Tbilisi Quotes

There was a huge moon over the western mountains, and it made the city seem even more mysterious and old, and the great black castle on the ridge stood out in front of the moon. And if there are ghosts anyplace in the world, they must be here, and if there is a ghost of Queen Tamara, she must have been walking the ridge in the moonlight that night.

WHEREVER WE HAD BEEN in Russia, in Moscow, in the Ukraine, in Stalingrad, the magical name of Georgia came up constantly. People who had never been there, and who possibly never could go there, spoke of Georgia with a kind of longing and a great admiration. They spoke of Georgians as supermen, as great drinkers, great dancers, great musicians, great workers and lovers. And they spoke of the country in the Caucasus and around the Black Sea as a kind of second heaven. Indeed, we began to believe that most Russians hope that if they live very good and virtuous lives, they will go not to heaven, but to Georgia, when they die. It is a country favored in climate, very rich in soil, and it has its own little ocean. Great service to the state is rewarded by a trip to Georgia. It is a place of recuperation for people who have been long ill. And even during the war it was a favored place, for the Germans never got there, neither with planes nor with troops. It is one of the places that was not hurt at all.

In 1923, d’Herelle helped Soviet scientists set up an institute in Tbilisi, present-day Georgia, dedicated to bacteriophage research; at its peak, the institute had over a thousand employees producing tons of phages a year for clinical use. Phage therapy has continued up to modern times in certain parts of the world—about 20 percent of bacterial infections are treated with phages in Georgia today—but after antibiotics were discovered and developed in the 1930s and 1940s, this treatment quickly lost momentum, especially in the West.

The brave talk from Moscow notwithstanding, the Russian elite itself is probably well aware of the real costs and benefits of its military adventures, which is why it has so far been very careful not to escalate them. Russia has been following the schoolyard-bully principle: pick on the weakest kid, and don’t beat him up too much, lest the teacher intervene. If Putin had conducted his wars in the spirit of Stalin, Peter the Great, or Genghis Khan, then Russian tanks would have long ago made a dash for Tbilisi and Kiev, if not for Warsaw and Berlin. But Putin is neither Genghis nor Stalin. He seems to know better than anyone else that military power cannot go far in the twenty-first century, and that waging a successful war means waging a limited war. Even in Syria, despite the ruthlessness of Russian aerial bombardments, Putin has been careful to minimize the Russian footprint, to let others do all the serious fighting, and to prevent the war from spilling over into neighboring countries.

Israel’s constant drone surveillance over Gaza also impressed President Vladimir Putin. Moscow needed reliable surveillance drones after it lost many planes during its war in 2008 against Georgia in South Ossetia. Tbilisi had used Israeli drones, and years later Moscow decided to follow suit. Having seen Israeli operations over Gaza, Russia licensed the Israeli Aerospace Industries Searcher II, renamed “Forpost” by its new owners, and it became a key asset in Russian support for Syrian President Bashar al-Assad.33 Israel trained Russian pilots to operate the drones. Russia and Israel maintained a close relationship during the Syrian civil war despite the former supporting Assad and the latter worrying about the growing presence of Russian allies Iran and Hizbollah in the country. This led Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (and Naftali Bennett) to routinely attack Iranian and Syrian military positions in Syria to stop the transfer of weapons to Hizbollah. However, Moscow usually turned a blind eye to these attacks, assisted by a de-escalation hotline between the two governments.

Georgia was hit with a massive coordinated cyberattack in the first minutes of the war. It immediately struck fifty-four websites in the capital of Tbilisi, obliterating news and information. In a few hours, one-third of the nation’s computer networks went down, including the official sites of Saakashvili, his government, and his ministries of defense and foreign affairs.

Israel’s constant drone surveillance over Gaza also impressed President Vladimir Putin. Moscow needed reliable surveillance drones after it lost many planes during its war in 2008 against Georgia in South Ossetia. Tbilisi had used Israeli drones, and years later Moscow decided to follow suit. Having seen Israeli operations over Gaza, Russia licensed the Israeli Aerospace Industries Searcher

In 1921, in newly conquered Tbilisi, the chekisty published an anthology, The Cheka’s Smile. The contribution by Aleksandr Eiduk, executioner and roving military emissary, ran: There is no greater joy, not better music

When the anarchist Giashvili was sentenced to death for exploding a bomb that killed a senior government official, nobody in Tbilisi would act as his executioner. He was reprieved—laudable in a Christian or humanistic culture, but disastrous for a state whose weaknesses were being probed by embittered fanatics

Nie cichną kontrowersje wokół sprzedaży okrętów Mistral Rosji. Paryż kontrowersyjną umowę na 1,2 mld euro wynegocjował tuż po wojnie rosyjsko-gruzińskiej w 2008 roku. – Nie ma się czym martwić, Rosjanie już są na twoim terytorium – miał powiedzieć wtedy Nicolas Sarkozy prezydentowi Gruzji. Zaledwie tydzień wcześniej Sarkozy mediował między Moskwą a Tbilisi.

Notatka kpt. Pietruczuka w sprawie lotu Tu-154 12 sierpnia 2008 r. do Azerbejdżanu71 Informuję, że w dniu 11.08.2008 dowódca 36. splt płk Tomasz Pietrzak postawił mi zadanie dotyczące wylotu do Tallina (Estonia) oraz wylotu Prezydenta RP w dn. 12.08.2008 r. do Ganji (Azerbejdżan) przez Simferopol (Ukraina). Osobiście postawiłem zadania przydzielonej na ten wylot pozostałej załodze tj.: kpt. Arkadiuszowi PROTASIUKOWI – II pilot, mjr. Robertowi GRZYWNIE – nawigator, chor. Arturowi KOWALSKIEMU – technik pokładowy. Podczas odtwarzania gotowości samolotu do lotu z Simferopola do Ganji zostałem poproszony przez Szefa Biura Bezpieczeństwa Narodowego Pana W. Stasiaka oraz Szefa Gabinetu Prezydenta RP Pana M. Łopińskiego o rozważenie zmiany trasy lotu i lotniska docelowego z Ganji na Tbilisi. O fakcie tym poinformowałem telefonicznie płk Pietrzaka (dowódcę 36 splt) i przystąpiłem do analizy możliwości wykonania zadania. (…) Po wylądowaniu samolotu z Prezydentem Ukrainy, skontaktowałem się z dowódcą załogi samolotu ukraińskiego i zapytałem jakie posiadają informacje na temat sytuacji ruchowo-nawigacyjnej w obszarze Gruzji. Zostałem poinformowany, że załoga Ukraińska nie posiada żadnych informacji o sytuacji w Gruzji. Załoga samolotu ukraińskiego poinformowała mnie również, że w przypadku lotu do Tbilisi mogą polecieć wyłącznie za Mną (nie jako pierwszy samolot). (…) Na podstawie posiadanej wiedzy na temat aktualnej sytuacji w Gruzji uznałem, iż lot do Tbilisi będzie zbyt niebezpieczny dla prezydentów poszczególnych państw oraz dla pozostałych pasażerów. Na pokładzie znajdowały się wówczas 74 osoby. (…) O sytuacji poinformowałem Pana Ministra Stasiaka oraz Pana Ministra Łopińskiego, którzy poinformowali o tym Pana Prezydenta L. Kaczyńskiego, przebywającego wraz z innymi Głowami Państw w salonie VIP w porcie lotniczym. Pan Min. Stasiak prosił, aby znaleźć jakieś rozwiązanie w celu wykonania lotu bezpośrednio do Tbilisi argumentując to względami politycznymi. Przekazał mi informację, że do Tbilisi wybiera się Pan Prezydent Sarkozy i musimy być w Tbilisi przed nim. Poinformowałem Pana Min. Stasiaka, że nie mamy wiedzy, jakim samolotem udaje się Prezydent Sarkozy i jakiej długości pas jest potrzebny w tym przypadku do lądowania (w przypadku częściowego uszkodzenia pasa przez bombardowanie) oraz jaką wiedzę na temat sytuacji na lotnisku w Tbilisi posiadają piloci Prezydenta Sarkozego. Samolot Tu-154 przy swojej masie potrzebuje praktycznie całego – nienaruszonego – pasa startowego. (…) Podczas postoju na lotnisku w Symferopolu, odbyłem również rozmowę telefoniczną z pełniącym obowiązki Dowódcy Wojsk Lotniczych Panem Gen. Załęskim. Pan Gen. Załęski próbował nakłonić mnie do zmiany decyzji i odbycia lotu bezpośrednio do Tbilisi. Kiedy przedstawiłem wszystkie argumenty uniemożliwiające wykonanie lotu i odmówiłem, Pan Generał spytał czy II pilot kpt. A. Protasiuk może objąć moje obowiązki i wykonać lot do Tbilisi. Poinformowałem Gen. Załęskiego, iż kpt. Protasiuk nie jest w pełni wyszkolony w charakterze dowódcy załogi na samolocie Tu-154M i zgodnie z obowiązującymi przepisami nie może objąć moich obowiązków. O swojej decyzji po raz kolejny poinformowałem telefonicznie Płk Pietrzaka, który poparł moje argumenty i decyzję, aby dalszy lot odbywał się zgodnie z wcześniej postawionym zadaniem. Płk Pietrzak poinformował mnie, Że Pan Gen. Załęski wystawi pisemny rozkaz wykonania lotu. Podczas kolejnej rozmowy z Panem Płk. Pietrzakiem, poinformowano mnie, iż pan Gen. Załęski przysłał faksem pisemny rozkaz polecający wykonanie zadania, zawierający błędne dane. Z przekazanych mi informacji dowiedziałem się, że treść rozkazu brzmi „Polecam wykonać lot z Ganji do�

Georgians are a combination of Klingons and Apaches. They are warriors, men from another millennium who get along very well with the United States because they think the rest of Europe are a bunch of wimps.” The prominent highway between the airport and downtown Tbilisi, he noted, is named George W. Bush Street in honor of a 2005 visit by the American president. “They love Bush. He mispronounces words and starts wars. What’s not to like?

[In Georgia] A cheerful anarchy reigned.

Unfortunately, Stalin's collected works contain very little mention of his early comrades. Ketskhoveli's relationship with Stalin must be inferred from the accounts of third parties. Official biographers evidently thought it unseemly to dwell too much on the connection between the leader of the Soviet Union and a tertiary figure, who figured only in the history of Georgian Social Democracy for about a decade and then died in prison in a quixotic gesture in 1903. The historical literature about Stalin is patently designed to create parallels between him and Lenin and, whenever possible, links. Thus, Stalin had to be no less a leader in Tbilisi than Lenin had been in St. Petersburg. In the official version Stalin is already first among equals in his relationship with the central figures of Brzdola (The Struggle), the underground Georgian Marxist organ. But by his own admission, in 1898 he was still an apprentice seeking sponsorship and advice from the leaders of Georgian Marxism.

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