Usl Quotes

Ne ispada li, onda, da je egzistencijalni umor rezultat premalog, a ne prevelikog angažovanja? Postajemo li umorni usled toga što olakšavamo sebi situaciju, a ne stoga što je otežavamo?

Razlikovanje neurologije i neuropsihijatrije još uvek nije uhvatilo korena u našem narodu - narodu koji usled zatucalosti nije u stanju da razlikuje ni mnogo važnije stvari - pa se na pacijente sa neurološkim dijagnozama gleda kao na psihopate. Često s pravom.

Za svakoga od nas ima izvesnih paralelnosti između našeg obrazovanja, naših običaja i našeg karaktera, koji stalno napreduju i prekidaju se jedino usled velikih promjena u životu.

If Sophie hadn’t used my magic in her body,” Elodie summed up, “she would’ve been dead like, ten times by now.” Okay, it was only twice, I grumbled inside. Elodie ignored me. “And no,” she said, raising my hand to cut off Jenna’s next question. “I can’t possess anyone else. Trust me, I’ve been trying to get inside Lara Casnoff ever since we got here. Which…sounds really wrong.” I felt my shoulders shrug. “Anyway, you looked like you were about to eat your own lip, and that’s totally gross, so I figured I oughta swoop in and put your mind at ease. Last night, when I was trying my hardest to possess anyone who’s not this freak, I overheard the Casnoffs talking. Apparently, turning a vampire into a demon seems like an awesome idea, so that’s why you’re here. No staking on the agenda.” Usling Elodie as a spy hadn’t even occurred to me. Oh my God, this is perfect! I shouted. Well, mentally shouted. Of course! They can’t see you unless you want them to; you can go anywhere in the school, and- Jeez, not so loud, she interrupted. I’m in your head, so use your inside inside voice. Elodie went to brush my hair out of my eyes, muttering, “God, how does she live like this?” If you promise to stop taking over whenever you feel like it, I promise to get a hot oil treatment, I replied, and she snorted. Jenna folded her arms tightly across her chest. “So, what-you’re like, helping us now?” My eyes rolled. “No, I’m on Team Take Over The World With A Demon Army. Of course I’m helping you. Mostly so that whenever this is over, Sophie can get back to important stuff. Like how to unbind me from her.

Or take the opportunity offered to the United States following the attacks of September 11, 2001, when both Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and President Mohammed Khatami condemned the Sunni al Qaeda terrorism in no uncertain terms and Iranians held vigils for the victims in the streets of Tehran...or the help Iran gave to the US-led coalition against the Taliban later that year; or the Iranian offer for substantial talks following the fall of Baghdad in the Spring of 2003.

Čovek koji voli moć, propada zbog moći, čovek koji voli novac propada zbog novca, potčinjeni propada zbog služenja. Tako je i Stepski vuk propao zbog svoje nezavisnosti. On je postigao svoj cilj, bio je sve nezavisniji, niko mu nije zapovedao, nikome nije treablo da se prilagodjava, slobodan i sam određivao je svoj posao i odmor. Jer svaki čovek koji je u središtu te slobode, koju je postigao Hari, iznenada je shvatio da je sloboda smrt, da je on sam, da ga je svet tajanstveno ostavio na miru, da on ljude ne zanima, da on sebe samog ne zanima, da se polako guši u sve redjem vazduhu usled nedostatka odnosa i usled usamljenosti. Jer sada biti sam i nezavisan, nisu bili njegova želja i cilj, već je to njegova patnja. ... On je imao puno prijatelja. Mnogima je bio drag. Ali uvek je to bila simpatija i prijateljstvo što je osećao, ljudi su ga poznavali, darivali ga, pisali mu pisma, ali bliže mu niko nije prilazio, povezanost nigde nije nastala, niko nije bio voljan i sposoban da sa njim deli život.

Ema je sad nalazila u brakolomstvu bljutavost kao i u braku. Ali kako da se toga otrese? A posle, nije vredelo ništa što se ona osećala poniženom usled niskosti takve sreće, ona se nje držala iz navike ili iz pokvarenosti; i svakog dana se sve više bacala na nju, želela ju je i suviše veliku, pa ju je tako dovela do presušivanja. Ona je optuživalaLeona za svoje obmanute nade, kao da ju je on izdao; čak je i želela neki slom koji bi doveo do njihova razdvajanja, pošto nije imala smelosti da se na to reši.

The U.S.-led coalition dropped about twelve thousand bombs on Afghanistan that autumn, about 40 percent of them “dumb,” or unguided, according to an analysis by Carl Conetta of the Center for International Policy. Hank Crumpton at the Counterterrorist Center estimated that the campaign killed “at least ten thousand” foreign and Taliban fighters, “perhaps double or triple that number.” By the conservative estimate of Boston University political scientist Neta Crawford, between 1,500 and 2,375 Afghan civilians also died.

America failed to achieve its aims in Afghanistan for many reasons: underinvestment in development and security immediately after the Taliban’s fall; the drains on resources and the provocations caused by the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq; corruption fed by N.A.T.O. contracting and C.I.A. deal making with strongmen; and military hubris at the highest levels of the Pentagon. Yet the failure to solve the riddle of I.S.I. and to stop its covert interference in Afghanistan became, ultimately, the greatest strategic failure of the American war.

Uzimajući ga u njegovom najpotpunijem i najizrazitijem vidu, poluintelektualac je čovek koji je uredno, pa možda, čak, i s vrlo dobrim uspehom svršio školu, ali u pogledu kulturnog obrazovanja i moralnog vaspitanja nije stekao skoro ništa. Bilo usled njegove urođene nesposobnosti ili zbog mana školskog sistema, nije dobio podstreka za duhovno samorazvijanje. On uopšte duhovne vrednosti ne razume i ne ceni. Sve ceni prema tome, koliko šta doprinosi uspehu u životu, a uspeh uzima u „čaršijskom” smislu, dakle sasvim materijalistički. S ostalim duhovnim vrednostima odbacuje i moralnu disciplinu, ali ne sasvim, jer prekršaji te discipline povlače krivičnu odgovornost. Ipak i u moralnom, kao i u kulturnom pogledu, on je u osnovi ostao primitivac. Neomekšan kulturom, a sa olabavlјenom moralnom kočnicom ima sirove snage napretek. Školska diploma, kao ulaznica u krug inteligencije, dala mu je preterano visoko mišlјenje o sebi samom. U društvenoj utakmici taj diplomirani primitivac bori se bez skrupula, a s punim uverenjem da traži samo svoje pravo koje mu je škola priznala. On potiskuje suparnike nemilosrdno kao da nisu živa bića nego materijalne prepone. On je dobar „laktaš” – izraz koji je prodro u opštu upotrebu jednovremeno s pojavom poluintelektualaca. Pretpostavimo da se u njemu probudila politička ambicija i da je uspeo postati ministar. Taj položaj mogao je da ugrabi samo kroz silno guranje i strmoglavu jagmu i zato će smatrati da je to sada nešto „njegovo”. Iz te svoje tekovine ili bolјe reći plena, gledaće da izvuče što više ličnog ćara. Biće „korupcionaš”, ali neće biti sasvim svestan toga fakta, toliko će mu to izgledati prirodno i na svom mestu. Jedan poluintelektualac, kad je čuo da se govori o njegovoj ostavci, rekao je: „Ko je lud, da se odvaja od punog čanka?!” Nјemu je izgledalo nepojmlјivo da se čovek ne koristi ministarskim položajem, kao što bi bilo nepojmlјivo da čovek kraj punog čanka ostane gladan. Politička ambicija jednog poluintelektualca zapravo i nije politička. Ona se sastoji samo u tome, da se čovek kroz politiku obogati i da na visokim položajima progospoduje. On ne zna ni za kakve više i opštije cilјeve. Tek kad poluintelektualac izbije na vrhunac političkog uspeha, vidi se kako je on moralno zakržlјao. Pored poluintelektualca koji je uspeo, postoji i poluintelektualac koji nije uspeo. Već pravi intelektualac, nezaposlen ili zapostavlјen, gotov je opozicionar. Poluintelektualac u takvom položaju tim je opasniji, što ne zna ni za kakve moralne obzire koji bi njegovo ogorčenje ublažavali. To nije bilo slučajno da su mnogi ozlojeđeni poluintelektualci otišli u komuniste. Poluintelektualac je bolesna društvena pojava, koja je obelodanila dve stvari: 1. Da je kulturni obrazac potrebna dopuna nacionalnog i političkog obrasca, što se naročito oseća onda kada uticaj ta dva obrasca prestane da slabi; 2. Da škola koja se ograničava na davanje znanja, bez uporednog vaspitavanja karaktera, nije u stanju da spreči pojavu takvog društvenog tipa kao što je poluintelektualac.

Why did Cold War Washington let Western Europe “get away” with all this light socialism when similar policy orientations led to violent intervention in the Third World? Was it only that, as Francisca said, Americans simply trusted their European cousins—who were white, and therefore responsible—to handle the task of managing democracy? A complementary explanation might be that these countries, some still overseeing remnants of colonial empire, were incredibly rich and powerful. They were much harder to push around, even if Washington had wanted to, and—perhaps more importantly—they sat at the top of the world economy. They were being fully integrated into the US-led system, and so there was much less of a risk they would try to radically reshape the global order, because it had served them quite well.

Not long ago I was in Istanbul, Turkey. While there I toured the Topkapi Palace—the former royal palace of the Ottoman sultans and center of the Ottoman Empire. Among the many artifacts collected throughout the centuries and on display was an item I found quite remarkable—the sword of the prophet Muhammad. There, under protective glass and illuminated by high-tech lighting, was the fourteen-hundred-year-old sword of the founder of Islam. As I looked at the sword with its curved handle and jeweled scabbard, I thought how significant it is that no one will ever visit a museum and be shown a weapon that belonged to Jesus. Jesus brings freedom to the world in a way different from Pharaoh, Alexander, Caesar, Muhammad, Napoleon, and Patton. Jesus sets us free not by killing enemies but by being killed by enemies and forgiving them … by whom I mean us. Forgiveness and cosuffering love is the truth that sets us free—free from the false freedom inflicted by swords ancient and modern. Muhammad could fight a war in the name of freedom to liberate his followers from Meccan oppression, but Jesus had a radically different understanding of freedom. And lest this sound like crass Christian triumphalism, my real question is this: Do we Christians secretly wish that Jesus were more like Muhammad? It’s not an idle question. The moment the church took to the Crusades in order to fight Muslims, it had already surrendered its vision of Jesus to the model of Muhammad. Muhammad may have thought freedom could be found at the end of a sword, but Jesus never did. So are Christians who most enthusiastically support US-led wars against Muslim nations actually trying to turn Jesus into some version of Muhammad? It’s a serious question.

Rouhani did not directly condemn the US-led air strikes against ISIL in Syria when addressing the United Nations on 25 September –but issued the following warning: “I believe if countries claiming leadership of the coalition are seeking to perpetuate their hegemony in the region, they’d be making a strategic mistake. Democracy can’t be delivered in a backpack. It’s not a commodity to be exported from west to east. It needs a foundation

The I.S.I. proved to be a formidable adversary, but it was not omnipotent; it suffered from the same corruption and weakness that plagued the entire Pakistani state. America failed to achieve its aims in Afghanistan for many reasons: underinvestment in development and security immediately after the Taliban’s fall; the drains on resources and the provocations caused by the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq; corruption fed by N.A.T.O. contracting and C.I.A. deal making with strongmen; and military hubris at the highest levels of the Pentagon. Yet the failure to solve the riddle of I.S.I. and to stop its covert interference in Afghanistan became, ultimately, the greatest strategic failure of the American war.

The weeks following the fall of Baghdad are crucial to understanding the rise of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi and later Islamic State. The post-invasion mayhem and looting would soon be compounded by decisions taken by the new interim bodies that would run Iraq on behalf of the US-led coalition, decisions that would prove disastrous for years after they were taken.

Kada se prisetim meseca i godina blisko provedenih sa nekim čija privrženost je izbledela poput pupoljaka trešnje rasutih čak i pre vetra, setim se svake njene reči koja me je nekad doticala; i kada se setim da ona, kao što to obično biva u takvim slučajevima, sigurno nestaje iz mog sveta, osećam tugu čak i veću od razdvajanja usled smrti. Sigurno je čovek nekada tugovao što beli konac treba da se oboji u razne boje i što se put neizbežno račva. Među stotinama stihova predstavljenim povučenom caru Horikavi, jedna pesma glasi: Ograda oko njene kuće, Žene koju sam davno voleo, Opustošena je i srušena; Jedino ostaše ljubičice Izmešane sa prolećnim korovom. Kako usamljeni prizor – pesma sigurno opisuje stvaran događaj.

Iraq's Christian communities date back to the first centuries of the religion. Before the 2003 U.S-led invasion, around 1 million Christians called Iraq home. But since then, the community has been a frequent target for militants. Attacks on churches, worshipers and clergymen have prompted many Christians to leave the country. Church officials now estimate the community at around 450,000. The prime minister, who has ruled the country since 2006, is under pressure to step aside and not seek a third consecutive term. Many in Iraq accuse al-Maliki's Shiite-led government of helping fuel the crisis by failing to promote reconciliation with the Sunni Muslim minority, and say he has become too polarizing a figure to unite the country and face down the militant threat.

In short, for supplying and controlling both natural resources (oil) essential for U.S. economic life, and also for nurturing U.S. group identity, the deaths of the poor are necessary. They are sacrifices that power the U.S.-led imperium.

Drawing on Israeli and international media, Hamas hypothesized about the alleged US-led planned coup. The movement’s publications discussed a series of initiatives it believed were underway: strengthening Abbas and Fatah; fomenting a clash; and forming a subservient Palestinian state that recognized Israel.

Moreover, throughout its existence, most observers perceived the USL as a “Branch Rickey controlled league,” an assertion unsubstantiated by existing evidence.

Most Iraqis I know from all ethnicities and backgrounds see the catastrophic US-led invasion as graphic evidence of how unjust this world is. They also know that the stakes for any so-called ‘third world’ nation aspiring to be independent from the dominating superpowers have become more challenging in the neocolonial imperialist age than ever before. Neocolonial agendas hide skillfully behind a million masks and justifications to ensure that so-called Third World countries remain in that category—that the ‘developing’ world remains in a permanent state of never really developing.

Da, to su muke koje muče ljudi hrišćani sa Levanta i koje vi, pripadnici hrišćanskog Zapada, ne možete nikad potpuno razumeti, isto kao što ih još manje mogu razumeti Turci. To je sudbina levantinskog čoveka, jer on je poussière humaine, ljudska prašina, što mučno promiče između Istoka i Zapada, ne pripadajući ni jednom a bijena od oba. To su ljudi koji znaju mnogo jezika, ali nijedan nije njihov, koji poznaju dve vere, ali ni u jednoj nisu tvrdi. To su žrtve fatalne ljudske podvojenosti na hrišćane i nehrišćane; večiti tumači i posrednici, a koji u sebi nose toliko nejasnosti i nedorečnosti; dobri znalci Istoka i Zapada i njihovih običaja i verovanja, ali podjednako prezreni i sumnjivi jednoj i drugoj strani. Na njih se mogu primeniti reči koje je pre šest vekova napisao veliki Dželaledin, Dželaledin Rumi: »Jer samog sebe ne mogu da poznam. Niti sam hrišćanin, ni Jevrejin, ni Pars, ni musliman. Nit’ sam sa Istoka ni sa Zapada, ni sa kopna ni sa mora.« malo, izdvojeno čovečanstvo koje grca pod dvostrukim Istočnim grehom, i koje treba još jednom da bude spaseno i otkupljeno a niko ne vidi kako ni od koga. To su ljudi sa granice, duhovne i fizičke, sa crne i krvave linije koja je usled nekog teškog i apsurdnog nesporazuma potegnuta između ljudi, božjih stvorenja, između kojih ne treba i ne sme da bude granice. To je ona ivica između mora i kopna, osuđena na večiti pokret i nemir. To je treći svet u koji se sleglo sve prokletstvo usled podeljenosti zemlje na dva sveta. To je...

- Politigeneral er død, meldte jeg tilbake. - Godt! Sa Herman Lystig og bøyde seg mot den nedgående sol. Manitu smile. Ugh. Hvor er skalp? - Blekansikthøvding skallet, løy jeg. - Godt! Du brenne hans festning? - Brenne festning, og alle usle politisoldater dø. Men Tromsø gamle rådhus stod intakt iallefall i 1949 da jeg så det sist.