James K Polk Quotes

We've searched our database for all the quotes and captions related to James K Polk. Here they are! All 12 of them:

Although most Americans believed in Manifest Destiny, few could agree on exactly which lands the United States was supposed to govern.
Charles W. Carey Jr.
I love you, Sarah. For all eternity, I love you.
James K. Polk
The world has nothing to fear from military ambition in our Government.
James K. Polk
In particular, three slaveowning politicians loom large in our narrative as principal enablers of the territorial expansion of slavery and, consequently, of the slave-breeding industry: Thomas Jefferson, Andrew Jackson, and James K. Polk—a Virginian and two Tennesseans. All three were slaveholders, and like all slaveholders, their wealth was primarily stored in the form of captive human beings, so their entire financial base—personal, familial, social, and political—depended on
Ned Sublette (The American Slave Coast: A History of the Slave-Breeding Industry)
At the onset of the Civil War, our stolen bodies were worth four billion dollars, more than all of American industry, all of American railroads, workshops, and factories combined, and the prime product rendered by our stolen bodies—cotton—was America’s primary export. The richest men in America lived in the Mississippi River Valley, and they made their riches off our stolen bodies. Our bodies were held in bondage by the early presidents. Our bodies were traded from the White House by James K. Polk. Our bodies built the Capitol and the National Mall. The first shot of the Civil War was fired in South Carolina, where our bodies constituted the majority of human bodies in the state. Here is the motive for the great war. It’s not a secret.
Ta-Nehisi Coates (Between the World and Me)
In the incongruous role of the insurgent party-builder, he made crystal clear the whole host of inferences we have drawn from the experiences of Monroe and Polk: that innovation, however orthodox, is inherently destabilizing; that the purely constructive leadership project is an illusion; that the affiliated leader cannot assume independent ground without ultimately embracing the role of the heretic; that the only way ever to be president in your own right is to become yourself a great repudiator and set yourself directly against the bulwark of received power; that political disruption parallels presidential significance. Roosevelt's insight was not simply that new achievements do not rest securely on old foundations, but that to save the handiwork of his presidency he would have to reconstruct its political base.
Stephen Skowronek (The Politics Presidents Make: Leadership from John Adams to Bill Clinton)
the resources of the federal government to make a quality college education affordable for every American citizen who wants one. Allow the President to invade a neighboring nation, whenever he shall deem it necessary to repel an invasion, and you allow him to . . . make war at pleasure. —Lincoln, justifying his stand against President James K. Polk’s invasion of Mexico February 15, 1848
Donald T. Phillips (Lincoln on Leadership for Today: Abraham Lincoln's Approach to 21st-Century Issues)
At the onset of the Civil War, our stolen bodies were worth four billion dollars, more than all of American industry, all of American railroads, workshops, and factories combined, and the prime product rendered by our stolen bodies - cotton - was America's primary export. The richest men in America lived in the Mississippi River Valley, and they made their riches off our stolen bodies. Our bodies were held in bondage by the early presidents. Our bodies were traded from the White House by James K. Polk. Our bodies built the Capitol and the National Mall. The first shot of the Civil War was fired in South Carolina, where our bodies constituted the majority of human bodies in the state. Here is the motive for the great war.
Ta-Nehisi Coates (Between the World and Me)
As Coates notes in “The Case for Reparations”: The early American economy was built on slave labor. The Capitol and the White House were built by slaves. President James K. Polk traded slaves from the Oval Office. The laments about “black pathology,” the criticism of black family structures by pundits and intellectuals, ring hollow in a country whose existence was predicated on the torture of black fathers, on the rape of black mothers, on the sale of black children. An honest assessment of America’s relationship to the black family reveals the country to be not its nurturer but its destroyer. And this destruction did not end with slavery.6
Robin DiAngelo (White Fragility: Why It's So Hard for White People to Talk About Racism)
Coates notes in “The Case for Reparations”: The early American economy was built on slave labor. The Capitol and the White House were built by slaves. President James K. Polk traded slaves from the Oval Office. The laments about “black pathology,” the criticism of black family structures by pundits and intellectuals, ring hollow in a country whose existence was predicated on the torture of black fathers, on the rape of black mothers, on the sale of black children. An honest assessment of America’s relationship to the black family reveals the country to be not its nurturer but its destroyer. And this destruction did not end with slavery.6
Robin DiAngelo (White Fragility: Why It's So Hard for White People to Talk About Racism)
However, annexation was extremely popular throughout the South, and the issue was seized upon by former House Speaker and Tennessee Governor James K. Polk, whose strong support for bringing Texas into the Union propelled him to the Democratic nomination and the presidency.
Bruce Bartlett (Wrong on Race: The Democratic Party's Buried Past)
As Coates notes in “The Case for Reparations”: The early American economy was built on slave labor. The Capitol and the White House were built by slaves. President James K. Polk traded slaves from the Oval Office. The laments about “black pathology,” the criticism of black family structures by pundits and intellectuals, ring hollow in a country whose existence was predicated on the torture of black fathers, on the rape of black mothers, on the sale of black children. An honest assessment of America’s relationship to the black family reveals the country to be not its nurturer but its destroyer. And this destruction did not end with slavery.
Robin DiAngelo (White Fragility: Why It's So Hard for White People to Talk About Racism)