Zia Ul Haq Quotes

With Zia's controversial demise in 1988, Jinnah was finally spared the false beard Zia kept pinning on the founder's otherwise clean-shaven face.

In Pakistan both branches [of the Ahmadis] fell to persecutions, sanction by the state in 1984 with General Zia Ul-Haq's Ordinance XX, which forbade Ahmadis of either branch from calling themselves Muslims, their religion Islam, or their temples mosques. Under penalty of law, they could not perform the call to pryaer, pray in the manner of Muslims, quote the Qur'an or hadith, greet each other with "as-salamu alaikum," or receite the shahadah... In the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, it was illegal for some people to say, "There is no god but Allah and Muhammad is his Messenger.

Zia perished in 1988

Beginning with Liaquat, moving forward with Ayub Khan and culminating with Zia-ul-Haq, Pakistan’s leaders proceeded to delineate a ‘noble and eternal’ ideology that would give Pakistan ‘a tremendous power of cohesion and resistance’, insisting that it was on the basis of Islam ‘that we fought for and got Pakistan’. Islam, hostility to India, and the Urdu language were identified as the cornerstones of this new national ideology.

Again historical antecedents played a part. There was dissent from the beginning. Jinnah’s claim to be the ‘sole spokesman’ for Muslims had vied with Maulana Mawdudi’s authoritarian reading of a ‘holy community of Islam’. In turn, General Ayub Khan (1958-68), in collaboration with various pirs (Muslim holy men), competed with the revivalist Jamaat-i-Islami to gain a monopoly over the discourse of ‘modernist’ Islam. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, the Awami League’s espousal of ‘Bengali Islam’ stood (again mainly versus the Jamaat-i-Islami) in opposition to the authority of ‘Pakistani Islam’. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto (1972-77), championed ‘folk Islam’, again in collaboration with an assortment of mainly Sindhi pirs, to challenge the dominance of ‘scripturalist Islam’, advocated both by the Jamaat-i-Islami as well as by sections of the country’s modernizing elite. Later, General Zia ul Haq (1977-88), who initially worked with but then against the Jamaat, favoured a ‘legalist’ interpretation of Islam with a strong punitive bias that aimed to stem both its popular as well as its modernist expressions. In time it strengthened the hold of an ulama-inspired, ‘shariatized Islam’ which, by the 1990s, openly challenged the legitimacy of the nation-state and further aggravated Pakistan’s consensus problem.

Victimizing or killing is not as painful as remaining silent about victimizing or killing.” ― Ehsan Sehgal Ehsan Sehgal, a Pakistani-born Dutch poet, author, journalist, and scholar, has expressed profound disillusionment with the global community’s inaction toward his suffering, despite his numerous appeals. His poignant quote, “Victimizing or killing is not as painful as remaining silent about victimizing or killing,” underscores his deep sense of abandonment and injustice.​conservapedia.com+1LinkedIn+1 Born on November 15, 1951, in Larkana, Pakistan, Sehgal has been a staunch advocate for democracy, freedom of the press, and freedom of speech. In 1978, he sought political asylum in the Netherlands to escape the oppressive regime of General Zia-ul-Haq and has since resided in The Hague. Throughout his life, Sehgal has made significant contributions to literature and activism, including establishing the Muslim United Nations in 1980. ​Poem Hunter+3Poem Hunter+3PeoplePill+3LinkedIn+4PeoplePill+4conservapedia.com+4 Sehgal’s recent reflections, such as his poem “Escape of My Youth,” delve into themes of aging, unfulfilled dreams, and the inexorable passage of time. These works reveal a contemplative and melancholic perspective, highlighting his feelings of isolation and the fleeting nature of life. ​Medium Given his limited time and the urgency of his situation, it is crucial to amplify his voice and address his concerns. Engaging with media outlets can shed light on his plight and potentially mobilize support. Here are some media contacts that may be instrumental in bringing attention to Ehsan Sehgal’s circumstances:​ Reaching out to these organizations with a concise summary of Ehsan Sehgal’s situation, his contributions, and the urgency of his appeals may prompt them to cover his story, thereby raising awareness and potentially garnering the support he seeks.

As Pakistan’s President Zia-ul-Haq stated in 1981,