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To live in the hearts of those we leave behind is not to die.
Thomas Campbell 1777-1844
Inscription on the gates of Kensington Palace in the days of mourning before the funeral of Diana, Princess of Wales
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Andrew Morton (Diana: Her True Story in Her Own Words)
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The are times when in mercy God must shatter our most cherished assumptions
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Thomas Morton
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Sir Thomas More, son of Sir John More, a justice of the King's Bench, was born in 1478, in Milk Street, in the city of London. After his earlier education at St. Anthony's School, in Threadneedle Street, he was placed, as a boy, in the household of Cardinal John Morton, Archbishop of Canterbury and Lord Chancellor. It was not unusual for persons of wealth or influence and sons of good families to be so established together in a relation of patron and client. The youth wore his patron's livery, and added to his state. The patron used, afterwards, his wealth or influence in helping his young client forward in the world. Cardinal Morton had been in earlier days that Bishop of Ely whom Richard III. sent to the Tower; was busy afterwards in hostility to Richard; and was a chief adviser of Henry VII., who in 1486 made him Archbishop of Canterbury, and nine months afterwards Lord Chancellor. Cardinal Morton—of talk at whose table there are recollections in "Utopia"—delighted in the quick wit of young Thomas More. He once said, "Whoever shall live to try it, shall see this child here waiting at table prove a notable and rare man.
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Thomas More (Utopia (Norton Critical Editions))
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One of the French sailors had learned enough Massachusett to inform his captors before dying that God would destroy them for their misdeeds. The Nauset scoffed at the threat. But the Europeans carried a disease, and they bequeathed it to their jailers. Based on accounts of the symptoms, the epidemic was probably of viral hepatitis, according to a study by Arthur E. Spiess, of the Maine Historic Preservation Commission, and Bruce D. Spiess, of the Medical College of Virginia. (In their view, the strain was, like hepatitis A, probably spread by contaminated food, rather than by sexual contact, like hepatitis B or C.) Whatever the cause, the results were ruinous. The Indians “died in heapes as they lay in their houses,” the merchant Thomas Morton observed. In their panic, the healthy fled from the sick, carrying the disease with them to neighboring communities. Behind them remained the dying, “left for crows, kites, and vermin to prey upon.” Beginning in 1616, the pestilence took at least three years to exhaust itself and killed as much as 90 percent of the people in coastal New England. “And the bones and skulls upon the severall places of their habitations made such a spectacle,” Morton wrote, that the Massachusetts woodlands seemed to be “a new-found Golgotha,” the Place of the Skull, where executions took place in Roman Jerusalem.
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Charles C. Mann (1491: New Revelations of the Americas Before Columbus)
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Troy destroyed about Sauls time.
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Thomas Morton (The New English Canaan of Thomas Morton with Introductory Matter and Notes: A Bold Exploration of Colonial Encounters and Cultural Differences)
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now I am bold to conclude that the originall of the Natives of New England may be well conjectured to be from the scattered Trojans, after such time as Brutus departed from Latium.[229]
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Thomas Morton (The New English Canaan of Thomas Morton with Introductory Matter and Notes: A Bold Exploration of Colonial Encounters and Cultural Differences)
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The part he was endeavoring to play when he wrote this passage was one not very congenial to him, and he makes an awkward piece of work of it. The sudden tone of sanctimony which he infuses into the words quoted, hardly covers up the leer and gusto with which he had just been describing the drunkenness and debauchery of Merry-Mount—how “the good liquor” had flowed to all comers, while “the lasses in beaver-coats” had been welcome “night and day;” how “he that played Proteus, with the help of Priapus, put their noses out of joint;” and how that “barren doe” became fruitful, who is mysteriously alluded to as a “goodly creature of incontinency” who had “tried a camp royal in other parts.
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Thomas Morton (The New English Canaan of Thomas Morton with Introductory Matter and Notes: A Bold Exploration of Colonial Encounters and Cultural Differences)
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It is even open to question whether this reference was due to Butler’s having read the book. The passage referred to is in the second part of Hudibras, which was not published until 1664, twenty-seven years after the publication of the New Canaan. It is perfectly possible that Butler may have known Morton; for in 1637 the future author of Hudibras was already twenty-five years old, and Morton lingered about London for six or seven years after that. There are indications that he knew Ben Jonson;[185] and, indeed, it is scarcely possible that with his sense of humor and convivial tastes Morton should not often have met the poets and playwrights of the day at the Mermaid.
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Thomas Morton (The New English Canaan of Thomas Morton with Introductory Matter and Notes: A Bold Exploration of Colonial Encounters and Cultural Differences)
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Copies of the New Canaan are extremely rare. Savage, in his notes to Winthrop (vol. i. p. *34), said that he had then, before 1825, never heard of but one copy, “which was owned by his Excellency John Q. Adams.” It is from that copy that the present edition is printed. Mr. Adams purchased it while in Europe prior to the year 1801.
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Thomas Morton (The New English Canaan of Thomas Morton with Introductory Matter and Notes: A Bold Exploration of Colonial Encounters and Cultural Differences)
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As to the allegation that his devotion to the Church of England and its ritual was the cause of his arrest by the Plymouth authorities, the answer is obvious and decisive. Blackstone was an Episcopalian, and a devout one, retaining even in his wilderness home the canonical coat which told of his calling.[182] Maverick and Walford were Episcopalians; they lived and died such. The settlers at Wessagusset were Episcopalians.
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Thomas Morton (The New English Canaan of Thomas Morton with Introductory Matter and Notes: A Bold Exploration of Colonial Encounters and Cultural Differences)
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In 1625, One Capt. Wollaston, with about 30 persons, began a plantation near Weston's. They gave it the name of Mount Wollaston. It was known by that name some years after, but at length the name was lost in that of Braintree, of which town is a part.[17] No mention is made of a patent to Wollaston. One Morton, of Furnival's Inn, was of this company. He was not left in command, but contrived to make himself chief, changed the name of Mount Wollaston to Merry Mount, set all the servants free, erected a maypole, and lived a life of dissipation until all the stock intended for trade was consumed.
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Thomas Hutchinson (History of Massachusetts: from the first settlement thereof in 1628, until the year 1750. (Volume 1) (Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts))
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Of him it is not necessary here to speak at length, for his character is too well understood. Dignified in his bearing, and in personal character purer than his times—a devout, well-intentioned man—Charles was a shallow, narrow-minded bigot, with a diseased belief in that divinity which doth hedge a king. He would have made an ideal, average English country gentleman. After the manner of small, obstinate men, he believed intensely in a few things.
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Thomas Morton (The New English Canaan of Thomas Morton with Introductory Matter and Notes: A Bold Exploration of Colonial Encounters and Cultural Differences)
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To secure these ends it was necessary to play continually on the Primate’s dislike of the Puritans, and his intense zeal in behalf of all Church forms and ceremonies, including the use of the Book of Common Prayer. The whole political and historical significance of the New Canaan lies in this fact. It was a pamphlet designed to work a given effect in a particular quarter, and came very near being productive of lasting results. Dedicated in form to the Lords Commissioners, it was charged with attacks on the Separatists, and statements of the contempt shown by them to the Book of Common Prayer.
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Thomas Morton (The New English Canaan of Thomas Morton with Introductory Matter and Notes: A Bold Exploration of Colonial Encounters and Cultural Differences)
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Robert Gorges and his party arrived in Boston Bay in 1623, during what is now the latter part of September. They established themselves in the buildings which had been occupied by Weston’s people during the previous winter, and which had been deserted by them a few days less than six months before. The site of those buildings cannot be definitely fixed. It is supposed to have been on Phillips Creek, a small tidal inlet of the Weymouth fore-river, a short distance above the Quincy-Point bridge.
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Thomas Morton (The New English Canaan of Thomas Morton with Introductory Matter and Notes: A Bold Exploration of Colonial Encounters and Cultural Differences)
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His party consisted of himself and some three or four partners, with thirty or more servants, as they were called, or men who had sold their time for a period of years to an employer, and who stood in the relation to him of apprentice to master. Rasdall, according to Bradford, was the name of one of the partners, and Fitcher would seem to have been that of another. Thomas Morton, the author of the New English Canaan, was a third.
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Thomas Morton (The New English Canaan of Thomas Morton with Introductory Matter and Notes: A Bold Exploration of Colonial Encounters and Cultural Differences)
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Morton, conniving servant of a sly master, became so unpopular that his methods have remained an unpleasant legend in English history. Being more expert in the use of his legal fork than in the wielding of a scholarly pen, it was less likely that the story of Richard’s reign would be believed if it came from him. This, however, is a matter of relatively small importance, for it is agreed that the information on which the History is based was supplied by Morton.
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Thomas B. Costain (The Last Plantagenets (The Plantagenets #4))
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Morton, conniving servant of a sly master, became so unpopular that his methods have remained an unpleasant legend in English history. Being more expert in the use of his legal fork than in the wielding of a scholarly pen, it was less likely that the story of Richard’s reign would be believed if it came from him. This, however, is a matter of relatively small importance, for it is agreed that the information on which the History is based was supplied by Morton. The work in question is no more than a fragment, a matter of, roughly, 25,000 words. It is in no sense a history of the reign of Richard,
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Thomas B. Costain (The Last Plantagenets (The Plantagenets #4))
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He had, however, abandoned it at the time when the great pestilence swept away his tribe, and tradition still points out a small savin-covered hummock, near Squantum, on the south side of the Neponset, as his subsequent dwelling-place.
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Thomas Morton (The New English Canaan of Thomas Morton with Introductory Matter and Notes: A Bold Exploration of Colonial Encounters and Cultural Differences)
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Having selected a site, Wollaston and his party built their house nearly in the centre of the summit of the hill, on a gentle westerly slope. It commanded towards the north and east an unbroken view of the bay and all the entrances to it; while on the opposite or landward side, some four or five miles away, rose the heavily-wooded Blue Hills. Across the bay to the north lay Shawmut, beyond the intervening peninsulas of Squantum and Mattapan. Wessagusset was to the south, across the marshes and creeks, and hidden from view by forest and uplands.
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Thomas Morton (The New English Canaan of Thomas Morton with Introductory Matter and Notes: A Bold Exploration of Colonial Encounters and Cultural Differences)
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The only account of what now ensued is that contained in Bradford; for Morton nowhere makes a single allusion to Wollaston or any of his associates, nor does he give any account of the origin, composition or purposes of the Wollaston enterprise. His silence on all these points is, indeed, one of the singular features in the New Canaan. Such references as he does make are always to Weston and Weston’s attempt;[24] and he seems to take pains to confound that attempt with Wollaston’s.
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Thomas Morton (The New English Canaan of Thomas Morton with Introductory Matter and Notes: A Bold Exploration of Colonial Encounters and Cultural Differences)
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Morton’s inclination to boisterous revelry culminated at last in that proceeding which scandalized the Plymouth elders and has passed into history. In the spring of 1627 he erected the May-pole of Merry-Mount. To erect these poles seems at that time to have been a regular English observance, which even the fishermen on the coast did not neglect.
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Thomas Morton (The New English Canaan of Thomas Morton with Introductory Matter and Notes: A Bold Exploration of Colonial Encounters and Cultural Differences)
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Thomas Morton adjudged to be imprisoned, till he were sent into England, and his house burnt down, for his many injuries offered to the Indians, and other misdemeanors. Capt. Brook, master of the Gift, refused to carry him.[59
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John Winthrop (Winthrop's Journal, History of New England, 1630-1649: Volume 1)
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The People’s Princess’ To live in the hearts of those we leave behind is not to die. Thomas Campbell 1777–1844 Inscription on the gates of Kensington Palace in the days of mourning before the funeral of Diana, Princess of Wales
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Andrew Morton (Diana: Her True Story in Her Own Words)
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13 ‘The People’s Princess’ To live in the hearts of those we leave behind is not to die. Thomas Campbell 1777–1844 Inscription on the gates of Kensington Palace in the days of mourning before the funeral of Diana, Princess of Wales
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Andrew Morton (Diana: Her True Story in Her Own Words)
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No two people will ever see or feel things in the same way, Merry. The challenge is to be truthful when you write. Don't approximate. Don't settle for the easiest combination of words. Go searching instead for those that explain 'exactly' what you think. What you feel.
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Kate Morton (The Distant Hours)
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Based on accounts of the symptoms, the epidemic was probably of viral hepatitis, according to a study by Arthur E. Spiess, of the Maine Historic Preservation Commission, and Bruce D. Spiess, of the Medical College of Virginia. (In their view, the strain was, like hepatitis A, probably spread by contaminated food, rather than by sexual contact, like hepatitis B or C.) Whatever the cause, the results were ruinous. The Indians “died in heapes as they lay in their houses,” the merchant Thomas Morton observed. In their panic, the healthy fled from the sick, carrying the disease with them to neighboring communities.
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Charles C. Mann (1491: New Revelations of the Americas Before Columbus)
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In 1625 or 1626 the Wessagusset settlement had divided. Those of Gorges’s following who remained there had never been wholly satisfied. It was no place for trade. Accordingly Blackstone, Maverick and Walford, the two last being married and taking their wives with them, had moved across the bay, and established themselves respectively at Shawmut or Boston, at Noddle’s Island or East Boston, and at Mishawum or Charlestown.
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Thomas Morton (The New English Canaan of Thomas Morton with Introductory Matter and Notes: A Bold Exploration of Colonial Encounters and Cultural Differences)