Famous Boris Quotes

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It's funny, I wonder why we like being praised. There's no money in it. Fame? How famous could we get? . . . Aren't humans absurd? I suppose we like praise for its own sake. The way children like ice cream. It's an inferiority complex, that's what it is. Praise assuages our insecurities. And ridiculously so.
Arkady Strugatsky
Ambrose Bierce’s famous description of politics as ‘the conduct of public affairs for private advantage’.
Peter Oborne (The Assault on Truth: Boris Johnson, Donald Trump and the Emergence of a New Moral Barbarism)
To Be the Famous..." To be the famous isn’t attractive, Not this could ever elevate, You needn’t to make your archive active, You needn’t your scripts to be all saved. Self-offering’s aimed by creation, But ballyhoo or cheap success, It is a shame, if worthless persons Are talks of towns’ populace. But you’ve to live without phony, To live such life that, after all, To gain love of the space symphony, And answer to the future’s call, And oft to leave gaps in your traces In fate, but in the papers, crooked, To mark the chapters and main places On margins of your being’s book, To fully sink in the unknown, And hide in it your own steps Like hide itself, if mist is grown, The whole landscape of the place. The others, by the living traces, Will pass your way through, bit by bit, But wins and losses of your battles You have not to discern on it. You’ve never – not by fate or folly – To lose an atom of your face, But – be alive, alive and only, Alive and only, till your last.
Boris Pasternak
A quote has an even more powerful effect if we presume not just a particular author behind it, but God, nature, the unconscious, labor, or difference. These are strong fetishes, each conjuring the powerful submedial in a particular way. Yet all of them must nonetheless be exchanged in a certain rhythm according to the laws of the medial economy. In order to create such fetishes, one does not have to use brilliant quotes by famous authors but can use anonymous quotes that stem from the author- less realm of the everyday, lowly, foreign, vulgar, aggressive, or stupid. Precisely such quotes produce the effect of medial sincerity, that is, the revelation of a deeply submerged, hidden, medial plane on the familiar medial surface. It then appears as if this surface had been blasted open from the inside and that the respective quotes had sprung forth from the submedial interior—like aliens. All of this, of course, refers to the economy of the quote as a gift that can be offered, accepted, and reciprocated.
Boris Groys (Under Suspicion)
It was the eternal contest for reputation and prestige that encouraged Londoners to endow new hospitals or write great plays or crack the problem of longitude for the navy. No matter how agreeable your surroundings, you couldn’t get famous by sitting around in some village, and that is still true today. You need people to acknowledge what you have done; you need a gallery for the applause; and above all you need to know what everyone else is up to.
Boris Johnson (Johnson's Life of London: The People Who Made the City that Made the World)
Boris was famous for his bibliotherapy. He knew which books would mend a broken heart, what to read on a summer day, and which novel to choose for an adventurous escape.
Janet Skeslien Charles (The Paris Library)
themselves on the building's famous balcony. Millions more will watch the ceremony and celebrations on live television -- crowded around screens in their homes, at street parties in towns and villages and at major landmarks. Lawmakers are already lobbying London Mayor Boris Johnson to install a giant screen in the city's iconic Trafalgar Square. Britain's Foreign Office said royal officials had sent their regrets to Estibalis Chavez,
Anonymous
Diana had been finishing up a session with the Russian artist and mosaicist Boris Anrep at the National Gallery when the messenger arrived. Anrep had asked eleven friends to model for the nine Muses, plus Apollo and Dionysus, that he was depicting on a mosaic floor in the entryway to the famous museum. The chosen few were draped in togas and arranged in languid positions—Clive Bell as Dionysus, Virginia Woolf as Clio, Greta Garbo as Melpomene, and Diana as Polyhymnia, muse of sacred music and oratory, and so on—when a uniformed man clomped into the private
Marie Benedict (The Mitford Affair)
It was astounding to Cornelius to note that the events of 1994 had left no visible traces anywhere. Where on this avenue had they set up the famous Nyamirambo barricade? Was it there, right at the entrance to the Café des Grands Lacs, where there had been corpses that dogs and vultures came to devour? Only the city herself could have answered these questions he still couldn’t ask anyone. But the city refused to show her wounds. Besides, she didn’t have many.
Boubacar Boris Diop (Murambi, The Book of Bones)
THE SEA-GULL A PLAY IN FOUR ACTS First produced in 1896, The Seagull is generally considered to be Chekhov’s first major play. It dramatises the romantic and artistic conflicts between four characters: the famous middlebrow story writer Boris Trigorin, the ingénue Nina, the fading actress Irina Arkadina and her son the symbolist playwright Konstantin Tréplev — now regarded by many as the playwright greatest male role.
Anton Chekhov (Complete Works of Anton Chekhov)
Go to the US, and even though there are such huge and famous inequalities of wealth, you will also find a rich and varied sameness, a homogeneity from state to state. The UK is different. For decades London and the rest of the south-east have been way out in front, and too much of the rest of the country has been treated as a kind of economic afterthought, a long comet’s tail of underproductive streets and businesses like the one we were looking at.
Boris Johnson (Unleashed)
There was another belief, no less persistent and harmful, that nobody in the public eye would ever openly donate money to political causes. They would be afraid of reprisals, so it was better not to ask. It was far more effective to secretly approach some businessman who would give you cash under the table, or to just go straight to the presidential administration. I was sure that was wrong, and decided to prove it. In September 1011, I registered the Anti-Corruption Foundation as a nonprofit organization. All my individual projects now existed as parts of a single brand. I announced I would continue to raise money for the work of the ACF through crowdfunding, but this time I specifically called for famous people to become donors. After a few months I had sixteen public figures openly supporting me. Each one donated more than $10,000. They included the entrepreneur Boris Zimin; Sergei Guriev, an economist; Leonid Parfyonov, a journalist; and the writer Boris Akunin. Vladimir Ashurkoy, a financier, not only donated money but helped me enormously to get the whole thing organized. These sixteen brave people broke the very important social taboo that you should never fund a cause you believed in without prior permission. I had been planning to raise about 9 million rubles in the first year of ACF's existence and achieved that with ease. In 2019, the year before I was poisoned, we collected more than 80 million rubles, receiving tens of thousands of small donations of 100-500 rubles from all over the country. Our organization's underlying principle is transparency. That was important to me from the outset, for two reasons. First, because people would donate more readily if they knew what their money was being spent on, and second, because I wanted to be completely different from the state. The government is spending our taxes without any explanation. We have no influence over the budget's priorities, and do not even know exactly how the money is distributed. Russia has never seen a politician who was truly open in his approach. Even in the brief period in the 1990s when democrats were in power, it was considered normal to conceal your own resources and where they had come from. I wanted to do things differently. I published the details of my personal income and where my organization's money came from. Everyone knew what my wife and children looked like. All those people who were sending me donations were also sending an unambiguous signal to the authorities: they chose to donate to me because they could see what I was doing and how I spent the money, while the government officials kept everything hidden and often stole it. Despite the intimidation of donors, which began almost immediately-"Are you donating to Navalny? All transactions are recorded. Expect problems!"-thousands of people carried on sending us money. It always felt as if I were being sent a message: "We are ready to fight but need a leader; someone who is not afraid of the state and will not accept bribes. We believe that is the kind of person you are, which is why we are supporting you." I never drew a salary from the Anti-Corruption Foundation, and under no circumstances did I ever use donations for personal purposes. I decided there would be an unassailable Great Wall of China between my earnings and the organization's budget. I did, after all, have a job as a lawyer, so even while heading the ACF, I continued providing legal services, even though it may be true that some of my clients employed me as a way of supporting me.
Alexei Navalny (Patriot: A Memoir)