Civil Contractors Quotes

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Katrina was not unforeseeable. It was the result of a political structure that subcontracts its responsibility to private contractors and abdicates its responsibility altogether. —Harry Belafonte, American musician and civil rights activist, September 20052
Naomi Klein (The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism)
The only perfection available to you without compromise is that of intention and effort. If you endeavor to be the best pencil sharpener you can be, and tailor your actions accordingly, you can be certain all else will be forgiven in the final accounting.
David Rees (How to Sharpen Pencils: A Practical and Theoretical Treatise on the Artisanal Craft of Pencil Sharpening for Writers, Artists, Contractors, Flange Turners, Anglesmiths, & Civil Servants)
Over the last 30 odd years, Democrats have moved to the right and the right has moved into the mental hospital. So what we have is one perfectly good party for hedge fund managers, credit card companies, banks, defense contractors, big agriculture and the pharmaceutical lobby... That's the Democrats. And they sit across the aisle from a small group of religious lunatics, flat-earthers and civil war re-enactors who mostly communicate by AM radio and call themselves the Republicans and who actually worry that Obama is a socialist. Socialist? He's not even a liberal.
Bill Maher
The blast wave that passed through my sister’s office doubtless passed through devout Muslims, atheist Muslims, gay Muslims, funny Muslims, and lovestruck Muslims—not to mention Pakistani Christians, Chinese engineers, American security contractors, and Indian Sikhs. What civilization, then, did the bomb target? And from what civilization did it originate?
Mohsin Hamid (Discontent and Its Civilizations)
Like Barry before him, Diop complained that Chinese projects were negotiated with a total lack of transparency. “If we are paying for big projects we want them to include real transfer of technology and of expertise, but the Chinese bring all their own workers, and the few Guineans are reduced to the role of task boys. In one case we had here, a Chinese company was hired to build a bridge and they did most of their work at night, and they wouldn’t let anyone onto their site. Between the groundbreaking and inauguration ceremonies, they give out no information at all, nothing.” Diop said that his group and others in the civil society coalition had repeatedly tried to speak with Chinese contractors and Chinese diplomats to impress upon them the need to reconsider their approach to things in Guinea, but had been either patronized or turned away. “You go to see them and they say go see your minister, or go see your president, he’s the one who approved these arrangements.” I heard very similar language from disgruntled civil society figures virtually everywhere I traveled.
Howard W. French (China's Second Continent: How a Million Migrants Are Building a New Empire in Africa)
The word “collect” has a very special definition, according to the Department of Defense. It doesn’t mean collect; it means that a person looks at, or analyzes, the data. In 2013, Director of National Intelligence James Clapper likened the NSA’s trove of accumulated data to a library. All those books are stored on the shelves, but very few are actually read. “So the task for us in the interest of preserving security and preserving civil liberties and privacy is to be as precise as we possibly can be when we go in that library and look for the books that we need to open up and actually read.” Think of that friend of yours who has thousands of books in his house. According to this ridiculous definition, the only books he can claim to have collected are the ones he’s read. This is why Clapper asserts he didn’t lie in a Senate hearing when he replied “no” to the question “Does the NSA collect any type of data at all on millions or hundreds of millions of Americans?” From the military’s perspective, it’s not surveillance until a human being looks at the data, even if algorithms developed and implemented by defense personnel or contractors have analyzed it many times over.
Bruce Schneier (Data and Goliath: The Hidden Battles to Collect Your Data and Control Your World)
I could not help but marvel at the way in which the military had got stuck into trying to improve the lives of the Kirkukis. They were identifying priority projects in the province, tendering out work to local contractors, and managing large amounts of money. Tank commanders were working on economic development, paratroopers on governance, civil affairs officers on education. They were totally dedicated to the task at hand.
Emma Sky (The Unraveling: High Hopes and Missed Opportunities in Iraq)
Even relatively routine misconduct by Ferguson police officers can have significant consequences for the people whose rights are violated. For example, in the summer of 2012, a 32-year-old African-American man sat in his car cooling off after playing basketball in a Ferguson public park. An officer pulled up behind the man’s car, blocking him in, and demanded the man’s Social Security number and identification. Without any cause, the officer accused the man of being a pedophile, referring to the presence of children in the park, and ordered the man out of his car for a pat-down, although the officer had no reason to believe the man was armed. The officer also asked to search the man’s car. The man objected, citing his constitutional rights. In response, the officer arrested the man, reportedly at gunpoint, charging him with eight violations of Ferguson’s municipal code. One charge, Making a False Declaration, was for initially providing the short form of his first name (e.g., “Mike” instead of “Michael”), and an address which, although legitimate, was different from the one on his driver’s license. Another charge was for not wearing a seat belt, even though he was seated in a parked car. The officer also charged the man both with having an expired operator’s license, and with having no operator’s license in his possession. The man told us that, because of these charges, he lost his job as a contractor with the federal government that he had held for years.
U.S. Department of Justice (The Ferguson Report: Department of Justice Investigation of the Ferguson Police Department)
This is the problem with the gig economy, I think as I squirm around in the trunk. Everyone is so vulnerable and the rules for what constitutes civilized behavior--well, they're coming apart so quickly I've decided those rules were illusions all along. We have stopped seeing each other as people, as fellow travelers on this dying earth; we just see a gig or an economy.... The system is designed to keep us so depleted that we forget our sense of decency and become so mercenary about our own survival that we have nothing left to contribute to the common good.
Laura van den Berg (I Hold a Wolf by the Ears: Stories)
With his hopes fading of seeing his brothers criminally prosecuted, Bill Koch pressed an alternative legal strategy that stirred even greater problems for Koch Industries. In his own display of the family’s relentlessness, he filed a whistle-blower lawsuit against Koch Industries under the False Claims Act, accusing the company of stealing oil from government lands. A Civil War–era statute allows citizens to bring such qui tam suits in instances where they can prove that private contractors have defrauded the government. It was essentially the same case as the one that the Oklahoma grand jury had rejected, but the level of proof required in civil cases is lower.
Jane Mayer (Dark Money: The Hidden History of the Billionaires Behind the Rise of the Radical Right)
Need Teachers Not Cops (The Sonnet) The world needs less cops and more teachers, While cops enforce law, teachers instill accountability. Thus law enforcement only produces an illusion of order, It's the teachers who can create a crime-free society. If students are the future, teachers are future maker, So be civilized and focus on lifting teachers and students. Government of baboons invests in police 'n defense contracts, While a truly civilized government invests in education. Arm the teachers with books and students with sustenance, Then watch them accomplish the impossible future, A future of true lasting order, reform and harmony, Which a billion police cannot achieve in a billion years. Society that empowers teachers empowers peace. Society that empowers police empowers malice.
Abhijit Naskar (Himalayan Sonneteer: 100 Sonnets of Unsubmission)
Government of baboons invests in police 'n defense contracts, while a truly civilized government invests in education.
Abhijit Naskar (Himalayan Sonneteer: 100 Sonnets of Unsubmission)
To build his pyramid Cheops packed some pounds of rice into the stomachs of innumerable Egyptians and Israelites. We today would pack some pounds of coal inside steam boilers to do the same thing, and this might be cited as an instance of the superiority of modern civilization over ancient brute force. But when referred to the sun, our true standard of reference, the comparison is naught, because to produce these few pounds of coal required a thousand times more solar energy than to produce the few pounds of rice. We are simply taking advantage of an accidental circumstance. It took Cheops twenty years to build his pyramid, but if he had had a lot of Trustees, contractors, and newspaper reporters to worry him, he might not have finished it by that time. The advantages of modern engineering are in many ways over balanced by the disadvantages of modern civilization.
David McCullough (The Great Bridge: The Epic Story of the Building of the Brooklyn Bridge)
Quoting page 150-151: Political camouflage, needed by legislators eager to please civil rights and minority organizations while avoiding punishment by voters for supporting racial quotas, was provided by the bureaucratic obscurity of the government’s procurement process. Voters did not understand the complexities of government contracting and agency regulation. … The weaknesses of minority set-asides were chiefly two. First, they were indubitably racial and ethnic quotas, and hence were politically controversial. As government benefits tied to ancestry, they violated the classic liberal creed that Americans possessed equal individual rights. … Nonminority contractors were barred by their ancestry or their skin color from even bidding on contracts paid for by taxpayer dollars, including their own. Second, and less obviously, set-aside programs produced a common set of flaws in implementation. The most severe problem was the concentration of set-aside contracts on a few successful firms. Agency officials, needing to spend a large amount of money on minority procurement contractors every fiscal year, found very few minority contractors able to do the job. Four-fifths of all certified minority firms had no employees, their personnel roster consisting solely of the owner of the enterprise. As a consequence, agency set-aside contracts were typically concentrated on only a few firms large enough and sufficiently experienced to meet the terms of the contracts, providing constructing, street paving, computer services, military uniforms, or other goods and services. In 1990, for example, only fifty firms, representing less than 2 percent of the certified minority firms in the 8(a) program, accounted for 40 percent of the $4 billion awarded. … such firms never seemed to “graduate” from the set-aside program, weaned from the incubator and ready to compete in the normal marketplace of competitive government contracting. … Almost all the contracts were awarded on a no-bid or “sole source” basis; in fiscal 1991, for example, only 1.9 percent of the 4,576 contracts in the 8(a) program were awarded on a competitive basis.
Hugh Davis Graham (Collision Course: The Strange Convergence of Affirmative Action and Immigration Policy in America)
Five years into King Saud’s reign, the country was facing bankruptcy. Civil servants, soldiers, and contractors were not being paid. The American-owned oil company Aramco refused to make additional loans against future Saudi production.19 The Saudi Riyal was devalued by 50 percent, inflation soared, and there was labor unrest in the Eastern Province. By 1957, the kingdom was forced to seek a loan from the International Monetary Fund, which insisted on seeing the country’s first detailed budget. That financial plan sharply reduced royal family living expenses. Over the next six years privy-purse expenditures fell by two thirds. In Riyadh, many half-finished palaces were abandoned, and infuriated princes correctly blamed their distress on King Saud’s financial mismanagement.
David Rundell (Vision or Mirage: Saudi Arabia at the Crossroads)
We were told specifically that a defense contractor, associated with the Legacy Program, was in possession of UAP materials of nonhuman origin, made by some civilization from some distant planet. When Jay went to inquire for us, the contractor acknowledged that, yes, they were in possession of this material. They said they would give us access to it but first we needed to get permission from the secretary of the US Air Force.
Luis Elizondo (Imminent: Inside the Pentagon's Hunt for UFOs)
Since 1884 Bath Iron Works was incorporated by General Thomas W. Hyde who had served in the Union Army during the Civil War. At first the shipyard made iron hardware and windlasses for the wooden ships of the day but soon built warships for the United States Navy although it also started builting commercial vessels. The USS Machias a schooner rigged, steam driven, gunboat was one of two 190-foot (58 m) gunboats, first built by the company. It has been said that Chester Nimitz commanded the Machias during World War I, although this has not been substantiated. In 1892 the yard built their first commercial vessel, the 2,500-ton steel passenger steamer the SS City of Lowell. From these humble beginnings BIW became a major United States shipyard and has designed and built almost every type of naval vessel that the US Navy had or has, including the new stealth destroyers of the Zumwalt class. I first saw Bath Iron Works when I crossed the Kennebec River in 1952. I wrote about this in “Seawater One” describing how our bus crossed on the Carlton Lift Bridge and how I saw the USS Dealey (DE-1006) being built. During World War II, ships built at BIW were considered by Navy officers and sailors to be the toughest afloat, giving rise to the slogan "Bath-built is best-built." In 1995, BIW became a subsidiary of General Dynamics and at that time was the fifth-largest defense contractor in the world.
Hank Bracker
Illegal sand mining runs a wide gamut. At one end, it includes legitimate businesses overstepping the boundaries of their permits. In 2003, for instance, California filed a lawsuit41 against Hanson Aggregates, a global mining outfit, for unauthorized dredging of sand from the San Francisco Bay. “These sand pirates have enriched themselves by stealing from the state and ripping off taxpayers,” the state’s attorney general declared at the time. Hanson eventually settled, paying the state $42 million. At the other extreme are outright criminals, from petty thieves to well-organized gangs willing to kill to protect their sand business. In 2015, New York state authorities slapped a $700,000 fine on a Long Island contractor who had illegally gouged thousands of tons of sand from a 4.5-acre patch of land near the town of Holtsville and then refilled the pit with toxic waste. These “scoop and fill” operations have become common as the area’s legitimate sources of sand have been increasingly depleted, according to the New York State Department of Environmental Conservation.42 In other countries, the black market takes more dramatic forms. One of Israel’s most notorious gangsters, a man allegedly involved in a spate of recent car bombings, got his start stealing sand from public beaches. In Morocco, fully half the sand used for construction is estimated to be mined illegally; whole stretches of beach in that country are disappearing.
Vince Beiser (The World in a Grain: The Story of Sand and How It Transformed Civilization)
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The city, which was owned by an oligarchy of business men, being nominally ruled by the people, a huge army of graft was necessary for the purpose of effecting the transfer of power. Twice a year, in the spring and fall elections, millions of dollars were furnished by the business men and expended by this army; meetings were held and clever speakers were hired, bands played and rockets sizzled, tons of documents and reservoirs of drinks were distributed, and tens of thousands of votes were bought for cash. And this army of graft had, of course, to be maintained the year round. The leaders and organizers were maintained by the business men directly—aldermen and legislators by means of bribes, party officials out of the campaign funds, lobbyists and corporation lawyers in the form of salaries, contractors by means of jobs, labor union leaders by subsidies, and newspaper proprietors and editors by advertisements. The rank and file, however, were either foisted upon the city, or else lived off the population directly. There was the police department, and the fire and water departments, and the whole balance of the civil list, from the meanest office boy to the head of a city department; and for the horde who could find no room in these, there was the world of vice and crime, there was license to seduce, to swindle and plunder and prey. The law forbade Sunday drinking; and this had delivered the saloon-keepers into the hands of the police, and made an alliance between them necessary. The law forbade prostitution; and this had brought the “madames” into the combination. It was the same with the gambling-house keeper and the poolroom man, and the same with any other man or woman who had a means of getting “graft,” and was willing to pay over a share of it: the green-goods man and the highwayman, the pickpocket and the sneak thief, and the receiver of stolen goods, the seller of adulterated milk, of stale fruit and diseased meat, the proprietor of unsanitary tenements, the fake doctor and the usurer, the beggar and the “pushcart man,” the prize fighter and the professional slugger, the race-track “tout,” the procurer, the white-slave agent, and the expert seducer of young girls. All of these agencies of corruption were banded together, and leagued in blood brotherhood with the politician and the police; more often than not they were one and the same person,—the police captain would own the brothel he pretended to raid, the politician would open his headquarters in his saloon. “Hinkydink” or “Bathhouse John,” or others of that ilk, were proprietors of the most notorious dives in Chicago, and also the “gray wolves” of the city council, who gave away the streets of the city to the business men; and those who patronized their places were the gamblers and prize fighters who set the law at defiance, and the burglars and holdup men who kept the whole city in terror. On election day all these powers of vice and crime were one power; they could tell within one per cent what the vote of their district would be, and they could change it at an hour’s notice.
Upton Sinclair (The Jungle)
The city, which was owned by an oligarchy of business men, being nominally ruled by the people, a huge army of graft was necessary for the purpose of effecting the transfer of power. Twice a year, in the spring and fall elections, millions of dollars were furnished by the business men and expended by this army; meetings were held and clever speakers were hired, bands played and rockets sizzled, tons of documents and reservoirs of drinks were distributed, and tens of thousands of votes were bought for cash. And this army of graft had, of course, to be maintained the year round. The leaders and organizers were maintained by the business men directly—aldermen and legislators by means of bribes, party officials out of the campaign funds, lobbyists and corporation lawyers in the form of salaries, contractors by means of jobs, labor union leaders by subsidies, and newspaper proprietors and editors by advertisements. The rank and file, however, were either foisted upon the city, or else lived off the population directly. There was the police department, and the fire and water departments, and the whole balance of the civil list, from the meanest office boy to the head of a city department; and for the horde who could find no room in these, there was the world of vice and crime, there was license to seduce, to swindle and plunder and prey. The law forbade Sunday drinking; and this had delivered the saloon-keepers into the hands of the police, and made an alliance between them necessary. The law forbade prostitution; and this had brought the “madames” into the combination. It was the same with the gambling-house keeper and the poolroom man, and the same with any other man or woman who had a means of getting “graft,” and was willing to pay over a share of it: the green-goods man and the highwayman, the pickpocket and the sneak thief, and the receiver of stolen goods, the seller of adulterated milk, of stale fruit and diseased meat, the proprietor of unsanitary tenements, the fake doctor and the usurer, the beggar and the “pushcart man,” the prize fighter and the professional slugger, the race-track “tout,” the procurer, the white-slave agent, and the expert seducer of young girls. All of these agencies of corruption were banded together, and leagued in blood brotherhood with the politician and the police; more often than not they were one and the same person,—the police captain would own the brothel he pretended to raid, the politician would open his headquarters in his saloon. “Hinkydink” or “Bathhouse John,” or others of that ilk, were proprietors of the most notorious dives in Chicago, and also the “gray wolves” of the city council, who gave away the streets of the city to the business men; and those who patronized their places were the gamblers and prize fighters who set the law at defiance, and the burglars and holdup men who kept the whole city in terror. On election day all these powers of vice and crime were one power; they could tell within one per cent what the vote of their district would be, and they could change it at an hour’s notice.
Upton Sinclair
The city, which was owned by an oligarchy of business men, being nominally ruled by the people, a huge army of graft was necessary for the purpose of effecting the transfer of power. Twice a year, in the spring and fall elections, millions of dollars were furnished by the business men and expended by this army; meetings were held and clever speakers were hired, bands played and rockets sizzled, tons of documents and reservoirs of drinks were distributed, and tens of thousands of votes were bought for cash. And this army of graft had, of course, to be maintained the year round. The leaders and organizers were maintained by the business men directly—aldermen and legislators by means of bribes, party officials out of the campaign funds, lobbyists and corporation lawyers in the form of salaries, contractors by means of jobs, labor union leaders by subsidies, and newspaper proprietors and editors by advertisements. The rank and file, however, were either foisted upon the city, or else lived off the population directly. There was the police department, and the fire and water departments, and the whole balance of the civil list, from the meanest office boy to the head of a city department; and for the horde who could find no room in these, there was the world of vice and crime, there was license to seduce, to swindle and plunder and prey. The law forbade Sunday drinking; and this had delivered the saloon-keepers into the hands of the police, and made an alliance between them necessary. The law forbade prostitution; and this had brought the “madames” into the combination. It was the same with the gambling-house keeper and the poolroom man, and the same with any other man or woman who had a means of getting “graft,” and was willing to pay over a share of it: the green-goods man and the highwayman, the pickpocket and the sneak thief, and the receiver of stolen goods, the seller of adulterated milk, of stale fruit and diseased meat, the proprietor of unsanitary tenements, the fake doctor and the usurer, the beggar and the “pushcart man,” the prize fighter and the professional slugger, the race-track “tout,” the procurer, the white-slave agent, and the expert seducer of young girls. All of these agencies of corruption were banded together, and leagued in blood brotherhood with the politician and the police; more often than not they were one and the same person,—the police captain would own the brothel he pretended to raid, the politician would open his headquarters in his saloon. “Hinkydink” or “Bathhouse John,” or others of that ilk, were proprietors of the most notorious dives in Chicago, and also the “gray wolves” of the city council, who gave away the streets of the city to the business men; and those who patronized their places were the gamblers and prize fighters who set the law at defiance, and the burglars and holdup men who kept the whole city in terror. On election day all these powers of vice and crime were one power; they could tell within one per cent what the vote of their district would be, and they could change it at an hour’s notice.
Upton Sinclair (The Jungle)
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Javert took a pen and a sheet of paper, and began to write. This is what he wrote: A FEW OBSERVATIONS FOR THE GOOD OF THE SERVICE. “In the first place: I beg Monsieur le Préfet to cast his eyes on this. “Secondly: prisoners, on arriving after examination, take off their shoes and stand barefoot on the flagstones while they are being searched. Many of them cough on their return to prison. This entails hospital expenses. “Thirdly: the mode of keeping track of a man with relays of police agents from distance to distance, is good, but, on important occasions, it is requisite that at least two agents should never lose sight of each other, so that, in case one agent should, for any cause, grow weak in his service, the other may supervise him and take his place. “Fourthly: it is inexplicable why the special regulation of the prison of the Madelonettes interdicts the prisoner from having a chair, even by paying for it. “Fifthly: in the Madelonettes there are only two bars to the canteen, so that the canteen woman can touch the prisoners with her hand. “Sixthly: the prisoners called barkers, who summon the other prisoners to the parlor, force the prisoner to pay them two sous to call his name distinctly. This is a theft. “Seventhly: for a broken thread ten sous are withheld in the weaving shop; this is an abuse of the contractor, since the cloth is none the worse for it. “Eighthly: it is annoying for visitors to La Force to be obliged to traverse the boys’ court in order to reach the parlor of Sainte-Marie-l’Egyptienne. “Ninthly: it is a fact that any day gendarmes can be overheard relating in the courtyard of the prefecture the interrogations put by the magistrates to prisoners. For a gendarme, who should be sworn to secrecy, to repeat what he has heard in the examination room is a grave disorder. “Tenthly: Mme. Henry is an honest woman; her canteen is very neat; but it is bad to have a woman keep the wicket to the mousetrap of the secret cells. This is unworthy of the Conciergerie of a great civilization.” Javert wrote these lines in his calmest and most correct chirography, not omitting a single comma, and making the paper screech under his pen. Below the last line he signed: “Javert, “Inspector of the 1st class. “The Post of the Place du Châtelet. “June 7th, 1832, about one o’clock in the morning.
Victor Hugo (Les Miserables)
Why Buying Accounts Is a Faustian Bargain — and How to Do Verification Right Lead: a shortcut that ends at a dead end The internet is full of shortcuts—marketplaces, forums and DMs promising instant capability: a “verified” PayPal account, ready to go. For merchants in a hurry, freelancers needing instant payouts, and operators frustrated by onboarding friction, the offer is seductive. But beneath the veneer of convenience lie persistent hazards: legal peril, frozen funds, fraud, and reputational ruin. Understanding the anatomy of the risk is the first step toward doing payments properly. If you want more information just contact me now. 24 Hours Reply/Contact ✨WhatsApp:+1(272)4173584 ✨Telegram:@Seo2Smm0 The anatomy of the scam economy Markets that sell verified accounts thrive because verification is valuable. Verification confers trust and higher limits, and it is a resource that bad actors monetize. Typical modus operandi includes: Selling credentials with a caveat: the original owner retains the right to reclaim the account. Using stolen identification or forged documents to pass KYC. Briefly transferring funds through the account to make it look “active” before reclaiming it or laundering money through it. Embedding backdoors (saved 2FA backup codes, recovery email control) so the purchaser loses access when problems start. Those transactional structures shift immediate convenience into long-term liability. Legal and contractual liabilities PayPal’s User Agreement and Acceptable Use Policy prohibit account sharing, trafficking accounts, falsified identification, and using an account on behalf of someone else without lawful arrangements. Violations may trigger: Permanent account closure. Forfeiture of funds. Civil penalties or criminal investigation (fraud, money laundering, identity theft). Platform bans on e-commerce marketplaces that expect compliance. Even if a seller claims to “transfer” a verified account, the transfer almost always violates contract and law. Real-world consequences — case snapshots A small apparel retailer bought a “verified” PayPal account to avoid verification delays. Within two weeks the original controller reclaimed the account, initiated disputes, and withdrew funds; PayPal froze the account pending investigation. The retailer lost inventory, earnings and reputation while waiting for resolution. A contractor accepting client payments through a purchased account had charges reversed when the account owner disputed transactions. Clients were unpaid, and the contractor faced termination from marketplaces where they sold services. These are not hypothetical. They are predictable outcomes when identity, ownership, and money are decoupled. If you want reliability: insist on legitimate verification Verification exists to make your financial operations reliable, not to be commodified. The legitimate route gives you durable access, compliance protection, and fewer interruptions. Here’s a journalistically rigorous, step-by-step blueprint. 1. Choose the correct account type Decide whether you need a Personal or Business PayPal account. For merchants and recurring revenue operations, a Business account is essential: it enables merchant display names, multiple user access, invoicing, and business-oriented dispute tools. 2. Prepare authoritative documentation Gather high-quality scans or photos of: Government-issued ID for all account owners (passport, driver’s license). Proof of address (utility bill, bank statement) dated within the last three months. For businesses: articles of incorporation, business registration, tax numbers, and a bank account in the legal entity’s name. Quality and consistency matter: mismatched names between ID and bank account invite review.
Why Buying Accounts Is a Faustian Bargain — and How to Do Verification Right Verified PayPal Account
Buying “verified Zillow reviews”—a phrase that increasingly appears in underground marketplaces, anonymous forums, spam-filled social media groups, and low-credibility SEO blogs—is not only a fundamentally unethical practice but one that directly violates Zillow’s Terms of Service, undermines public trust, distorts the real-estate marketplace, encourages fraudulent behavior, and exposes buyers to legal, financial, cybersecurity, and reputational risks; Zillow, as one of the most influential U.S. real-estate platforms, depends heavily on authenticity, transparency, and verified consumer experiences to create a trustworthy home-buying and home-selling environment, and its review If you want more information, contact us now. 24 Hours Reply/Contact ➤E-mail: topusaproy@gmail.com ➤WhatsApp: +1 (314) 489-2815 ➤Telegram: @topusapro system is specifically designed to capture genuine interactions between clients and real-estate professionals; therefore, any attempt to buy, sell, manipulate, or fabricate “verified Zillow accounts” or “verified Zillow reviews” constitutes a direct attack on the integrity of the platform’s ecosystem—because Zillow verifies reviews through email authentication, service-interaction confirmation, transaction association, usage-pattern analysis, IP monitoring, and fraud-detection algorithms, making it impossible to legitimately transfer or sell a “verified” reviewing identity without violating platform rules and potentially breaking state and federal laws related to consumer deception and business misrepresentation; many who search for such accounts online are unaware that fake reviews—whether for restaurants, contractors, products, or real-estate professionals—are considered a form of market manipulation, and in the U.S. they fall under the jurisdiction of the Federal Trade Commission (FTC), which explicitly prohibits compensated or fabricated reviews that give misleading impressions of services or professionals; this means that any real-estate agent, property manager, landlord, investor, trainer, or marketing firm involved in purchasing fake Zillow accounts or artificial reviews could face investigations, fines, civil lawsuits, or disciplinary actions from state real-estate licensing boards for unethical conduct, false advertising, or professional misconduct; beyond legal and regulatory dangers, fake Zillow review accounts almost always originate from illegitimate sources—identity theft, scraped consumer databases, hacked email credentials, spam farms, or offshore click-worker networks—meaning a buyer is unknowingly participating in a global ecosystem of fraud and exploitation; sellers routinely recycle stolen email addresses, compromised passwords, or fabricated personas, and the accounts they advertise as “verified” are often linked to real victims who later may discover unauthorized reviews posted under their names, potentially triggering complaints, platform investigations, and further scrutiny; moreover, the supposed “verification” is usually a deception: Zillow’s fraud-detection tools frequently pinpoint patterns of inorganic activity such as unusual login locations, single-purpose accounts, repeated review phrasing, identical device fingerprints, suspicious timing clusters, and artificially coordinated feedback campaigns, resulting in immediate removal of the reviews, suspension of the agent’s profile, and permanent banning of the fraudulent accounts; buying such accounts is not only a waste of money due to the extremely short lifespan of these fabricated identities, but also a high-risk move that can destroy a professional’s credibility with clients, brokerages, and regional real-estate associations; reputational damage is particularly severe in real estate, where client trust is the foundation of long-term success—buyers and sellers rely heavily on Zillow reviews to assess honesty, negotiation ability
Buying “verified Zillow reviews”—a phrase that increasingly appears