Moldova Quotes

Maybe I should give him a taste of the Bailey special.” “Cow tongue on toasted bread.” “No. it’s Moldova but with my hands on his chest.” “Don’t you fucking dare.” “You don’t want me to kiss him.” “Your call on that. But Moldova is mine.

E destul să treci dimineaţa un prag ca ceilalţi să spună că eşti plecat. Dar să treci o graniţă? În Moldova sunt plecată, în România sunt venită. Uneori îmi pare că trăiesc doar la mine în cap, şi acolo cu chirie.

They say that Good ultimately wins, OK! Sir, Agreed! but the win-loss record of Good vs. Evil is like population of (Moldova vs. China).

O, soare balcanic, revărsat peste văile şi dealurile moldave, o, acele iubiriscurte, scînteietoare, istovitoare, cît de mult aduceţi voi în scurta noastră trecere pe acest pămînt, şi cît de mult luaţi cu voi pentru a nu le mai întoarce niciodată...

Fear gripped me as my children and I arrived at the Ukraine-Moldova border crossing.

Ce să te mai spoveduiești? Ce-i să spui duhovnicului? că ești un tîlhar și un vînzător? Asta o știe toată Moldova.

Why would the Russians want Moldova? Because as the Carpathian Mountains curve round south-west to become the Transylvanian Alps, to the south-east is a plain leading down to the Black Sea. That plain can also be thought of as a flat corridor into Russia; and, just as the Russians would prefer to control the North European Plain at its narrow point in Poland, so they would like to control the plain by the Black Sea – also known as Moldova – in the region formerly known as Bessarabia.

Moldovans, most of whom will never be able to afford the products advertised—unless they sell a kidney. Joseph Epstein, in his book on envy, described the entire advertising industry as “a vast and intricate envy-producing machine.” In Moldova, all of that envy has nowhere to dissipate; it just accumulates, like so much toxic waste.

Yes, I will take Japan’s ersatz politeness over Moldova’s genuine rudeness any time. Thank you very much.

That's what we've been taught, this is the underpinning of all European culture-this firm belief that there are no secrets that won't sooner or later come to light. Who was it that said it? Jesus? No, Pascal, I think it was… so naïve. But this faith has been nurtured for centuries; it has sprouted its own mythology: the cranes of Ibycus, manuscripts don't burn. An ontological faith in the fundamental knowability of every human deed. The certainty that, as they now teach journalism majors, you can find everything on the Internet. As if the Library of Alexandria never existed. Or the Pogruzhalsky arson, when the whole historical section of the Academy of Sciences' Public Library, more than six-hundred thousand volumes, including the Central Council archives from 1918, went up in flames. That was in the summer of 1964; Mom was pregnant with me already, and almost for an entire month afterward, as she made her way to work at the Lavra, she would get off the trolleybus when it got close to the university and take the subway the rest of the way: above ground, the stench from the site of the fire made her nauseous. Artem said there were early printed volumes and even chronicles in that section-our entire Middle Ages went up in smoke, almost all of the pre-Muscovite era. The arsonist was convicted after a widely publicized trial, and then was sent to work in Moldova's State Archives: the war went on. And we comforted ourselves with "manuscripts don't burn." Oh, but they do burn. And cannot be restored.

Later, someone explained that in Moldova the relationship between host and guest is reversed. It is the guest’s obligation to make the host feel at ease. Reverse hospitality. One of the many peculiar customs in this country.

Understand, you wretched of the earth, we should strive to improve what we can. Here. Right here, in Moldova. We can clean our own houses; fix our own roads. We can trim our own shrubs and works the fields. We can stop gossiping, drinking and loafing. We can become kinder, more patient, more tender with each other. We can stop ripping pages out of library books and spitting on a cleanly swept floor. Quit deceiving. Start living honest lives. Italy- the real Italy- is in us ourselves!

If Russia is to survive its demographic Twilight, it must do nothing less than absorb in whole or in part some 11 countries — Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Belarus, Moldova, Ukraine, Georgia, Azerbaijan, and Armenia. This Twilight War will be a desperate, sprawling military conflict that will define European/Russian borderland for decades.

On the thirteenth day of the fifth month of the third year after the Day of the Girls, Tatiana Moskalev brings her wealth and her connections, a little less than half her army, and many of her weapons to a castle in the hills on the borders of Moldova. And there she declares a new kingdom, uniting the coastal lands between the old forests and the great inlets and thus, in effect, declaring war on four separate countries, including the Big Bear herself. She calls the new country Bessapara, after the ancient people who lived there and interpreted the sacred sayings of the priestesses on the mountaintops. The international community waits for the outcome. The consensus is that the state of Bessapara cannot hold on for long.

Sparing Putin any serious penalty for his assault on our democracy doesn’t just encourage further aggression, it tells the victims and potential victims of Russian aggression in Ukraine and Georgia, the Baltics, Poland, Moldova, and Montenegro, and in Russia itself, that the United States, the greatest power in the world, couldn’t be relied on to defend its own democracy.

The Moldovans have amassed a repertoire of expressions to blunt their despair or at least explain it away. One of the more popular is “ca la Moldova”: “This is Moldova.” It’s usually said plaintively, palms open. That and its companion “ce sa fac”—“What can I do?”—are employed when the bus breaks down, again, or the landlord demands an extra forty dollars a month in rent, just because.

Envy, that enemy of happiness, is rife in Moldova. It’s an especially virulent strain, one devoid of the driving ambition that usually accompanies envy. So the Moldovans get all of the downsides of envy without any of its benefits—namely, the thriving businesses and towering buildings erected by ambitious men and women out to prove they are better than everyone else. Moldovans derive more pleasure from their neighbor’s failure than their own success. I can’t imagine anything less happy.

All around me, I see misery. A blind man with sunglasses and cane, like some caricature of a blind man, hobbling down the street. An old woman hunched over so far that her torso is nearly parallel to the ground. I hear someone sobbing behind me, and turn to see a middle-aged woman with dark hair, her eyes red from crying. I wonder, though: Is this place really so miserable, or have I fallen prey to what social scientists call confirmation bias? I expect Moldova to be miserable, so I see misery everywhere.

When I tasted her brine, I was hit with a feeling of timelessness, as though this had all happened before, somewhere as far back as our ancestors in Russia or Lithuanian or Poland or Moldova. We were two shtetl Jewish women reincarnated, two women who had known each other and been lovers in a past life. I felt that all that had ever happened before was happening right now would happen forever. There was a love that had always existed between women. It would continue to exist. We were propagating that love. It was radiating out my apartment windows, through the city, across the canyons, over the hills, and into the night sky.

A tisztviselő továbbította az aktát feletteseihez, akik ezt az ügyet – mivel hasonló eset még nem fordult elő a praxisukban, tehát önálló döntést igényelt volna – azonnal felvették a Kihalási Jegyzékre. Az ezen jegyzéken szereplő ügyekben csak az ügyfél halálával remélhető megoldás, addig a leggondosabban fektetni kell őket, az irattár kezelője a dossziét fedő porréteg vastagsága után kapta a prémiumát.

The secret—to being you, to being Happy?” “Just keep on smiling. Even when you’re sad. Keep on smiling.” Not the most profound advice, admittedly. But Happy is wise, for only a fool or a philosopher would make sweeping generalizations about the nature of happiness. I am no philosopher, so here goes: Money matters, but less than we think and not in the way that we think. Family is important. So are friends. Envy is toxic. So is excessive thinking. Beaches are optional. Trust is not. Neither is gratitude. To venture any further, though, is to enter treacherous waters. A slippery seal, happiness is. On the road, I encountered bushels of inconsistencies. The Swiss are uptight and happy. The Thais are laid-back and happy. Icelanders find joy in their binge drinking, Moldovans only misery. Maybe an Indian mind can digest these contradictions, but mine can’t. Exasperated, I call one of the leading happiness researchers, John Helliwell. Perhaps he has some answers. “It’s simple,” he says. “There’s more than one path to happiness.” Of course. How could I have missed it? Tolstoy turned on his head. All miserable countries are alike; happy ones are happy in their own ways. It’s worth considering carbon. We wouldn’t be here without it. Carbon is the basis of all life, happy and otherwise. Carbon is also a chameleon atom. Assemble it one way—in tight, interlocking rows—and you have a diamond. Assemble it another way—a disorganized jumble—and you have a handful of soot. The arranging makes all the difference. Places are the same. It’s not the elements that matter so much as how they’re arranged and in which proportions. Arrange them one way, and you have Switzerland. Arrange them another way, and you have Moldova. Getting the balance right is important. Qatar has too much money and not enough culture. It has no way of absorbing all that cash. And then there is Iceland: a country that has no right to be happy yet is. Iceland gets the balance right. A small country but a cosmopolitan one. Dark and light. Efficient and laid-back. American gumption married to European social responsibility. A perfect, happy arrangement. The glue that holds the entire enterprise together is culture. It makes all the difference. I have some nagging doubts about my journey. I didn’t make it everywhere. Yet my doubts extend beyond matters of itinerary. I wonder if happiness is really the highest good, as Aristotle believed. Maybe Guru-ji, Sri Sri Ravi Shankar, is right. Maybe love is more important than happiness. Certainly, there are times when happiness seems beside the point. Ask a single, working mother if she is happy, and she’s likely to reply, “You’re not asking the right question.” Yes, we want to be happy but for the right reasons, and,

Anna Chapman was born Anna Vasil’yevna Kushchyenko, in Volgograd, formally Stalingrad, Russia, an important Russian industrial city. During the Battle of Stalingrad in World War II, the city became famous for its resistance against the German Army. As a matter of personal history, I had an uncle, by marriage that was killed in this battle. Many historians consider the battle of Stalingrad the largest and bloodiest battle in the history of warfare. Anna earned her master's degree in economics in Moscow. Her father at the time was employed by the Soviet embassy in Nairobi, Kenya, where he allegedly was a senior KGB agent. After her marriage to Alex Chapman, Anna became a British subject and held a British passport. For a time Alex and Anna lived in London where among other places, she worked for Barclays Bank. In 2009 Anna Chapman left her husband and London, and moved to New York City, living at 20 Exchange Place, in the Wall Street area of downtown Manhattan. In 2009, after a slow start, she enlarged her real-estate business, having as many as 50 employees. Chapman, using her real name worked in the Russian “Illegals Program,” a group of sleeper agents, when an undercover FBI agent, in a New York coffee shop, offered to get her a fake passport, which she accepted. On her father’s advice she handed the passport over to the NYPD, however it still led to her arrest. Ten Russian agents including Anna Chapman were arrested, after having been observed for years, on charges which included money laundering and suspicion of spying for Russia. This led to the largest prisoner swap between the United States and Russia since 1986. On July 8, 2010 the swap was completed at the Vienna International Airport. Five days later the British Home Office revoked Anna’s citizenship preventing her return to England. In December of 2010 Anna Chapman reappeared when she was appointed to the public council of the Young Guard of United Russia, where she was involved in the education of young people. The following month Chapman began hosting a weekly TV show in Russia called Secrets of the World and in June of 2011 she was appointed as editor of Venture Business News magazine. In 2012, the FBI released information that Anna Chapman attempted to snare a senior member of President Barack Obama's cabinet, in what was termed a “Honey Trap.” After the 2008 financial meltdown, sources suggest that Anna may have targeted the dapper Peter Orzag, who was divorced in 2006 and served as Special Assistant to the President, for Economic Policy. Between 2007 and 2010 he was involved in the drafting of the federal budget for the Obama Administration and may have been an appealing target to the FSB, the Russian Intelligence Agency. During Orzag’s time as a federal employee, he frequently came to New York City, where associating with Anna could have been a natural fit, considering her financial and economics background. Coincidently, Orzag resigned from his federal position the same month that Chapman was arrested. Following this, Orzag took a job at Citigroup as Vice President of Global Banking. In 2009, he fathered a child with his former girlfriend, Claire Milonas, the daughter of Greek shipping executive, Spiros Milonas, chairman and President of Ionian Management Inc. In September of 2010, Orzag married Bianna Golodryga, the popular news and finance anchor at Yahoo and a contributor to MSNBC's Morning Joe. She also had co-anchored the weekend edition of ABC's Good Morning America. Not surprisingly Bianna was born in in Moldova, Soviet Union, and in 1980, her family moved to Houston, Texas. She graduated from the University of Texas at Austin, with a degree in Russian/East European & Eurasian studies and has a minor in economics. They have two children. Yes, she is fluent in Russian! Presently Orszag is a banker and economist, and a Vice Chairman of investment banking and Managing Director at Lazard.

I don't see what great things Russia could offer these countries. You can certainly try to court members of the political elite. You can sound the call of the old Orthodox solidarity, as is being attempted in Moldova, Bulgaria, Serbia and also Greece. But Moscow cannot "save" Greece if it goes bankrupt, nor can Moscow draw the country permanently into its orbit. Intensive efforts are being made at cobbling together a network of old left-wing and new right-wing groups, platforms and media. There's also the phantom-like launch of the "Eurasia" project - as a counter to Europe's transatlantic relations. Politically, however, that's all largely destructive and hot air.

Keep harping on about how Europe’s close to accepting you,” the American ambassador to Moldova suggested coldly to the president, when the latter came to ask for a loan. “They’ll grab onto that like a rabbit after a carrot. But I’m sorry. I cannot give you any money.

At the end of 1943, the Romanians became aware that their German protectors were slowly approaching defeat. The siguranta commissar and his wife came to our house and requested me to teach them English. I used to go after work, for an hour, to teach them. They turned out to be intelligent, well-meaning people. His sister was married to a Jew, in the Old Kingdom. (The two original Romanian provinces were: Muntenia with the capital Bucharest and Moldova with the capital Iassy). These two provinces were called the Old Kingdom or Regat. All the other provinces were attached in 1918, after the defeat of the Austro-Hungarian empire. The Andreescu family had always had dealings with Jews and had few prejudices.

Unhappy Places According to World Values Surveys from 1995 to 2007, the 10 unhappiest places on Earth are: 1. Zimbabwe, 2. Armenia, 3. Moldova, 4. Belarus, 5. Ukraine, 6. Albania, 7. Iraq, 8. Bulgaria, 9. Georgia, 10. Russia.

Vasyl Byku counts off on his fingers: “My great-great-grandparents were born in Moldova, my great-grandparents in Romania, my grandparents in Austria, and my parents in the Soviet Union—as was I. But my family never moved anywhere!” he laughs. Vama

Post-Soviet Russia was a Eurasian empire rather than a European state. Preoccupied with violent rebellions in the Caucasus, it was maintained at a distance from the rest of Europe by the new buffer states of Belarus, Ukraine and Moldova as well as by its own increasingly illiberal domestic politics.

If Ukraine refused to follow the Russian “federalization” scenario, there was another option: the partition of the country by turning eastern and southern Ukraine into a new buffer state. A Russian-controlled polity called New Russia was supposed to include Kharkiv, Luhansk, Donetsk, Dnipropetrovsk, Zaporizhia, Mykolaiv, Kherson, and Odesa oblasts, allowing Russia overland access to the newly annexed Crimea and the Russian-controlled Transnistria region of Moldova. It did not look plausible, as in April 2014 only 15 percent of the population of the projected New Russia supported unification with Russia, while 70 percent were opposed. But the southeast was not homogenous. Pro-Russian sentiment was quite high in the industrial Donbas region of eastern Ukraine, where 30 percent of those polled supported unification with Russia, and low in Dnipropetrovsk oblast, where supporters of Russia accounted for less than 7 percent of the population.

Yovanovitch took the Russian threat very seriously. Speaking late in 2021 before the war on Ukraine, she said: “Russia is a historically expansionist empire. And Putin is a bully. And if we let him get away with it as we did in 2014, as we did in Georgia in 2008, as we did with Moldova, it’s just going to continue.” She also undertook, because it was US policy, to call out corruption and to encourage reforms from the Ukrainian government.

Rodeaban la cartuja judías desaliñadas con los zapatos en chancleta, arnaútes con sus ropas pintorescas, esbeltas moldovas llevando en brazos a niños con ojos muy negros. Los hombres guardaban silencio y las mujeres, inquietas, esperaban algo

Izolarea la care au fost supuși basarabenii în timpul regimului țarist a făcut ca aceștia să nu fie pregătiți pentru evenimentele care au avut loc în anii 1917‑1918. După cum am văzut în capitolele precedente, unii dintre ei se „deșteptau“ în timpul studiilor din marile orașe ale Imperiului Rus, când luau exemplu de la estonieni, polonezi, ucraineni etc. Văzând că aceștia vorbeau în propria limbă, aveau un cult pentru propriii lor scriitori etc., moldovenii au început să aibă idealuri precum introducerea limbii române în școală, biserică și administrație sau chiar proclamarea unei autonomii locale în Basarabia. Acestor idealuri li se adăuga, sub influența mișcărilor socialiste din Rusia, necesitatea de a dobândi „pământ și voie“, cum spuneau ei, ceea ce se traducea prin introducerea votului universal și realizarea unei reforme agrare. În special aceste două deziderate îi mobilizau pe moldoveni, iar pământul era cerința cea mai importantă pentru ei. În ceea ce privește unirea cu România, aceasta nu exista în lista de deziderate ale elitei basarabene în 1917, cu mici excepții. Atașamentul față de Rusia era unul puternic, moldovenii considerând că problemele pe care le întâmpinau se datorau doar regimului țarist. Guvernul provizoriu sau „vremelnica stăpânire“, cum i se spunea, avea o componentă socialistă solidă, ceea ce le dădea încredere românilor din Basarabia că viitorul le va aduce realizarea reformelor sociale de care aveau nevoie. Pe de altă parte, majoritatea moldovenilor nici nu erau conștienți de apartenența lor la poporul român, mulți aflând de acest lucru cu ocazia intrării în contact cu frații lor de peste Prut, pe frontul din România. În plus, chiar dacă unii ar fi vrut, în sinea lor, ca Basarabia să se unească cu România, acest lucru părea imposibil din moment ce România era aliată cu Rusia în război.

On August 29, I flew from Kiev to Moldova and Belarus, continuing my travels in the former republics of the USSR. I wanted to show Russia we had a sustained focus on its periphery and were not content simply to leave these struggling states to contend with Moscow alone. Had I stayed in the White House longer, I had more substantive plans for US relations with the former Soviet states, but that was not to be. Particularly in Minsk, despite Alexander Lukashenko’s less-than-stellar human-rights record, I wanted to prove the US would not simply watch Belarus be reabsorbed by Russia, which Putin seemed to be seriously considering. One aspect of my strategy was a meeting the Poles arranged in Warsaw on Saturday, August 31, among the national security advisors of Poland, Belarus, Ukraine, and the United States. Let the Kremlin think about that one for a while. I obviously had much more in mind than just having additional meetings, but this was one that would signal other former Soviet republics that neither we nor they had to be passive when faced with Russian belligerence or threats to their internal governance. There was plenty we could all do diplomatically as well as militarily. After I resigned, the Administration and others seemed to be moving in a similar direction.18

Originea familiei Miclescu este un subiect încă deschis. Oficial, întemeietor al acestui neam este considerat a fi Ionașco diacul din Gugești, trăitor la sfârșitul secolului al XVI-lea și începutul secolului al XVII-lea, al cărui fiu, Gligorie, a avut în stăpânire satul Miclești, iar urmașii săi au adoptat numele Miclescu de la această moșie. De la aceștia și până în zilele noastre există o continuitate clară de la o generație la alta, demonstrată de documente. Rădăcinile familiei sunt însă mult mai vechi și merg probabil până în secolul al XIV-lea. Apar însă pe parcurs câteva incertitudini, iar istoricii și genealogiștii au lansat de-a lungul timpului mai multe supoziții, făcând totodată o serie de confuzii.

The three Baltic republics of the former Soviet Union, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, declined to join Russia in the successor Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) and became EU members in 2004. Among the states that stayed with the CIS, six could claim to be European: Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine, and Russia itself. They could therefore, if they came to fulfil the conditions of stable democracy and competitive market economy, apply for membership of the EU.

- Zimbrii mei, vă spun aşa: Că Moldova nu-i a mea. - Ştim, Mărite, asta-i bre, Nici a noastră nu mai e...

Every nation on the face of the earth has citizens who are endowed with great potentials. There is no nation in the world whose citizens are completely void of potentials. God never created any nation to be void of potentially great citizens. Not India, not the Central African Republic, not Afghanistan nor Moldova is completely void of citizens with potentials. From the kibera slum in Nairobi, Africa to the cubatao, sao Paolo, Brazil, and down to the Makoko slums in Lagos, there are people with great potentials.

And Italians aren’t as sneaky, rude, mean and lazy as we Moldovans are. They aren’t such knuckledragging knuckleheads. They even dress differently. Their clothes are just like their country. Happy and festive! The people are beautiful. They all sing Italy’s praises, because there’s what to sing about. Not like Moldova, which asks you for love, but is less of a motherland than a step-motherland!

Am vrut, fa, să-l prind pe Hitler... Să-l leg c-o postoroncă și să-l port desculț prin tot satul și să-l opresc la toată casa unde a fost ucis câte-un om, și să rog pe gospodari să-i deie câte-o bucățică de mălai și un pahar de apă... Să-l port așa, până ce-oi rămânea cu funia în mână și cu umbra lui legată de dânsa. Ori, dacă vrei, jupuiam pielea de pe dânsul și-ți făceam ție ciuboțele, că el așa a făcut cu alții... Ha-ha-ha!... Ba nu, mai bine legam umbra lui și o aruncam cu tot cu curmei în Nistru, să se înece, de istov... Ha-ha-ha!... Am vrut să-l prind! și, dacă vrei să știi, chiar l-am prins, dar i-am dat drumu'.. Adică l-am scăpat din mâini... Ha-ha-ha!... L-am scăpat. Țineți-l, oameni buni! Iacătă-l! Țineți-l... Trece pe la porțile voastre încălțat și dezlegat... Prindeți-l...

Moldovenii sunt afectivi, gândesc cu întârziere; bine, dar cu întârziere. Din această cauză, România nu a avut niciodată mari oameni politici născuți în Moldova. Ei sunt contemplativi, emotivi. Moldova a dăruit țării artiști, sfinți, savanți dar niciodată oameni de acțiune.