato in lontananza, stagliato contro il cielo: ma il monte aveva già cambiato colore. Nuove sfumature - blu, viola - lo rendevano austero e minaccioso. Quella montagna dalle proporzioni perfette e dalla solida bellezza era il guardiano del golfo: una mitica fiera accovacciata e immersa a metà nel mare - groppa e gambe emergevano nelle loro forme angolose -, ma pronta a trarsi dal sonno e a drizzarsi contro chi osasse avvicinarsi alla città. Domenico Safamita amava Palermo d'una passione quasi fisica. "Si distruggono monasteri, palazzi, si sventrano quartieri. Non importa che manchi l'acqua, che le fognature siano rudimentali o inesistenti, che il popolino viva in tuguri e muoia di fame e malattie: i palermitani vogliono un nuovo grandioso teatro lirico. Sempre più bella e più abietta, mai come ora Palermo si rivela magnifica e compiaciuta di aver mantenuto la sua identità di città superlativamente cortigiana. A Palermo anche le pietre sudano sensualità." Sulla sinistra la nuova strada, larghissima, finiva a mare. Lì sembrava essere calata la notte e l'acqua era cosparsa di puntini luccicanti: le prime lampare dei pescatori. La nuvola scivolò dal sole e tutto ritornò come prima: il mare era una macchia scura senza bagliori, Monte Pellegrino, appena rosato, si stagliava netto e benigno.

Like the criminal boogeymen of bygone times—the poisoner, the juvenile delinquent, the wild-eyed hippie madman—the serial killer no longer personifies the deepest anxieties of the day. That role is now played by the mass murderer. In our post-9/11, post-Columbine era, the monster we fear is not the night-stalking psycho, preying on one victim after another, but the “human time bomb,” primed to commit a single act of wholesale, apocalyptic violence: the terrorist planting a weapon of mass destruction in a public space, the suicide bomber detonating himself in a crowd, the school shooter on a rampage with high-powered assault weapons.

«Ghetto Italia», il gruppo degli expat che avevano rinunciato all’integrazione, sbandati che non avendo trovato il lavoro per cui erano venuti a Berlino si consegnavano all’ombroso mondo del risentimento, tra emarginazione e vanagloria inespressa. Partiti col desiderio di tutto ciò che era moderno e cosmopolita, alle prime difficoltà si chiudevano nelle abitudini di sempre, i peggiori finivano a spacciare nei club.

Meanwhile King ‘Abdullah of Transjordan had his own ambitions to dominate as much as possible of Palestine, having done his best to come to terms with both the Zionists and his British backers over his plans for the country. As Avi Shlaim reports in Collusion Across the Jordan, his account of this era, extensive clandestine contact took place between King ‘Abdullah and Jewish Agency leaders (later Israeli prime ministers) Moshe Sharett and Golda Meir.30 As the United Nations moved toward partition of Palestine, the king repeatedly met with them secretly in the hope of reaching an accord in which Jordan would incorporate the part of Palestine to be designated for its Arab majority. The king confidently gave them his assurances that the Palestinians would come around and assent to his rule.* Thus ‘Abdullah, unlike Iraq’s Nuri, had no use for any form of independent Palestinian leadership or for a body like the Arab Office that would serve as their diplomatic arm.

Using South African apartheid–era rhetoric to defend the Israeli occupation remains alive to this day. During the 2019 Israeli election campaign, opposition leader Benny Gantz criticized Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for banning US Congresswomen Ilhan Omar and Rashida Tlaib from entering Israel and the Palestinian territories. Instead, Gantz said, both women should have been allowed to see “with their own eyes” that “the best place to be an Arab in the Middle East is in Israel … and the second-best place to be an Arab in the Middle East is the West Bank.” This was reminiscent of South African apart-heid leader John Vorster statement to the New York Times in 1977 that “the standard of living of the South African Black is two to five times higher than that of any Black country in Africa.”14 One of the architects of apartheid in South Africa, former prime minister Hendrik Verwoerd, wrote in the Rand Daily Mail in 1961 that “Israel, like South Africa, is an apart-heid state” after taking Palestine from the Arabs who “had lived there for a thousand years.

Quando le prime avvisaglie di vera oscurità parvero cadere sulla città, una nuova luce, debole e fioca, sorse a respingerla; quella luce brillava dentro il Vetrantico delle Cinque Torri stesse, e dentro il vetro traslucido del ponte su cui si trovavano. Cresceva a ogni respiro, guadagnando forza fino a immergere la città nell'eccentrica penombra di una giornata nuvolosa. L'ora di Falsaluce era arrivata. Dalle vette delle Cinque Torri alla levigatezza di ossidiana degli enormi frangiflutti di vetro alle scogliere artificiali sotto le onde color ardesia, Falsaluce irradiava da ogni superficie e ogni scheggia di Vetrantico a Camorr, da ogni particella della sostanza aliena lasciata tanto tempo addietro dalle creature che per prime avevano modellato la città. Ogni notte, quando infine l'occidente inghiottiva il sole, i ponti di vetro diventavano fili di luce di lucciole; le torri di vetro e i viali di vetro e gli strani giardini di sculture di vetro risplendevano pallidi di viola, azzurro, arancio e bianco perlato, e le lune e le stelle sbiadivano ingrigendo.

That trifecta—humanities, technology, business—is what has made him one of our era’s most successful and influential innovators. Like Steve Jobs, Bezos has transformed multiple industries. Amazon, the world’s largest online retailer, has changed how we shop and what we expect of shipping and deliveries. More than half of US households are members of Amazon Prime, and Amazon delivered ten billion packages in 2018, which is two billion more than the number of people on this planet. Amazon Web Services (AWS) provides cloud computing services and applications that enable start-ups and established companies to easily create new products and services, just as the iPhone App Store opened whole new pathways for business. Amazon’s Echo has created a new market for smart home speakers, and Amazon Studios is making hit TV shows and movies. Amazon is also poised to disrupt the health and pharmacy industries. At first its purchase of the Whole Foods Market chain was confounding, until it became apparent that the move could be a brilliant way to tie together the strands of a new Bezos business model, which involves retailing, online ordering, and superfast delivery, combined with physical outposts. Bezos is also building a private space company with the long-term goal of moving heavy industry to space, and he has become the owner of the Washington Post.

A special operations element known as Zaslon is reportedly directly subordinate to the SVR director. Zaslon is responsible for protecting senior Russian embassy officials and other Russian government officials when they travel to dangerous locations. For example, Zaslon officers provided security when then-Russian Vice Prime Minister Dmitriy Rogozin traveled to Syria in 2014. The element also conducts covert action missions. Little is publicly known about the group, but it reportedly was created in 1998 to replace special forces units that had been subordinate to the KGB First Chief Directorate during the Soviet era and moved to the Ministry of Security after the dissolution of the Soviet Union.

La foresta d'argento al di là delle prime quinte. I veli trasparenti. Se si vuole, l'opposto della stanza rossa. Nessuna camera è ancora stata predisposta per la scena. Capelli biondi fatti crescere per anni, al solo scopo di ammaliare. Donne d'oro, dalla pelle bianca sotto fari bianchi. "Cielo, apri aria." "Non è davvero interessante l'audio originale. È la ripetizione che dà voce al senso." La notte le avrebbe baciate sulle sponde del mare di luna. "La bellezza si fa da sé. Tutto il resto lo chiameremo critica." E intanto giravano ancora i ventilatori. La ballerina non ballava, in attesa di un nuovo Io. Le attrici ripetevano le stesse battute, coi capelli all'indietro. Se mancava loro il fiato, c'era comunque il vento.

...Quando Isabelle alzò lo sguardo ebbe l’impressione che il cuore le si fermasse. Stava risalendo insieme a Jeanne la scalinata che dall’Orangerie riportava al castello dopo avere verificato che per loro quella poteva essere la via di fuga perfetta la sera dello spettacolo. Era emozionata e non vedeva l’ora di fare ritorno alla locanda per potere parlare liberamente dei dettagli del piano che aveva in mente con l’amica, quando all’improvviso si era trovata a guardare un uomo il cui sguardo avrebbe riconosciuto in mezzo a mille. Jacques. Lui era lì a pochi passi da lei e quell’incontro non aveva senso. Perché mai Jacques si trovava lì a Corte,a Versailles e per giunta vestito da aristocratico? No, c’era qualcosa di sbagliato. L’uomo che aveva amato e che ancora non riusciva a dimenticare non era un semplice borghese che rientrava da un viaggio all’estero? Forse però quella era semplicemente l’idea che lei si era fatta di lui, dopotutto Jacques non le aveva mai detto chi fosse realmente. «Cosa c’è?» domandò Jeanne vedendo l’amica ancora immobile e visibilmente sconvolta. Poi alzò lo sguardo anche lei e vide quel giovane bellissimo e riccamente vestito che fissava l’amica. Se però a lei quel volto non diceva nulla, diversamente fu quando il suo sguardo si spostò sull’altro uomo che intanto aveva raggiunto Jacques e si era fermato accanto a lui. «Oh mio Dio» mormorò Jeanne. La situazione che si era creata aveva qualcosa di surreale. Isabelle, Jacques, Jeanne e Nicolas che si fissavano l’un l’altro lì, immobili su quella scalinata e con le prime fredde gocce di pioggia che cominciavano a cadere sui loro visi. Il rombo del tuono annunciò che il temporale era ormai arrivato. Sembrava che il tempo fosse congelato. Nessuno osava fare un gesto o pronunciare una parola. Infine fu Isabelle a parlare per prima. «Tu...qui?» riuscì a dire. Gli occhi azzurri di Jacques puntati in quelli verde smeraldo di lei. “Dio quanto è bella” pensò l’uomo avvicinandosi alla giovane che aveva lasciato due mesi prima. Vedere quegli occhi, quei lunghi capelli corvini legati in una treccia come ricordava di averli visti quella prima sera insieme alla locanda… e poi quel semplice vestito bordeaux che metteva in risalto il colore ambrato della sua pelle nonché le sue forme che ancora ricordava così bene. Il ricordo di loro due insieme era ancora troppo forte, troppo vivo in lui e quell’incontro non aveva fatto altro che riaccendere i suoi sentimenti e il suo desiderio. «Isabelle» fu tutto quello che l’uomo riuscì a dire. Aveva sceso gli ultimi gradini della lunga scalinata che ancora lo separavano da lei e se avesse allungato un braccio avrebbe potuto sfiorarle il viso con la mano...

The days when the Planning Commission was composed entirely of subject experts were long gone. Various political and social quotas had now to be filled. North, south, scheduled caste, woman, minority. In the era of coalitions, every constituent political party wanted to name a member. For the PM, himself a former deputy chairman, the Planning Commission had become the place where he could park a trusted aide.

With that said, Operation LUCKY-7 had its cut-out. The FSB’s Information Warfare Management Cell (IWMC) would create a false flag source to feed Assange the data taken from the DNC and any subsequent hacks through Guccifer 2.0. Assange was desperate to be relevant and the IWMC was going to create a new era where his own hatreds and agenda could be skillfully manipulated by the FSB’s active measures officers, while the cyber teams would keep him well fed. Assange was primed to do LUCKY-7’s bidding and now only needed the data they had stolen. WikiLeaks was now a wholly owned subsidiary of the FSB and essentially the cyber equivalent of a Laundromat, a Russian laundry —ready to clean and give a white appearance to the dirt.

Our neighbor, Hugo du Toit, was a very handsome Afrikaner, who, with his two sisters, was a close friend of Louis Botha, the first Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa, and also a close friend of General Jan Christiaan Smuts, the Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa from 1919 until 1924. He became a South African military leader during World War II. Although some accuse Smuts of having started apartheid, he later stood against it and was a force behind the founding of the United Nations. He is still considered one of the most eminent Afrikaners ever…. At his expansive farm house, Hugo had autographed photos of both men on his study wall. Parties were frequently held at my grandparents’ home and the thought of roasted turkeys and potatoes which Cherie had prepared, brings back warm memories of a delightful era, now lost forever.” The Colonial History of South Africa For many years South Africa was occupied primarily by Dutch farmers known as Boers who had first arrived in the Cape of Good Hope in 1652 when Jan van Riebeeck established the Dutch East India Company and later by British settlers who arrived in the Cape colony after the Napoleonic wars in the 1820’s, on board the sailing ships the Nautilus and the Chapman. For the most part the two got along like oil and water. After 1806, some of the Dutch-speaking settlers left the Cape Colony and trekked into the interior where they established the Boer Republics. There were many skirmishes between them, as well as with the native tribes. In 1877 after the First Boer War between the Dutch speaking farmers and the English, the Transvaal Boer republic was seized by Britain. Hostilities continued until the Second Boer War erupted in October of 1899, costing the British 22,000 lives. The Dutch speaking farmers, now called Afrikaners, lost 7,000 men and having been overrun by the English acknowledged British sovereignty by signing the peace agreement, known as the “Treaty of Vereeniging,” on May 31, 1902. Although this thumbnail sketch of South African history leaves much unsaid, the colonial lifestyle continued on for the privileged white ruling class until the white, pro-apartheid National Party, was peacefully ousted when the African National Congress won a special national election. Nelson Mandela was elected as the first black president on May 9, 1994. On May 10, 1994, Mandela was inaugurated as The Republic of South Africa's new freely elected President with Thabo Mbeki and F.W. De Klerk as his vice-presidents.

I, for one, dearly hope that a British prime minister will find the heart, and the spirit, to get on his or her knees at Jallianwala Bagh in 2019 and beg forgiveness from Indians in the name of his or her people for the unforgivable massacre

Business historian Simon Head, in his book Mindless: Why Smarter Machines Are Making Dumber Humans, writes that Amazon is a “prime example of how in the early twenty-first century, state-of-the-art information technologies can be used to re-create the harsh, driven capitalism of the pre–New Deal era.

With composites, it may be possible to use “paint-in-mold” techniques to prime or color a part while forming it, greatly simplifying the paint shop or eliminating it altogether.

Il sionismo, dalle prime fasi della sua evoluzione moderna sino alla creazione dello stato d'Israele, fece sempre appello a un'opinione pubblica europea, per la quale la classificazione dei territori d'oltremare e degli indigeni in classi inferiori era giusta e “naturale”. Ecco perché oggi ogni singolo stato o movimento di liberazione nelle ex colonie dell'Africa o dell'Asia comprende, si identifica e sostiene la lotta palestinese. In molti casi c'è un'indiscutibile coincidenza tra l'esperienza degli arabi palestinesi sotto il dominio sionista e la storia di quelle persone dalla pelle nera, gialla o scura che venivano descritte dagli imperialisti del XIX secolo come esseri inferiori e non propriamente umani.

Il sorriso di Helen mi tranquillizzò; in fondo era una delle persone che amava leggere per prima i miei lavori. Intinsi la punta nell'inchiostro e scrissi le prime parole: Il cuore rivelatore.

L'opera primaria di leader, di apripista e di creatrici principali non sempre porta a risultati positivi; è importante evitare una visione ingenua per cui tutto ciò che proviene dalle donne va bene. L'opera svolta dalle donne è fondamentale - e qui si esprime già un giudizio di valore - perché riguarda la vita, non è una primarietà "tecnica". Se il parametro di giudizio è lo schieramento etico per la vivibilità contro l'uccidibilità, allora questa primarietà risulta decisiva per l'affermazione della vita, tanto più oggi in un mondo in cui i messaggi di morte sono preminenti mentre quelli legati alla vita stentano, faticano ad affermarsi organicamente, anche se nell'esistenza prevalgono, altrimenti la nostra specie starebbe per estinguersi. Le donne sono state protagoniste anche di creazioni negative, come l'inizio di autoalienazione - comunque imparagonabile all'autoalienazione delle religioni monoteiste -, legata all'invenzione di una figura femminile al di sopra dell'umano, sacra, che regola sia il mondo naturale sia la comunità. Le donne come genere nella loro opera costante in favore della vita hanno agito anche con grandi difetti di coscienza, con una capacità universalizzante insufficiente, ad esempio concependo ed interpretando la forte tensione all'accudimento in chiave privatista, egoista, addirittura competitiva con altri gruppi umani. Possedere speciali facoltà creative non basta, queste vanno costantemente interpretate: il compiacere per esempio può essere inteso sia come "provare piacere con" sia, in senso negativo, fare qualcosa per far piacere ad altri, ai maschi in particolare, per ottenerne dei vantaggi. Per questo parliamo di fattualità e di potenzialità di una superiorità che per essere tale va scelta, non ha uno svolgimento predeterminato. Essa radica in una primarietà, in una primigenìa ricca e incompiuta ma anche largamente impedita, laddove l'incompiutezza è precedente all'instaurazione del patriarcato e con tutta probabilità è ciò che ha favorito la sua affermazione, e l'impedimento, questo sì, deriva dall'opera funesta del patriarcato che ha ostacolato il riconoscimento e lo svolgimento della primigenìa. Non è stato un impedimento assoluto, ci sono state tante eccezioni, per ora ne conosciamo soltanto una parte; nella storia del patriarcato ci sono state continue infrazioni da parte di donne che, in un modo o nell'altro, si sono sottratte, hanno scelto di essere differenti, spesso isolate, talvolta creando dei gruppi. Se l'essere prime da parte delle donne, se la primigenìa in tutte le sfere dell'esistenza fosse stata avversata e negata dai maschi fin dall'inizio la specie umana non si sarebbe affermata. È possibile rintracciare nel passato un riconoscimento elementare, intuitivo, ma determinante di questo prius e della sua naturalità (in questo caso il concetto di naturalità va inteso distinto da quello di natura umana). Con tutta probabilità le primitive e i primitivi ragionavano della natura e dell'umanità come di un unicum, delle donne e degli uomini come facenti parte della natura prima, non pienamente consapevoli della propria stessa emersione. Questo riconoscimento era intuitivo ma molto forte, tant'è vero che tutte le sacralizzazioni e poi le religioni sono nate al femminile e che anche le principali figure, i più importanti simboli e suggestioni delle religioni patriarcali sono femminili o sono reinterpretazioni di simboli legati alla figura femminile.

Because money is convertible into all other things, it infects them with the same feature, turning them into commodities—objects that, as long as they meet certain criteria, are seen as identical. All that matters is how many or how much. Money, says Seaford, 'promotes a sense of homogeneity among things in general.' All things are equal, because they can be sold for money, which can in turn be used to buy any other thing. In the commodity world, things are equal to the money that can replace them. Their primary attribute is their 'value'—an abstraction. I feel a distancing, a letdown, in the phrase, 'You can always buy another one.' Can you see how this promotes an antimaterialism, a detachment from the physical world in which each person, place, and thing is special, unique? No wonder Greek philosophers of this era [when modern money originated] began elevating the abstract over the real, culminating in Plato's invention of a world of perfect forms more real than the world of the senses. No wonder to this day we treat the physical world so cavalierly. No wonder, after two thousand years' immersion in the mentality of money, we have become so used to the replaceability of all things that we behave as if we could, if we wrecked the planet, simply buy a new one. [...] The development of monetary abstraction fits into a vast meta-historical context. Money could not have developed without a foundation of abstraction in the form of words and numbers. Already, number and label distance us from the real world and prime our minds to think abstractly. To use a noun already implies an identity among the many things so named; to say there are five of a thing makes each a unit. We begin to think of objects as representatives of a category, and not unique beings in themselves. So, while standard, generic categories didn't begin with money, money vastly accelerated their conceptual dominance. Moreover, the homogeneity of money accompanied the rapid development of standardized commodity goods for trade. Such standardization was crude in preindustrial times, but today manufactured objects are so nearly identical as to make the lie of money into the truth.

Because money is convertible into all other things, it infects them with the same feature, turning them into commodities—objects that, as long as they meet certain criteria, are seen as identical. All that matters is how many or how much. Money, says Seaford, 'promotes a sense of homogeneity among things in general.' All things are equal, because they can be sold for money, which can in turn be used to buy any other thing. In the commodity world, things are equal to the money that can replace them. Their primary attribute is their 'value'—an abstraction. I feel a distancing, a letdown, in the phrase, 'You can always buy another one.' Can you see how this promotes an antimaterialism, a detachment from the physical world in which each person, place, and thing is special, unique? No wonder Greek philosophers of this era [when modern money originated] began elevating the abstract over the real, culminating in Plato's invention of a world of perfect forms more real than the world of the senses. No wonder to this day we treat the physical world so cavalierly. No wonder, after two thousand years' immersion in the mentality of money, we have become so used to the replaceability of all things that we behave as if we could, if we wrecked the planet, simply buy a new one. [...] The development of monetary abstraction fits into a vast meta-historical context. Money could not have developed without a foundation of abstraction in the form of words and numbers. Already, number and label distance us from the real world and prime our minds to think abstractly. To use a noun already implies an identity among the many things so named; to say there are five of a thing makes each a unit. We begin to think of objects as representatives of a category, and not unique beings in themselves. So, while standard, generic categories didn't begin with money, money vastly accelerated their conceptual dominance. Moreover, the homogeneity of money accompanied the rapid development of standardized commodity goods for trade. Such standardization was crude in preindustrial times, but today manufactured objects are so nearly identical as to make the lie of money into the truth.

L'intimità perduta... A ripensarci in quest'inizio di insonnia, il rituale della lettura, ogni sera, ai piedi del suo letto, quando era piccolo - orario fisso e gesti immutabili - aveva qualcosa della preghiera. Quell'improvviso armistizio dopo il frastuono della giornata, quell'incontro al di là di ogni contingenza, quel momento di silenzio raccolto che precede le prime parole del racconto, la nostra voce finalmente identica a se stessa, la liturgia degli episodi... Sì, la storia letta ogni sera assolveva la più bella funzione della preghiera, la più disinteressata, la meno speculativa, e che concerne solamente gli uomini: il perdono delle offese. Non confessavamo nessun peccato, non cercavamo di conquistarci nessuna fetta di eternità, era un momento di comunione, tra di noi, l'assoluzione del testo, un ritorno all'unico paradiso che valga: l'intimità. Senza saperlo, scoprivamo una delle funzioni essenziali del racconto e più in generale dell'arte, che è quella di imporre una tregua alla lotta degli uomini. L'amore ne usciva rinato. Era gratis.

In the January 2015 Greek general elections, a motley coalition of communists and anti-globalists came to power, grouped in a party called Syriza and headed by Alexis Tsipras, who at 40 was the country’s youngest prime minister in the modern era. Syriza had existed only since 2004, but in 2015 it won, and won big, chiefly on a platform of negation and repudiation. The party stood firmly against the European Union, the euro, austere budgets, debt payments, capitalism, the Germans, the banks, “the rich, the markets, the super-rich, the top 10 percent.”31 Syriza had promised what Greek voters wanted: the impossible. Reality intervened. By September 2015, the cranks and unrepentant radicals had been weeded out of the government. Greece remained in the EU, kept the euro, put up with austerity, and bowed respectfully to capitalists, the Germans, and the banks. The promise of radical change had devolved into stasis. Under the youthful communist Tsipras, conditions for the Greek public were similar to what they had been under his middle-aged conservative predecessor. Not surprisingly, support for the populist experiment Syriza represented has collapsed, while Tsipras’s ratings have “nosedived.

Enough contemplation of the government’s misdeeds: today, I thought to break my silence about how rogue prime ministers, incompetent cabinet ministers, corrupt bureaucrats, dishonest judges, and unkind military dictators bring me to an era of total breakdown.

prime example is Immanuel Kant, who wrote, “In the hot countries the human being matures earlier in all ways but does not reach the perfection of the temperate zones. Humanity exists in its greatest perfection in the white race. The yellow Indians have a smaller amount of Talent. The Negroes are lower and the lowest are a part of the American peoples.” Enslavers in the United States would go on to use these Enlightenment-era rationalizations to justify the perpetuation of slavery.

Cuando se quedaron solos los Delfines, Jacinta se despachó a su gusto con su marido, y tan cargada de razón estaba y tan firme y valerosa, que apenas pudo él contestarle, y sus triquiñuelas fueron armas impotentes y risibles contra la verdad que afluía de los labios de la ofendida consorte. Esta le hacía temblar con sus acerados juicios, y ya no era fácil que el habilidoso caballero triunfara de aquella alma tierna, cuya dialéctica solía debilitarse con la fuerza del cariño. Entonces se vio que la continuidad de los sufrimientos había destruido en Jacinta la estimación a su marido, y la ruina de la estimación arrastró consigo parte del amor, hallándose por fin este reducido a tan míseras proporciones, que casi no se le echaba de ver. La situación desairada en que esto le ponía, inflamaba más y más el orgullo de Santa Cruz, y ante el desdén no simulado, sino real y efectivo, que su mujer le mostraba, el pobre hombre padecía horriblemente, porque era para él muy triste, que a la víctima no le doliesen ya los golpes que recibía. No ser nadie en presencia de su mujer, no encontrar allí aquel refugio a que periódicamente estaba acostumbrado, le ponía de malísimo talante. Y era tal su confianza en la seguridad de aquel refugio, que al perderlo, experimentó por vez primera esa sensación tristísima de las irreparables pérdidas y del vacío de la vida, sensación que en plena juventud equivale al envejecer , en plena familia equivale al quedarse solo, y marca la hora en que lo mejor de la existencia se corre hacia atrás, quedando a la espalda los horizontes que antes estaban por delante. Claramente se lo dijo ella, con expresiva sinceridad en sus ojos, que nunca engañaban. When the Dauphins were left alone, Jacinta dealt with her husband in her own way; she was so right, so firm, and valiant that he could hardly retaliate, his petty tricks becoming mere laughable, impotent weapons against the truth that flowed from the lips of the wronged wife. She made him tremble with her steely judgements, and it was no longer easy for the clever gentleman to triumph over that tender soul whose dialectics had usually weakened under the force of his affection. Then it became evident that the continuity of Jacinta's suffering had destroyed her respect for her husband, and the ruins of that respect had destroyed some of her love, and then the greater part of it, until it was finally reduced to such miserable proportions that it was scarcely visible. The ungraceful position in which Santa Cruz found himself inflamed his pride all the more; and with this disdain – no longer disguised, but now real and effective – that his wife was showing him the poor man suffered horribly, because it was very sad for him that his blows could no longer hurt his victim. To be a nobody to his wife, not to find in her that periodic refuge to which he was accustomed, put him in a very bad frame of mind. And his confidence in the security of that refuge was such that, upon losing it, he experienced for the first time in his life that terrible sadness produced by irreparable losses and the emptiness of life; a sensation which in the prime of youth equals aging; when surrounded by one's family, equals loneliness; which convinces one that the best of life is behind, leaving one's back turned on the horizons that were once ahead. She told him so clearly, with expressive sincerity in her eyes, which never deceived.

Even as the country struggled with one domestic crisis after another, the prime minister sought to carve a place for himself on the international stage. He saw himself as the inheritor of Mahatma Gandhi’s non-violent legacy and an elder statesman with a global role to play in the postcolonial era.

In the earlier era, the subject of economics was geared to human needs. Now, the prime emphasis is on market behaviour and market outcomes based on choices under uncertainty and scarcity. The emphasis on choice behaviour subtly and inadvertently makes economics and most of its contents largely irrelevant for poor people.

Like many post-Soviet countries, during its first years of independence Ukraine underwent a major political crisis caused by economic decline and social dislocation and focused on relations between the presidency and parliament, both institutions having been created in the political turmoil of the last years of the Soviet Union. Russia resolved the conflict in September 1993 when President Yeltsin ordered tanks to fire on the Russian parliament building and the Russian authorities arrested Russia’s vice president and the head of parliament, both accused of instigating a coup against the president. Yeltsin’s advisers rewrote the constitution to limit the power of parliament, turning it into something more of a rubber stamp than an active agent in the Russian political scene. Ukraine resolved the emerging conflict between the president and parliament with a compromise. President Kravchuk agreed to call early presidential elections, which he lost, and in the summer of 1994 he peacefully transferred power to his successor, Leonid Kuchma, the former prime minister and erstwhile rocket designer heading Europe’s largest missile factory. Throughout the tumultuous 1990s, Ukraine not only managed its first transfer of power between two rivals for the presidency but also maintained competitive politics and created legal foundations for a viable democracy. In 1996, President Kuchma rewrote the Soviet-era constitution, but he did so together with parliament, which secured a major role for itself in the Ukrainian political process. One of the main reasons for Ukraine’s success as a democracy was its regional diversity—a legacy of both distant and more recent history that translated into political, economic, and cultural differences articulated in parliament and settled by negotiation in the political arena. The industrialized east became a stronghold of the revived Communist Party.

and United Klans began their ascendancy. Back then, the situation deteriorated until the governor had no choice but to order in the National Guard, which managed to halt the descent into chaos. But as traumatic as that era was, the destruction of Tranquility and Arcadia might bring worse. The South—even the nation—is already primed for an explosion. Memphis and Mission Hill saw to that. These arsons (and the bold note claiming them as justified actions) might provide the critical mass required for detonation. But what frightens me most is something less tangible. The common fealty to American ideals—a living principle that survived even the traumatic sixties and seventies—has withered to nothing during the brief span of years since my daughter left home

wondering how much my picture of the New Testament would change if I tried to look at it through the eyes of a believer from that era. You know, without thinking about it, we often assume they saw the world the same way we do today.” “True, but if we thought about it, we’d know they didn’t. It’s those unrealized assumptions that are hardest to guard against.” “Yeah, because if we knew we were making them, we wouldn’t.

Prime ministers and their offices hate minorities, as do the technocrats – whether public or private sector. Curiously enough, so do most commentators. They are all addicted to the corporatist or Mussolinian idea of efficiency. What this tells us is that the ability to examine pieces of legislation slowly, one by one, is probably even more important today in an era of technocracy; that is, an era when experts are resistant to being examined by generalists. There is now a desperate need to parse the mechanisms of power.

Quella era una fine d’anno speciale, dopotutto, e le speranze e i timori per il futuro di ognuno sembravano affiorare in quei pochi minuti che precedevano l’arrivo del nuovo secolo. Tenendosi per mano, gli ospiti si disposero a cerchio, pronti a intonare le dolci note di Auld Lang Syne, I bei tempi andati, come voleva un’antica tradizione britannica diffusasi anche nel Nuovo Mondo. Le spalle all’ingresso del salone, come gli altri emozionata e incerta per il domani, Camille prese posto tra i Campbell. «Sarà un fantastico secolo il 1900, Camille, e tu lo percorrerai a testa alta, mia cara» le disse Agnes sorridendole. «Due minuti, signori, due minuti!» urlò il giudice Harris. Le voci si alzarono festose, per poi morire di nuovo. Il grande cerchio era ora immobile, in silenziosa attesa. Anche i camerieri avevano interrotto il loro lavoro e l’orchestra taceva. «Trenta secondi al nuovo secolo!» «Venti secondi!» Camille all’improvviso sentì la testa girarle e il cuore battere impetuoso contro il petto: Mr Campbell, alla sua destra, aveva lasciato che un’altra mano, più forte e più grande, stringesse la sua. Non capiva di chi fosse quella mano, perché Agnes sorridesse, perché tutti, in quel cerchio festoso, la guardassero. O meglio, lo capiva perfettamente ma temeva che se si fosse girata, se avesse guardato l’uomo che aveva preso il posto di Mr Campbell nel cerchio, quel sogno si sarebbe interrotto. «Cinque secondi al nuovo secolo!» sentenziò il giudice Harris. «Quattro, tre, due, uno! Buon anno!» esclamarono tutti, all’unisono. L’orchestra intonò le prime battute di Auld Lang Syne e gli ospiti incominciarono a cantare. Camille si girò con lentezza infinita verso l’uomo che stringeva con forza e dolcezza e speranza la sua mano. L’uomo che la stava guardando sorridente, felice come un ragazzino. Era fradicio e aveva gli occhi lucidi. E cantava. Camille non disse nulla e si unì al coro, mentre lacrime di gioia le scivolavano sul viso. *** Quando la musica terminò il cerchio non si ruppe subito. Tutti rimasero immobili a osservare la scena che si svolgeva davanti a loro. Frank Raleigh, il solito anticonformista, gocciolante e vestito come un mandriano, se ne stava in ginocchio davanti a Miss Brontee con in mano un solitario dalle notevoli dimensioni. Nessuno ebbe dubbi su cosa le stesse chiedendo. Miss Brontee lo fissava a bocca aperta, gli occhi tondi di sorpresa, il petto che si alzava e si abbassava troppo in fretta, il volto pallido. «Allora, Miss Brontee, dite di sì a quel poveretto prima che si prenda una polmonite!» esclamò burbera un’anziana signora, rompendo la tensione di quel momento. Tutti scoppiarono a ridere. «Sì, Miss Brontee, ditegli di sì. Almeno metterà la testa a posto!» «Ti prego, Camille, dimmi di sì» implorò Frank in un sussurro. Camille deglutì, si guardò intorno come per chiedere consiglio ai presenti, incontrò lo sguardo di Agnes e di Mr Campbell, che insieme assentirono. Poi guardò Raleigh e semplicemente rispose: «Sì!» La sala esplose in una girandola di congratulazioni, poi altro champagne fu stappato e i brindisi al nuovo secolo e ai promessi sposi si rincorsero. Mr Raleigh, indifferente al centinaio di persone che li stava fissando, si era intanto rialzato e tenendo Miss Brontee stretta tra le braccia le mormorava parole che tutti i presenti avrebbero voluto udire ma che giunsero solo al cuore di Camille.

As former deputy head of the presidential administration, later deputy prime minister and then assistant to the President on foreign affairs, Surkov has directed Russian society like one great reality show. He claps once and a new political party appears. He claps again and creates Nashi, the Russian equivalent of the Hitler Youth, who are trained for street battles with potential prodemocracy supporters and burn books by unpatriotic writers on Red Square. As deputy head of the administration he would meet once a week with the heads of the television channels in his Kremlin office, instructing them on whom to attack and whom to defend, who is allowed on TV and who is banned, how the President is to be presented, and the very language and categories the country thinks and feels in. The Ostankino TV presenters, instructed by Surkov, pluck a theme (oligarchs, America, the Middle East) and speak for twenty minutes, hinting, nudging, winking, insinuating though rarely ever saying anything directly, repeating words like “them” and “the enemy” endlessly until they are imprinted on the mind. They repeat the great mantras of the era: the President is the President of “stability,” the antithesis to the era of “confusion and twilight” in the 1990s. “Stability”—the word is repeated again and again in a myriad seemingly irrelevant contexts until it echoes and tolls like a great bell and seems to mean everything good; anyone who opposes the President is an enemy of the great God of “stability.” “Effective manager,” a term quarried from Western corporate speak, is transmuted into a term to venerate the President as the most “effective manager” of all. “Effective” becomes the raison d’être for everything: Stalin was an “effective manager” who had to make sacrifices for the sake of being “effective.” The words trickle into the streets: “Our relationship is not effective” lovers tell each other when they break up. “Effective,” “stability”: no one can quite define what they actually mean, and as the city transforms and surges, everyone senses things are the very opposite of stable, and certainly nothing is “effective,” but the way Surkov and his puppets use them the words have taken on a life of their own and act like falling axes over anyone who is in any way disloyal.

Una delle prime risorse dello scrittore professionista che Isabella aveva imparato da me era l'arte e la pratica di procrastinare. Ogni veterano del mestiere sa che qualunque occupazione, dal temperare la matita al catalogare le ragnatele, ha la priorità al momento di sedersi alla scrivania per spremersi le meningi.

Zeph aveva scombinato tutti i suoi piani. Se le cose fossero andate com’era previsto che andassero, a quell’ora i vestiti di Scott sarebbero stati sparsi per tutta la casa insieme a quelli di Jason, e lui si sarebbe trovato aggrappato alle spalle dell’amico con la schiena contro un muro o il pavimento o, se fosse stato fortunato, contro la stoffa morbida che ricopriva il divano. Perché no, al letto non ci arrivavano mai.Jason non era un amante particolarmente generoso, come regola generale, ma conosceva Scott e il suo corpo quasi meglio del suo, e sapeva dove toccarlo per fargli vedere le stelle. Conosceva tutti i punti che lo facevano impazzire, come quei pochi centimetri di pelle dietro l’orecchio destro o la curva dei fianchi appena prima che diventassero gambe. Non aveva davvero mai lasciato Scott insoddisfatto, se non le prime, fallimentari volte. Ma a quell’epoca erano stati adolescenti e, procedendo per errori e tentativi, erano arrivati a capire come raggiungere reciproca soddisfazione. Non erano stati male nemmeno gli errori e i tentativi, a essere sinceri.Scott appoggiò la nuca sullo schienale del divano e fissò il soffitto, perdendosi nei ricordi. A volte era convinto che il sesso con Jason fosse tutto ciò che gli impediva di uscire di testa in quel posto ai margini del mondo. L’unica cosa reale. Jason era bollente e lo faceva sentire vivo

In Japan, meanwhile, the United States quickly moved to restore fascist-era leaders to power to ensure that Japan would not turn to socialism, and so that it would be a reliable ally in suppressing anticolonial movements in Korea, Vietnam, and Indonesia. The chief leader the United States selected to secure its interests in Japan and the Pacific was Nobusuke Kishi, also known as the “Shōwa (Emperor) era monster/devil”—the war criminal, famous for his brutality, who oversaw the use of coerced Korean and Chinese labor in Japan’s Manchurian munitions factories.22 The United States exonerated Kishi for his WWII-era war crimes, and he went on to serve two terms as Japan’s prime minister in the 1950s, becoming widely known as “America’s favorite war criminal.”23 In addition, the United States and Britain got busy right after WWII in helping to install and prop up fascist regimes in countries like Greece as a bulwark against Communism.

Prime Minister Najib’s father, himself a leader, but of another era, had envisioned Malaysia as a proud democracy. The success of Low’s scheme highlighted just how far the nation had strayed from that dream.

The assassination of Tsar Alexander II of Russia in March 1881 marked the beginning of an era of political assassinations that included the murders, in quick succession, of President Sadi Carnot of France in 1894; Spanish prime minister Canovas del Castillo in 1897; Empress Elizabeth of Austria and Queen of Hungary in 1898; King Humbert I of Italy in 1900; President William McKinley in 1901; and King Carlos I of Portugal and his heir apparent in 1908. And then, on June 28, 1914, at Sarajevo in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbian nationalists threw a bomb into the carriage of Archduke Franz Ferdinand, nephew and heir of Austria-Hungary’s Emperor Franz Joseph II, killing him and his young wife, Sophia.11 The scene was set for a world war.

Era un pomeriggio tiepido di fine marzo, una luce rosata inondava la strada e le prime foglie degli alberi brillavano di un verdolino quasi bianco, metallico. Erano foglie che non sapevano ancora del caldo torrido che avrebbero patito, dei temporali estivi brevi e improvvisi e dei venti autunnali che a un certo punto le avrebbero staccate dal ramo. C'era un'aria di quiete in giro, la quiete che apre la primavera e non ha niente della fine che poi sarà.

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But he did not stop with mouthing phrases. He readily agreed to sign on to the United Nations Democracy Fund launched by UN Secretary General Kofi Annan in 2005, sitting alongside President Bush, and offered Indian professional expertise in conducting elections, and in the use of electronic voting machines developed by India, to countries that sought such assistance. India had rarely identified itself with such democracy-related foreign policy initiatives in the Cold War era for fear of offending many Third-World potentates.

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