America Chavez Quotes

Barack Obama is elected for another four-year term, he’ll be president for life. He’ll be the new Hugo Chavez. He’ll do away with the two-term limit and win the 2016 election with 90 percent of the vote. We have less than six months to make sure this doesn’t happen.

The Left’s great fight is with material inequality, not with evil as normally understood. Thus, the Left has always been less interested in fighting tyranny than in fighting inequality. That is why Leftist dictators—from Lenin to Mao to Pol Pot to Ho Chi Minh to Fidel Castro and Hugo Chavez—have had so much support from Leftists around the world. Many of these dictators were mass murderers, but to much of the world’s Left it was more important that they opposed material inequality (and America).

The coup that overthrew President Chavez of Venezuela in April 2002 was greeted with euphoria in Washington. The new president—a businessman—was instantly recognized and the hope expressed that stability and order would return to the country, thus creating the basis for solid future development. The New York Times editorialized in identical language. ... The coup was reversed three days later and Chavez then came back to power. The State Department soberly denied any prior knowledge about anything, saying it was all an internal matter. It was to be hoped that a peaceful, democratic, and constitutional solution to the difficulties would be arrived at, they said. The New York Times editorial followed suit, merely adding that perhaps it was not a good idea to embrace the overthrow of a democratically elected regime, however obnoxious, too readily if one of America's fundamental values was support for democracy.

The White House espionage group was responsible for killing 28 Black Panthers and other minority leaders. They also were determined to exterminate leaders inside the prison. Eldridge Cleaver, writer and Panther, fled to Algeria to avoid a prison sentence. Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms agents were making a deal with Sonny Barger, Hell’s Angels leader, to “bring Cleaver home dead in a box.” Larry Shears, the agent who exposed this arrangement, also revealed the plans of ATF to kill Cesar Chavez.47 This was at a time when John Caulfield and G. Gordon Liddy worked for the Treasury Department’s ATF. Tackwood stated at his 1971 press conference that the LAPD Criminal Conspiracy Section, with links to the CIA and FBI, had foreknowledge of the Judge Haley murder, Marin Courthouse shootout and the San Quentin killing of George Jackson. In line with murdering political leaders, writers and Black Panthers, George Jackson had been marked for death several years in advance of the shootout. Many prisoners were offered parole to kill or frame him. Refusal to comply brought more charges and punishments. Ronald Reagan, Governor of California, had information on the San Quentin killings on his desk four months in advance. But like other staged riots and acts of violence, this was meant to take place.

Left-wing populism made a strong showing primarily in parts of Latin America in the 1990s and 2000s, with the rise of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva in Brazil, and the Kirchners in Argentina. But this wave has already retreated, with the self-immolation of Venezuela under Chavez’s successor, Nicolás Maduro. The strong showings of Jeremy Corbyn in the United Kingdom and Bernie Sanders in the United States may be harbingers of a recovery, but parties of the left are nowhere the dominant forces they were through the late twentieth century.

And so the CSO was built, with Ross and Chavez crisscrossing the state to find people who were ready to fight.

I learned quite a bit from studying Gandhi,” Chavez later said, “but the first practical steps I learned from the best organizer I know, Fred Ross. He changed my life.”12

Returning to chapters also meant lighting a fire under leaders who had grown complacent. Without the guidance of Ross or Chavez, the shrunken membership often coalesced around a clique that had grown to like the status quo, as it allowed them to do little more than give speeches. The service program, Ross hoped, would force these leaders, however reluctantly, into action. “At first, we felt a little guilty about building up this intensive service program in the various chapters, and then leaving the leaders holding the bag,” he wrote. But he found that “once we have initiated the program and the people are aware of its value, they force the leaders to continue with it after we have gone.

Building stable chapters proved more difficult than Ross anticipated. Some chapters were sturdy. In Stockton and Bakersfield, leaders drove the work. But other seemed to begin to unravel the moment Ross or Cesar Chavez left town.

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The name ‘Chávez’ summons up fear in the minds of the old conservative elites throughout Latin America and alarm in the corridors of Washington, but it produces great hope and excitement in the ranks of Latin America’s poor, the huge majority of the continent’s population. Chávez has also become popular in other parts of the world, notably in the Middle East, where his hostility to the foreign wars of the United States and his sympathy for the Palestinian cause has won him many supporters.

One of the greatest challenges in organizing is getting through the inevitable flat points, those moments when momentum stalls and victories are forgotten. Sensing that such a moment had arrived, and taking a page from Mohandas Gandhi, Chavez gathered his supporters and announced that he had begun fasting as a means to recommit the union to nonviolence.

These one-off campaigns had never penetrated the country’s consciousness. But the new lettuce strike had galvanized the public—at least in the Bay Area—once again. “It was like going from an old bicycle to a motorcycle,” said Brown. “You hit the gas and took off.”23 In August, Ross and Brown coordinated a small twelve-day march led by Chavez from San Francisco to Salinas, where they were joined by another march, thousands strong, of farmworkers. A massive rally was held the following day. “Go out and win,” Governor Jerry Brown told the cheering crowd. “The victory is yours.”24

Fred taught me in organizing never to go to the so-called leadership, but to go right down to the grass roots and develop leaders there,” Chavez had once said.29

The Man Who Taught Chavez How to Organize,” finds Ross training a group of volunteers in Sacramento, where he goes over the finer points of handing out pro–Prop 14 bumper stickers: make the pitch to passersby in nine seconds, deal with any questions in forty-five seconds, and move along, avoiding what Ross calls “verbal diarrhea,” which a farmworker volunteer likens to a worker staying on a grape vine too long.

In the coming years, Chavez would continue to call on Ross for special projects, but the trip to Los Angeles represented a significant shift: for the rest of his working life, Ross’s time would largely be dedicated to training new organizers—first with the UFW and later, once Chavez abandoned organizing, with a variety of peace and social-justice groups. It was in these trainings, which could last for more than a month, that thousands of people were introduced to Ross’s rigorous method of organizing, in sessions he dubbed the “battle of the butcher paper.”5

Ross typically began his trainings by reviewing the history of agriculture in California, explaining the many failed efforts to organize farmworkers and then Chavez’s rise from the dusty barrio of Sal Si Puedes to helm a movement that finally challenged the power of growers. For Ross, mastery of this history was critical. Organizers were storytellers, and the story they told needed to be compelling and urgent, with the long history of oppression and struggle flowing into the point of the present moment, when the support of outsiders would decide whether farmworkers would live with dignity or once again suffer at the hands of greedy growers.