Suffix Of Quotes

The suffix 'naut' comes from the Greek and Latin words for ships and sailing. Astronaut suggests 'a sailor in space.' Chimponaut suggests 'a chimpanzee in sailor pants'.

In my heart, I knew that Whorf was right. I knew I thought differently in Turkish and English - not because thought and language were the same, but because different languages forced you to think about different things. Turkish, for example, had a suffix, -mis, that you put on verbs to report anything you didn't witness personally. You were always stating your degree of subjectivity. You were always thinking about it, every time you opened your mouth. The suffix -mis had not exact English equivalent. It could be translated as "it seems" or "I heard" or "apparently." I associated it with Dilek, my cousin on my father's side - tiny, skinny, dark-complexioned Dilek, who was my age but so much smaller. "You complained-mis to your mother," Dilek would tell me in her quiet, precise voice. "The dog scared-mis you." "You told-mis your parents that if Aunt Hulya came to America, she could live in your garage." When you heard -mis, you knew that you had been invoked in your absence - not just you but your hypocrisy, cowardice, and lack of generosity. Every time I heard -mis, I felt caught out. I was scared of the dogs. I did complain to my mother, often. The -mis tense was one of the things I complained to my mother about. My mother thought it was funny.

My education and that of my Black associates were quite different from the education of our white schoolmates. In the classroom we all learned past participles, but in the streets and in our homes the Blacks learned to drop s’s from plurals and suffixes from past-tense verbs. We were alert to the gap separating the written word from the colloquial. We learned to slide out of one language and into another without being conscious of the effort. At school, in a given situation, we might respond with “That’s not unusual.” But in the street, meeting the same situation, we easily said, “It be’s like that sometimes.

When we turned right on Thirty-fifth Street our suffix came along. By the time we rolled to the curb in front of Wolfe's house there wasn't even hyphen between us.

For my nymphet I needed a diminutive with a lyrical lilt to it. One of the most limpid and luminous letters is "L". The suffix "-ita" has a lot of Latin tenderness, and this I required too. Hence: Lolita. However, it should not be pronounced as you and most Americans pronounce it: Low-lee-ta, with a heavy, clammy "L" and a long "o". No, the first syllable should be as in "lollipop", the "L" liquid and delicate, the "lee" not too sharp. Spaniards and Italians pronounce it, of course, with exactly the necessary note of archness and caress. Another consideration was the welcome murmur of its source name, the fountain name: those roses and tears in "Dolores." My little girl's heartrending fate had to be taken into account together with the cuteness and limpidity. Dolores also provided her with another, plainer, more familiar and infantile diminutive: Dolly, which went nicely with the surname "Haze," where Irish mists blend with a German bunny—I mean, a small German hare.

He had, like everyone else, his suffix ist, without which nobody could have lived in those days, but he was neither a royalist, nor a Bonapartist, nor a chartist, nor an Orléanist, nor an anarchist; he was an old-bookist.

Spiderwebs attached themselves, like long trails of agglutinative suffixes, onto our arms and faces.

Even her name carried great symbolism: according to modern research, the name Boudica (also spelled as Boadicea), is made up from Brythonic words *boudi (victory, win) and *-ka (having) suffix. Thus, quite literally, her name means “Victorious Woman”.

suffix

(Lah is a suffix that can be used at the end of any phrase for emphasis, but there’s no good explanation for why people use it, lah.)

Quootla had a suffix, -utl, that could be glued to the end of anything—nouns, verbs, adjectives, pronouns, small rodents—and meant the word itself plus its opposite, simultaneously. It didn’t always translate into Goreddi. Time/no-time almost made sense; blue/orange or fall/rise or dog/whatever-the-opposite-of-dog-is were perfectly intelligible in Quootla but boggling to nearly everyone else.

And every word has at most one inflectional suffix. We never get opensed or opensing, nor do the plural -s and possessive s stack up when several owners own something: the dogs’ blanket, not the dogs’s (dogzez) blanket. Finally,

The land, like the body, teaches us the fundamental rule of ending: that no such thing exists, no suffix of "-ed" shall ever touch the prefix of "pre-" and even a body in its most cellular state knows this. We always begin at the end.

I was to grow used to hearing, around New York, the annoying way in which people would say: 'Edward Said, such a suave and articulate and witty man,' with the unspoken suffix 'for a Palestinian.' It irritated him, too, naturally enough, but in my private opinion it strengthened him in his determination to be an ambassador or spokesman for those who lived in camps or under occupation (or both). He almost overdid the ambassadorial aspect if you ask me, being always just too faultlessly dressed and spiffily turned out. Fools often contrasted this attention to his tenue with his membership of the Palestine National Council, the then-parliament-in-exile of the people without a land. In fact, his taking part in this rather shambolic assembly was a kind of noblesse oblige: an assurance to his landsmen (and also to himself) that he had not allowed and never would allow himself to forget their plight. The downside of this noblesse was only to strike me much later on.

A pall fell over the room. A black shroud of disease and deathbeds and all the worst things from all the worst places. This mutant world, a tragic portmanteau, the unnatural marriage of two roots as different as could be. 'And do you, Ability take Vitriol to be your lawfully wedded suffix?' I wanted to scream objections to the unholy matrimony, but nothing came out. My mouth was clammy and dry, full of sand. Dr. Wilson smiled on, rambling about the benefits of Abilitol while my father nodded like a toy bobblehead immune to the deepening shadow in the room. As they spoke, I caught my mother's eye. I could tell by her face that she felt the deepening shadow too. Neither of us smiled. Neither of us spoke. We felt the shadow together.

Chinese philosophers quite explicitly favored the most concrete sense impressions in understanding the world. In fact, the Chinese language itself is remarkably concrete. There is no word for “size,” for example. If you want to fit someone for shoes, you ask them for the “big-small” of their feet. There is no suffix equivalent to “ness” in Chinese. So there is no “whiteness”—only the white of the swan and the white of the snow. The Chinese are disinclined to use precisely defined terms or categories in any arena, but instead use expressive, metaphoric language.

Furthermore, they must learn not to make the elementary mistake of assuming that because a word contains a negative suffix or prefix it is necessarily a negative word. In-, for instance, almost always implies negation but not with invaluable, while -less is equally negative, as a rule, but not with priceless.

All our current media concerns have in French the suffix '-aire': identitaire (issues of identity), sanitaire (health concerns), securitaire ('law and order'), humanitaire (humanitarianism). The whole lot being publicitaire (promotional). There is in this suffix something which quite aptly characterizes our culture as funerarium of received ideas and single-track thinking.

Already God existed only in the desperate attempt to prove his existence. It is the same today with human beings, whose existence we attempt desperately to verify by the very means that make it improbable. Feminism, populism, humanism: all words with the suffix '-ism' are the caricature of their root. Of women, of the people, of the human. Including terrorism: the caricature of terror?

Glorious Åland Archipelago is a geopolitical anomaly: it is Finnish owned and Swedish speaking, but it has its own parliament, flies its own blue, gold and red flag, issues its own stamps and uses its own web suffix: ‘dot ax’. Its ‘special relationship' with the EU means it can sell duty-free and make its own gambling laws. Åland is the sunniest spot in northern Europe and its sweeping white-sand beaches and flat, scenic cycling routes attract crowds of holidaymakers during summer.

People with high IQs, the most intelligent folks of the bunch, are more likely than anyone else to curse… swears are the only types of English words that you can use as an infix. An infix is a grammatical unit of meaning that you insert into the middle of a word, similar to a prefix, which comes at the beginning, or a suffix, which comes at the end. Contrary to what teachers and parents might proselytize, I am willing to bet that English speakers who can curse fluently have a more creative grasp of the language as a whole.

There are no nouns in the hypothetical Ursprache of Tlön, which is the source of the living language and the dialects; there are impersonal verbs qualified by monosyllabic suffixes or prefixes which have the force of adverbs. For example, there is no word corresponding to the noun moon, but there is a verb to moon or to moondle. The moon rose over the sea would be written hlör u fang axaxaxas mlö, or, to put it in order: upward beyond the constant flow there was moondling. (Xul Solar translates it succinctly: upward, behind the onstreaming it mooned.) The

Together with verbal coffins like model and level in which writers entomb their actors and actions, the English language provides them with a dangerous weapon called nominalization: making something into a noun. The nominalization rule takes a perfectly spry verb and embalms it into a lifeless noun by adding a suffix like –ance, –ment, –ation, or –ing. Instead of affirming an idea, you effect its affirmation; rather than postponing something, you implement a postponement. The writing scholar Helen Sword calls them zombie nouns because they lumber across the scene without a conscious agent directing their motion.

The intriguing history of American applied toponymy includes a few notoriously unpopular sweeping decisions a year after President Benjamin Harrison created the Board on Geographic Names in 1890. Harrison acted at the behest of several government agencies, including the U.S. Geological Survey and the U.S. Coast and Geodetic Survey, which was responsible for mapping the nation's coastline, harbors, and coastal waterways. Troubled by inconsistencies in spelling, board members voted to replace centre with center, drop the ugh from names ending in orough, and shorten the suffix burgh to burg. Overnight, Centreview (in Mississippi) became Centerview, Isleborough (in Maine) became Isleboro, and Pittsburgh (in Pennsylvania) lost its final h and a lot of civic pride. The city was chartered in 1816 as Pittsburg, but the Post Office Department added the extra letter sometime later. Although both spellings were used locally and the shorter version had been the official name, many Pittsburghers complained bitterly about the cost of reprinting stationery and repainting signs. Making the spelling consistent with Harrisburg, they argued, was hardly a good reason for truncating the Iron City's moniker--although Harrisburg was the state capital, it was a smaller and economically less important place. Local officials protested that the board had exceeded its authority. The twenty-year crusade to restore the final h bore fruit in 1911, when the board reversed itself--but only for Pittsburgh. In 1916 the board reaffirmed its blanket change of centre, borough, and burgh as well as its right to make exceptions for Pittsburgh and other places with an entrenched local usage.

Although all new talkers say names, use similar sounds, and prefer nouns more than other parts of speech, the ratio of nouns to verbs and adjectives varies from place to place (Waxman et al., 2013). For example, by 18 months, Englishspeaking infants speak far more nouns than verbs compared to Chinese or Korean infants. Why? One explanation goes back to the language itself. The Chinese and Korean languages are “verb-friendly” in that verbs are placed at the beginning or end of sentences. That facilitates learning. By contrast, English verbs occur anywhere in a sentence, and their forms change in illogical ways (e.g., go, gone, will go, went). This irregularity may make English verbs harder to learn, although the fact that English verbs often have distinctive suffixes (-ing, -ed) and helper words (was, did, had) may make it easier (Waxman et al., 2013).

God--I wrote, more or less--creates man, Ish, in his image. He creates a masculine and a feminine version. How? First, with the dust of the earth, he forms Ish, and blows into his nostrils the breath of life. Then he makes Isha'h, the woman, from the already formed male material, material no longer raw but living, which he takes from Ish's side, and immediately closes up the flesh. The result is that Ish can say: This thing is not, like the army of all that has been created, other than me, but is flesh of my flesh, bone of my bones. God produced it from me. He made me fertile with the breath of life and extracted it from my body. I am Ish and she is Isha'h. In the word above all, in the word that names her, she derives from me. I am in the image of the divine spirit. I carry within me his Word. She is therefore a pure suffix applied to by verbal root, she can express herself only within my word.

For the mob is a congregation of compulsions. It does not matter who or what squats upon the altar: Robespierre, Beelzebub, Mussolini, Belial, any political or social savior with the sibilant speech and the slick tongue, hissing out every other word with its suffix -ism. The people will be saved not by the grace of God, not by any act of faith, hope, or charity. They will be saved because they belong to the right mob. They think they have pulled the lever of righteousness, but they are themselves the levers that are pulled. A mob is not a great cloud of witnesses. It is not a gathering of friends for a wedding feast. It is a herd of enemies who have fused their enmity with the cause, whereof they are the willing effects. Witness the goings-on when a politician dies. No one, in Life Under Compulsion, says to himself, “The fearful reckoning he meets may be mine, soon.” They turn the funeral into a political event. They must: they are marionettes and they will dance. They look over the shoulder to see who gets the prime time for the moist eye and the hitch in the voice.

This Padre Antonio doubted, probably after his training in modern theology or as a practitioner of Catholicism. He argued that those practices were spurious; they did not derive from a true belief in earth-beings. “They do it for money, it’s not real,” he repeated stubbornly. But for Nazario, beliefs are a requirement with Jesus and the Virgin. They are part of faith, or iñi, a Quechua word (and a sixteenth-century neologism).6 Faith, he explained, is not necessary with earth-beings; they require despachos, coca leaves, and words and are present when respectfully invited to participate in runakuna lives—always. They are different, always there and acting with plants, water, animals. Their being does not need to be mediated by faith, but Jesus’s does. And just as Padre Antonio and I talked about Nazario, Nazario and I commented about how our dear Padre thought practices with earth-beings were like religion, like belief or kriyihina—another combination of a Spanish verb (kriyi is the Quechua form of the Spanish creer, to believe) and a Quechua suffix (hina, or like) used to express a condition that Quechua alone cannot convey. Nazario thought earth-beings and Jesus were different, but he was not sure that Antonio was wrong: could they be the same? And finally, neither Nazario nor I were sure that Padre Antonio’s relationship with earth-beings was only like his relationship with Jesus. We speculated that having been in the region for so long, and having been a close friend of Mariano, Padre Antonio must have learned from Mariano’s relations with earth-beings. I still think so; Padre Antonio is a complex religious man, and so are the other Jesuits who live in the region. Some of their Catholic practices may have become partially connected with despachos, and thus less than many and still different. I liked, and still do like, having these priests as friends.

Which brings me back to Ecclesiastes, his search for happiness, and mine. I spoke in chapter 4 about my first meeting, as a student, with Rabbi Menachem Mendel Schneersohn, the Lubavitcher Rebbe. As I was waiting to go in, one of his disciples told me the following story. A man had recently written to the Rebbe on something of these lines: ‘I need the Rebbe’s help. I am deeply depressed. I pray and find no comfort. I perform the commands but feel nothing. I find it hard to carry on.’ The Rebbe, so I was told, sent a compelling reply without writing a single word. He simply ringed the first word in every sentence of the letter: the word ‘I’. It was, he was hinting, the man’s self-preoccupation that was at the root of his depression. It was as if the Rebbe were saying, as Viktor Frankl used to say in the name of Kierkegaard, ‘The door to happiness opens outward.’23 It was this insight that helped me solve the riddle of Ecclesiastes. The word ‘I’ does not appear very often in the Hebrew Bible, but it dominates Ecclesiastes’ opening chapters. I enlarged my works: I built houses for myself, I planted vineyards for myself; I made gardens and parks for myself and I planted in them all kinds of fruit trees; I made ponds of water for myself from which to irrigate a forest of growing trees. I bought male and female slaves and I had homeborn slaves. Also I possessed flocks and herds larger than all who preceded me in Jerusalem. Also, I collected for myself silver and gold and the treasure of kings and provinces. (Ecclesiastes 2:4–8) Nowhere else in the Bible is the first-person singular used so relentlessly and repetitively. In the original Hebrew the effect is doubled because of the chiming of the verbal suffix and the pronoun: Baniti li, asiti li, kaniti li, ‘I built for myself, I made for myself, I bought for myself.’ The source of Ecclesiastes’ unhappiness is obvious and was spelled out many centuries later by the great sage Hillel: ‘If I am not for myself, who will be? But if I am only for myself, what am I?’24 Happiness in the Bible is not something we find in self-gratification. Hence the significance of the word simchah. I translated it earlier as ‘joy’, but really it has no precise translation into English, since all our emotion words refer to states of mind we can experience alone. Simchah is something we cannot experience alone. Simchah is joy shared.

Although Pirahã nouns are simple, Pirahã verbs are much more complicated. Each verb can have as many as sixteen suffixes—that is, up to sixteen suffixes in a row.

Although Pirahã nouns are simple, Pirahã verbs are much more complicated. Each verb can have as many as sixteen suffixes—that is, up to sixteen suffixes in a row. Not all suffixes are always required, however. Since a suffix can be present or absent, this gives us two possibilities for each of the sixteen suffixes—216, or 65,536, possible forms for any Pirahã verb.

uncompressed file, meaning that you needed to uncompress the tar(1) file before verifying it. Beginning with V8.11, there is a signature file for each of the compressed files, so there is no need to uncompress either first. The signature file has the same name as the distribution file but with a literal . sig suffix added.sendmail.8.14.1. tar.gz

two forms of distribution, each release has a PGP signature file associated withit.* Prior to V8.11, this was a single signature file used to verify the uncompressed file, meaning that you needed to uncompress the tar(1) file before verifying it. Beginning with V8.11, there is a signature file for each of the compressed files, so there is no need to uncompress either first. The signature file has the same name as the distribution file but with a literal . sig suffix added.sendmail.8.14.1. tar.gz ← the distribution file sendmail.8.14.1. tar.gz.sig ← the signature file for this distribution file sendmail.8.14.1. tar.Z ← the distribution file sendmail.8.14.1. tar.Z.sig ← the signature file for this distribution file If you have not already done so for an earlier sendmail distribution, you must now download and install the PGPKEYS file from sendmail.org: ftp://ftp.sendmail.org/pub/sendmail/P... After downloading this file, add the keys in it to your PGP key ring with a command like this: pgp -ka PGPKEYS ← for pgp version 2. x pgpk -a PGPKEYS ← for pgp version 5. x gpg --import PGPKEYS ← for gpg If you use gpg(1), your output may look something like this: % gpg --import PGPKEYS gpg: key 16F4CCE9: "Sendmail Security " 22 new signatures gpg: key 7093B841: public key "Sendmail Signing Key/2007 " imported gpg: key AF959625: "Sendmail Signing Key/2006 " 7 new signatures gpg: key 1EF99251: "Sendmail Signing Key/2005 " 9 new signatures gpg: key 95F61771: "Sendmail Signing Key/2004 " 7 new signatures gpg: key 396F0789: "Sendmail Signing Key/2003 " 27 new signatures gpg: key 678C0A03: "Sendmail Signing Key/2002 " 13 new signatures * How public key cryptography is used to sign a file is described in §5.2 on page 1992.2 Download the Source | 43 This is the Title of the Book, eMatter Edition Copyright © 2007 O’Reilly & Associates, Inc. All rights reserved.

meaning that you needed to uncompress the tar(1) file before verifying it. Beginning with V8.11, there is a signature file for each of the compressed files, so there is no need to uncompress either first. The signature file has the same name as the distribution file but with a literal . sig suffix added.sendmail.8.14.1. tar.gz ← the distribution file sendmail.8.14.1. tar.gz.sig ← the signature file for this distribution file sendmail.8.14.1. tar.Z ← the distribution file sendmail.8.14.1. tar.Z.sig ← the signature file for this distribution file If you have not already done so for an earlier sendmail distribution, you must now download and install the PGPKEYS file from sendmail.org: ftp://ftp.sendmail.org/pub/sendmail/P... After downloading this file, add the keys in it to your PGP key ring with a command like this: pgp -ka PGPKEYS ← for pgp version 2. x pgpk -a PGPKEYS ← for pgp version 5. x gpg --import PGPKEYS ← for gpg If you use gpg(1), your output may look something like this: % gpg --import PGPKEYS gpg: key 16F4CCE9: "Sendmail Security " 22 new signatures gpg: key 7093B841: public key "Sendmail Signing Key/2007

to transfer. In addition to the two forms of distribution, each release has a PGP signature file associated withit.* Prior to V8.11, this was a single signature file used to verify the uncompressed file, meaning that you needed to uncompress the tar(1) file before verifying it. Beginning with V8.11, there is a signature file for each of the compressed files, so there is no need to uncompress either first. The signature file has the same name as the distribution file but with a literal . sig suffix added.sendmail.8.14.1. tar.gz ← the distribution file sendmail.8.14.1. tar.gz.sig ← the signature file for this distribution file sendmail.8.14.1. tar.Z ← the distribution file sendmail.8.14.1. tar.Z.sig ← the signature file for this distribution file If you have not already done so for an earlier sendmail distribution, you must now download and install the PGPKEYS file from sendmail.org: ftp://ftp.sendmail.org/pub/sendmail/P... After downloading this file, add the keys in it to your PGP key ring with a command like this: pgp -ka PGPKEYS ← for pgp version 2. x pgpk -a PGPKEYS ← for pgp version 5. x gpg --import PGPKEYS ← for gpg If you use gpg(1), your output may look something like this: % gpg --import PGPKEYS

Scandinavian conquests and settlements, such as Stearsby in northern England, where both the prefix Stear-, derived from the Scandinavian personal name Styrr, and the suffix -by (settlement) are Scandinavian, or Toqueville in Normandy with the Scandinavian personal name Toke as prefix and a French suffix: ville. An analysis of place-names also makes it possible to distinguish between areas settled mainly by Norwegians and those settled mainly by Danes.

Therefore, in reality what the English word 'Consciousness' refers to is a subcategory of quantitative (rather than what modern dictionaries claim it to be: qualitative) awareness. And if the English language were technically viable (as German claims to be, despite the fact that it is only so in a relative context), we would have witnessed -after removing the 'con'- the existence of a derivative of the word 'scire' to signal the verb 'to know' in modern dictionaries; but that is not the case. The conclusion that we now can draw, is that the English language intentionally inherited the word 'conscire' to signal to its speakers the real existence of the 'mutual knowing' paradigm in the universe, but it has left its own nation prone to ceaseless interpretation schemes rather than being established in linguistical rigidity on this specific topic. This explains the presence of the word/expression of 'self-consciousness' in the dictionary; it is certainly an oxymoron which has been relatively overcome by intending it to refer to a converging scheme of awareness. However it becomes incoherent with the word 'self-conscious' despite the fact that all what we took away was the suffix which is supposed to only signal a state or a condition rather than a vectorial form.

To stupid or what??? I really don't get it... why do you agree always!? Don't you have an opinion... so far I have onion with prefix "Op" and what somehow from nowhere a prefix and suffix I build a word called itself an a "opinion"...

Watch out for the mindless slapping together of prefixes on prefixes, suffixes on suffixes—don’t create clunkers like disintermediation, decentralization, effectualization, finalization, scrutinization, and that horrid replacement for “use,” utilization. Enough with the suffix cut-and-paste acts.

On a lighter but serious side I believe that homework was meant for parents to take a keen interest in the studies of children rather than leave it completely for the teacher. This way the parent child communication also developed. However with the passage of time the world become more mechanical and commercial. Quality time suffixed for quantity time and homework became a means of earning for many an educated unemployed teachers. How sad we sure have progressed but yet in many ways have lost our basic values, ethics and morality. It’s time to wake up and DO OUR HOMEWORK.

Off, end this lies it's not awesome. Please take this crap, second very clever and smart, but I want to add suffix (-ass), it's very suitable, isn't it?

In the word 'technology,' however, the suffix, 'logy' modifies the stem 'techno' so as to make it an abstract word meaning "the logic of building.

Are winters here always so mild?” “It is rarely colder,” Genji said, “so we have little need for Eskimo skills.” “My lord, please.” “Perhaps our population would be greater if it snowed.” Emily looked away, her face hot with embarrassment. She was sure she was as red as an apple ready for plucking. Genji laughed. “I’m sorry, Emily. I couldn’t resist.” “You promised you would never mention it.” “I promised I would never mention it to others. I said nothing about reminiscing with you.” “Lord Genji, that is very ungentlemanly of you.” “Ungentlemanly?” “‘Un’ is a prefix meaning ‘not.’ A gentleman is a person of good character and high principle. ‘Ly’ is a suffix meaning ‘having the character of.’ ” She turned as stern a gaze on him as she could manage. “Your present behavior does not demonstrate good character and high principle.” “An unforgivable lapse. Please accept my most profound apologies.” “I would, were you not smiling in such obvious amusement.” “You are smiling, too.” “It is a grimace, not a smile.” “Grimace?” She refused to explain.

It is indispensable, therefore, to recognise the existence of the Kurdish phenomenon. This, however, is not possible without information about the historical background. ETYMOLOGY OF THE WORDS KURD AND KURDISTAN The name Kurdistan goes back to the Sumerian word kur, which more than 5,000 years ago meant something like ‘mountain’. The suffix ti stood for affiliation. The word kurti then had the meaning of mountain tribe or mountain people. The Luwians, who settled in western Anatolia about 3,000 years ago, called Kurdistan Gondwana, which in their language meant land of the villages. In Kurdish, gond is still the word for village. During the reign of Assure (from the early to mid Bronze Age through to the late Iron Age) the Kurds were called Nairi, which translates as ‘people by the river’. In the Middle Ages, under the reign of the Arab sultanates the Kurdish areas were referred to as beled ekrad. The Seljuk sultans who spoke Persian were the first to use the word Kurdistan, land of the Kurds, in their official communiqués. The Ottoman sultans also called the area settled by the Kurds Kurdistan. Until the 1920s, this name was generally used. After 1925 the existence of the Kurds was denied, particularly in Turkey.

The ï⌁ᵶ⎔ctogon8⌁ð Do not beat your nik, Or play at fiddlesticks. Prefix not thy rhetoric With suffix that transfix. Play no dirty tricks, That try to s’nick or nix. Go the quick route fix– With things that intermix. Do not be thick, Or over politic. Be ye no sophistahick, Playin’ smartass in the sticks. Do not be sad or heartsick, If your neck has no ies full of hick. If you are not on the River Styx, Look alive–give Charon a kick. If a bad guy has given all the slip, Be chivalric: use a *sharp stick. If with a bovine that is lovesick, She’ll smooch you a wet cowlick. Light a candlestick: Let it all brightly click– [Eighth power of a # ∞8: ≒ ∼ ≓ —be sure well to remember]. Zenzic aside, Do not panic but abide. ’Tis just a mathematic– Past the deep end sixth— It is nothing ’cept a ⇌ ’twixt ⇋. Quite a simple pick: Avoid the contradixts– Choose humble little⌁ Zenzizenzizenzics ⌁—

For the suffix -son, you might always see a smaller version of the main thing you’re picturing. For example, for Robinson, you could see a robin and a smaller robin—its son. Or, you could use the sun in the sky as your standard. For Mc- or Mac-, you could always picture a Mack truck; for -itz or -witz, picture brains (wits); for -berg, see an iceberg; for -stein, picture a beer stein; for -ton, see the item weighing a ton; for a -ger ending, we usually picture either a wild animal growling (grr), or a cigar

The word Mantra is derived from the root sound ‘man’ which means to think, to contemplate or meditate on, to perceive, to understand or comprehend. The sound tra at the end of the word Mantra is a suffix added in the sense of instrumentality. So, Mantra, as per its etymology, is an instrument of or a means for contemplation, meditation, comprehension, perception and of thought.

Ever since Watergate, every national scandal that would surface would almost always have “-gate” suffixed to it.

Bell Labs engineers had become fond of the suffix “-istor”: Small devices known as varistors and thermistors had already become essential components in the phone system’s circuitry. “Transistor,” the memo noted, was “an abbreviated combination of the words ‘transconductance’ or ‘transfer,’ and ‘varistor.

Morphemes’ order stipulated by Extended Level Ordering, as we shall also demonstrate in this book, corresponds with the order morphemes and word-formation rules are acquired by English children. Inflection morphemes are acquired first by English children, and even before word-formation morphemes. Root compounds are also the complex words acquired early by preschool age English children (Anglin, 1993; Berko, 1958). Level 2 affixes (e. g., Neutral suffixes) are also acquired by English children during their preschool age (Tyler & Nagy, 1989); though less than compound words. Morphemes and word-formation rules belonging in Level 4 (e. g., Non-neutral suffixes) are acquired last.

Morphemes’ order stipulated by Extended Level Ordering, as we shall also demonstrate in this book, corresponds with the order morphemes and word-formation rules are acquired by English children. Inflection morphemes are acquired first by English children, and even before word-formation morphemes. Root compounds are also the complex words acquired early by preschool ageEnglish children (Anglin, 1993; Berko, 1958). Level 2 affixes (e. g., Neutral suffixes) are also acquired by English children during their preschool age (Tyler & Nagy, 1989); though less than compound words. Morphemes and word-formation rules belonging in Level 4 (e. g., Non-neutral suffixes) are acquired last. Though, Extended Level Ordering is not applicable in other languages. Root compounds have the strongest boundary separating the morphemes even in other languages, but, what differs is the degree of productivity root compounds own in other languages. Compounding is more productive than derivation in English language. In other languages, like Polish and Albanian, there is derivation which is more productive than compounding. Such difference in the productivity transforms the order in which Polish and Albanian children acquire word-formation paterns (i. e., compounding or derivation) of their L1.

The annual rate of vocabulary growth is high to early school age English children. From Anglin (1993, 62) data we may appraise that first to third grade English children acquire 3,000 words per year, and that fourth to fifth grade English children acquire 10,000 words per year. We may assess that the early school years mark a rapid development in English children’s vocabulary. There is word-formation knowledge which assists early school age English children in such rapid enlargement of their vocabulary (Fowler, et. al., 2003; Nagy & Anderson 1984; Nagy, 1984; White, et. al., 1989; Kuo & Anderson, 2006). Calculating the number of members for each word family present in the textbooks used in elementary schools, Nagy & Anderson (1984, 20) expose that there are 6.88 members for each word family. Reasonably, Nagy (1988, 46) concludes that “there is no doubt that skilled word learners use context and their knowledge of prefixes, roots, and suffixes to deal effectively with new words”. Certainly such high vocabulary growth is of great interest in L2 acquisition, though, it has been estimated that only the most advanced L2 learners acquire 3,000 words a year. The fourth chapter offers suggestion over the way advanced L2 learners’ acquisition of word-formation devices of their target language may be improved. Doing so, the chapter uses inferences drawn from both L1 and L2 acquisition.

Formal Simplicity: This principle stands for complex words with simple combination of morphemes (car-smoke, wagon-puller) (Clark & Berman, 1984, 548). Derived words, in which affixation causes no shift in stress, are also acquired early by preschool age children (e. g. Neutral suffixed words).

Productivity: A morpheme (affix) is considered to be productive when it combines with different stems, hence, to be frequently used in the adults’ speech possessing a high degree of activation. Children have the competence to acquire and use the morphemes most frequently used in the adult’s speech. When they identify that the suffix –er has a high level of activation, hence, a high productivity degree, they acquire and use this suffix (1984, 548). We may also uphold that there is their high occurrence in children’s natural environment which increases children’s familiarity with such morphemes.

The principles through which Cross-linguistic Influence affects L2 acquisition of word-formation devices to pre intermediate L2 learners: Orthographic and Phonological Overlap, and Morphological Translation Equivalence. Orthographic and Phonological Overlap: Rather than affixes possessing Semantic Transparency, like agentive suffixes -er, acquired early by English children acquiring their L1, L2 learners acquire more easily those L2 affixes which are identical in their Orthographic and Phonological components with their counterparts in pupils’ L1. Morphological Translation Equivalence: Roots and affixes forming L2 complex words may share Translation Equivalence with their counterparts (i. e. roots and affixes) forming their homologous complex word in pupils’ L1. The root and the suffix of the English derived word readable share Translation Equivalence with the root and suffix forming the derived Dutch word leesbaar. Besides, the same word-formation rule is applied to both of these derived words (e. g. transitive verbs read, lees plus suffix –able/-baar resulting in adjectives readable leesbaar); which suggests that such pair derivatives of the two languages share both Morphological and Translation Equivalence. Studying the acquisition of English affixes at pre intermediate Spanish speaking English learning pupils, Balteiro, I. (2011, 31) brings to a close that, first, L2 “learners acquire and learn more easily (1) those lexical items whose prefixes are either identical or at least similar to those in the mother tongue”, and, second, assesses that “(2) the learners’ native language plays an important role in the study of L2 morphology, as it is often used as a starting point to form similar derived units in the L2” (2011, 32).

As a result, different from preschool age English children, who are assumed to acquire solely Neutral suffixes during their early acquisition of word-formation devices (Tyler & Nagy 1989), pre intermediate L2 learners, whose Semantic Transparency and Formal Simplicity is additionally enhanced by Orthographic & Phonological Overlap and/or Morphological Translation Equivalence that L2 derivatives and suffixes share with their counterparts in pupils’ L1, acquire both Neutral and Non-neutral suffixes.

In short we may uphold that there is a Dual Semantic Transparency in L2 acquisition. First, as in L1 acquisition, the Semantic Transparency of L2 affixes depends on the whether they are Neutral or Non-neutral suffixes. Second, there is Morphological Translation Equivalence that L2 complex words and affixes share with their counterparts in pupils’ L1 which further enhances the Semantic Transparency of L2 affixes in the eyes of L2 learners.

Lardiere, D. (2006) conducted Tyler & Nagy’s (1989) test to Patty; a Chinese speaking who has obtained master degree in USA Universities and has reached near native-like competence in English. In her test Lardiere, D. (2006) analyzed Patty’s Knowledge of Syntactic Properties of English Suffixes, i. e., Patty’s ability to recognize the part of speech of the derivatives by their suffixes (e. g. aggressive and workable are adjectives). Comparing Patty’s results with those of Tyler & Nagy (1989), Lardiere, D. (2006) notes that Patty’s Knowledge of Syntactic Properties of English Suffixes (as demonstrated by Patty’s scores in the nonce-words test) is higher than that of eighth grade English children, while, on the other hand, her ability to choose the proper real-derived word which suits the given syntactic context (as demonstrated by Patty’s scores in the real-word items test), equalizes that of sixth grade English children. Apparently, there is Morphological Translation Equivalence that pair derivatives and suffixes of the two languages share with each other which has enhanced Patty’s Knowledge of Syntactic Properties of L2 suffixes, even though her ability in choosing the proper derivational form which suits the given syntactic context has remained equal to that of sixth grade native children. Hence, the variation between L1 and L2 acquisition of Syntactic Properties of Suffixes is caused by L1 influence.

English children’s vocabulary increases rapidly during the early school years. Anglin (1993, 62) estimated that first grade English children know approximately 10,000 words, third grade pupils know 19,000 words, and fifth grade pupils know 39,000 words. The annual increase in vocabulary is estimated to be 3,000 words from the first to third grade and 10,000 words from the fourth to the fifth grade. Nagy & Anderson (1984, 20) uphold that there is “the ability to utilize morphological relatedness among words (which) puts a student at a distinct advantage in dealing with unfamiliar words”. In a later work, Nagy (1988, 46) acknowledges that: “there is no doubt that skilled word learners use context and their knowledge of prefixes, roots, and suffixes to deal effectively with new words”. In short, in addition to context, there is awareness of word-formation devices which accounts for such rapid increase in early school age English children’s vocabulary. Such high vocabulary growth would certainly be of great interest in L2 acquisition. Nakayama, N. (2008) tested the role that explicit teaching of affixes (prefixes) plays in vocabulary learning to pre- and upper-intermediate L2 learners. The participants received instructions over the contribution prefixes played in the meaning of the complex word during an academic year. L2 learners’ vocabulary was measured in the beginning and in the end of the academic year. Assisted by the instructions, L2 learners learned easier the new derived words, but, in the end of the academic year they had forgotten the derived words whose meaning they acquired through instructions over the contribution prefixes played in the meaning of the complex word (2008, 70). In the end, Nakayama, N. (2008, 68) concludes that systematic teaching of prefixes does lead to better retention of the derived word, but only with regard to short-term memory. On the other hand, it has been estimated that the only the most advanced L2 learners can acquire 3000 words a year (Bauer, L. & Nation, P. 1993); a figure comparable to that of early school age native children acquiring their L1. Hence, word-formation knowledge leads to high vocabulary growth to L2 learners, but solely to the most advanced L2 learners. We may uphold that word formation devices have to be acquired rather than learned through explixit instructions.

Yet, L2 acquisition of word-formation devices differs from L1 acquisition. As suggested by the ‘Dual Semantic Transparency’, the Semantic Transparency of L2 word-formation morphemes is further enhanced by Orthographic & Phonological Overlap and/or by Morphological Translation Equivalence they share with their counterparts in pupils’ L1. Therefore, L2 word-formation morphemes and complex words that have to be present in elementary books should be those which share Orthographic & Phonological Overlap and/or Morphological Translation Equivalence with their counterparts in pupils’ L1. In their article, Bauer & Nation (1993) should have considered the influence pupils’ L1 has on L2 acquisition of L2 affixes. Affixes’ order, suggested by Bauer & Nation (1993), has to be reordered according to the Orthographic & Phonological Overlap and Morphological Translation Equivalence L2 affixes share with their counterparts in pupils’ L1. When teaching vocabulary, teachers have to provide the counterparts that L2 complex words have in pupils’ L1. Presenting the counterparts that L2 complex words have in pupils’ L1 assists L2 learners in transferring the decomposition capability of L1 complex words to L2 complex words. Morphological Translation Equivalence that pair complex words share with each other assist L2 learners in transferring the information of the L1 complex word to its counterpart in pupils’ L2 (e. g., transitive verbs read, lees plus suffix –able/-baar resulting in adjectives readable leesbaar).

Instructions in the structure of L1 compound words which share Morphological Translation Equivalence with their counterparts in the target language would assist pre intermediate L2 learners in transferring knowledge of L1 compound types to comparable types in the target language (Zhang. et. al., 2010). Similar instructions in L1 derivational morphology would also give similar results, although derivational morphology is more complex and more difficult to be transferred. Teachers should also present the counterparts L2 affixes have in pupils’ L1 (e. g., suffix –able has suffixes baar, -lijk as its counterparts in Deutch language). Presenting the counterpart L2 affixes have in pupils’ L1 makes L2 affixes more detectable in the eyes of L2 learners and assists L2 learners in acquiring L2 affixes. Most importantly, providing the counterpart L2 suffixes have in pupils’ L1 assists L2 learners in transferring Knowledge of Syntactic Properties of their L1 Suffixes to their counterparts in the target language. In the third chapter we argued that L2 learners own high Knowledge of Syntactic Properties for L2 Suffixes, and, such high Knowledge of Syntactic Properties of L2 Suffixes has been enhanced by Morphological Translation Equivalence L2 suffixes share with their counterparts in pupils’ L1.

Another aspect noticed in L1 acquisition is the low acquisition of multi- morphemic words (i. e., complex words composed of three or more morphemes) by preschool age English children. Preschool age English children acquire solely 0.5 multi-morphemic words per day and multi-morphemic words constitute 8% of the vocabulary first grade English children own (Anglin, 1993, 71-79). First to third grade English children acquire 2 multi-morphemic words per day. Multi-morphemic words constitute 12 % of the third grade English children’s vocabulary. Fourth to fifth grade English children acquire 7.1 multi-morphemic words per day and multi-morphemic words constitute 19% of the fifth grade English children’s vocabulary (1993, 71-79). The low acquisition rate of multi-morphemic words by preschool age English children can be explained in terms of lack of parsability of multi-morphemic words. In his ‘Complexity-Based Ordering’ Model, Hay (2000, 2002) upholds that Level 1 suffixes (usually being Non-neutral suffixes), which occur inside other suffixes, are not parsed out during the processing of a multi-suffixed word by native speakers. Level 2 suffixes (usually being Neutral suffixes), which occur outside another suffix, are parsed out during the processing of multi-suffixes words. Level 1 suffixes: -al, -an, -ant, -ance, -ary, -ate, -ic, -ify, -ion, -ity, -ive, -ory, -ous, -y, -ity, -ation. Level 1 prefixes: sub-, de-, in-. Level 2 suffixes: -able, -age, -en, -er, -ful, -hood, -ish, -ism, -ist, -ize, -ly, -ment, -ness. (Fab, 1988, 531). Level 2 prefixes: re-, un-, non-. Obviously, such lack of parsability obscures the semantic transparency of multi-morphemic words and impedes the analytical acquisition of multi-morphemic words by preschool age English children. A strenuous effort to acquire multi-morphemic words would result in acquisition of such words as a unit (as the Lexeme-Based Model suggests, see Aronoff, 1994), rather than analytically (as argued by Morpheme-Based Model). Such lack of parsability also obscures the semantic transparency of multi-morphemic words and impedes the analytical acquisition of multi-morphemic words by pre intermediate L2 learners. The degree of Morphological Translation Equivalence that L2 multi-morphemic words share with their counterparts in pupils’ L1 is also lower compared to bi-morphemic words. Consequently, multi-morphemic words will be acquired as a unit rather than analytically by pre intermediate L2 learners. Elementary books designed for pre intermediate L2 learners - in addition to the insertion of root words - should also comprise less multi-morphemic words; perhaps solely or less than 8% of their vocabulary.

A heavily used little grammar word has a way of becoming a toolshed. After a while, it actually is a syllable of other words, and can never stand alone—the birth of a prefix or suffix. A good example is the -ly that forms adverbs like slowly and gently. It started as the word like (pronounced “leek” back then). That’s easy to imagine because even today we can still say slow-like to mean “in a slow fashion.” Used that way constantly, however, like lost the accent it once had. You hit the like in slow-like fairly hard, but the -ly in slowly not so much. Mumbled, it lost its final consonant—“leek” became “lee.

So this file contained two of three names—-ovna was the suffix for a daughter. Vera Petrovna meant Vera, Petyr’s daughter.

I’m not sure anyone still says gadzooks, but it was from God’s hooks—the nails used in Jesus’s crucifixion. We can see Odds bodkins emerging from “God’s body” in Shakespeare: Henry IV, Part II has a line “God’s body! The turkeys in my pannier are quite starved.” (It’s not one of Shakespeare’s more iconic lines.) The Bard added the “cutesifying” suffix -kin later when Hamlet says, “God’s bodykins, man, much better. Use every man after his desert, and who should ’scape whipping?” Leaving off the g and y, then, yields the queer little locution Odds bodkins! we now vaguely associate with men in stockings fencing on staircases (or at least I do).

During the best of times, Silicon Valley brimmed with opportunity. It seemed that every kid with a laptop and a hoodie could slap the dotcom suffix on the end of almost anything—stamps.com, shoes.com, drugstore.com, webvan.com, eToys.com, garden.com—and become a millionaire overnight. Venture capitalists poured money into these companies, and their valuations soared. But there’s no piece of music in which the crescendo doesn’t eventually crash. Most people can’t recognize when they’re in a bubble—or they don’t want to recognize it. Markets and industries are cyclical by nature. During periods of significant innovation, bubbles form because expectations grow faster than reality, and hope gets too far out in front of a future that doesn’t currently exist. The problem was that the structures, timing, and valuations of these startups were all dependent upon assumed growth and the execution of ambitious business plans, and those assumptions and executions often weren’t reasonable or achievable.

The English adverbial suffix -ly has also been obtained by morphologization. Old English had a noun lic ‘body’, which has developed in various ways. As lich, it survives in lich-gate, a roofed gateway to a church where coffins were formerly placed to await the arrival of a clergyman. The derivative gelic ‘having a common body’ is the source of our word like, as in ‘She’s just like you’. But, early on, the word lic also came to be compounded with nouns to express the sense of ‘resembling’ and then ‘having the characteristics of’: hence Old English fœderlic ‘father-like’, ‘fatherly’ and manlic ‘man-like’, ‘manly’; here the original noun has since been reduced to a mere suffix. Finally, much the same thing happened with adjectives: a case-inflected form lice was added to an adjective to express the meaning ‘in the manner of’: hence Old English slawlice ‘slowly’ and cwiculice ‘quickly’, and here again the original noun has been reduced to a purely grammatical affix: our suffix -ly for making adverbs out of adjectives.

Another, much more famous, instance of morphologization has occurred in the Romance languages (the modern descendants of Latin). Latin had a noun mens ‘mind’, whose stem was ment- and whose ablative case-form was mente (the Latin ablative was a case-form with miscellaneous uses, most of which we would associate largely with prepositional use in English). Quite early, it became usual in Latin to use the ablative mente with an accompanying adjective to express the state of mind in which an action was performed; as was usual in Latin, the adjective had to agree with its noun mente as feminine singular ablative. We thus find phrases like devota mente ‘with a devout mind’ (i.e., ‘devoutly’) and clara mente ‘with a clear mind’ (i.e., ‘clear-headedly’). At this stage, however, the construction was possible only with adjectives denoting possible states of mind; other adjectives, like those meaning ‘new’ or ‘equal’ or ‘obvious’, could not appear with mente, because the result would have made no sense: something like ‘with an equal mind’ could hardly mean anything. But then speakers began to reinterpret the mente construction as describing not the state of mind of somebody doing something, but the manner in which it was done. Consequently, the construction was extended to a much larger range of adjectives, and new instances appeared, like lenta mente (lenta ‘slow’) and dulce mente (dulce ‘soft’), with the adjectives still in the appropriate grammatical form for agreement with the noun. As a result, the form mente was no longer regarded as a form of mens ‘mind’; it was taken instead as a purely grammatical marker expressing an adverbial function, and it was therefore reduced from a separate word to a suffix. Today this new suffix is the ordinary way of obtaining adverbs of manner in the Romance languages, entirely parallel to English -ly in slowly or carefully, and it can be added to almost any suitable adjective. Thus Spanish, for example, has igualmente ‘equally’ (igual ‘equal’) and absolutamente ‘absolutely’ (absoluta ‘absolute’). Spanish still retains a trace of the ancient pattern: when two such adverbs are conjoined, only the last takes the suffix, and hence Spaniards say lenta y seguramente ‘slowly and surely’, and not *lentamente y seguramente. In French, this is not possible, and a French-speaker must say lentement et sûrement.

oncos, meaning “swelling,” to describe cancer, as it was often detected as a hard nodule. From this root, the words oncology (the science of cancer), oncologist (cancer specialist), and oncologic (related to cancer) are all derived. Galen also used the suffix -oma to denote a cancer. Thus, a hepatoma is a cancer in the liver.

Everyone seems to suffer from "metaverse FOMO" right now. To a certain extent, it's like the mid-'90s all over again. During the internet boom, companies that added a ".com" suffix to their names (even though they had nothing to do with the Internet) experienced abnormal returns in terms of stock value. That's precisely what is happening with any brand with the words crypto, blockchain, metaverse, or Web3 attached to it.

The noun failure came much later, in the seventeenth century. It was formed in English from the verb faillir, but the end syllable was confused with a different suffix, -ure in words like figure, pressure, and closure. Due to this confusion, faillir became failure. But before that the gerund form failing was used as the noun, in failing of teeth, failing of eyes, failing of the spirit, and also without (any) failing. For a while, there was also another noun form, faille, taken directly from French. Sans faille meant without fault, lack, or flaw, and it worked its way into medieval English along with other common set phrases like sans doute, sans délai, crier merci, en bref, au large, par cœur. We made the words more English but kept the basic structure: without a doubt, without delay, cry mercy, in brief, at large, by heart.

Mandarin or Vietnamese, have little or no inflectional morphology: the concept of ‘plural’ in Mandarin for example has to be deduced from context (one dog, two dog, many dog and so on) and is not marked on the noun itself. Russian or Latin, by contrast, are examples of highly inflecting languages: both Latin and its daughter language, Portuguese, for example, have full verbal paradigms in which all persons in all tenses are marked by a suffix (compare English, which marks only third person singular in the present tense). In both Latin and Russian, nouns are additionally marked for case, indicating by means of a suffix their function within a sentence. English, which has lost most of its case marking except in pronouns (compare she as a subject or nominative form, and her as an accusative or object form), achieves this through word order (subjects tend to precede verbs, objects follow them), or by prepositions. In Russian, these endings vary according to the gender of the noun, and there is a separate plural form.

arcade;lemonade;marmalade.  from French via Portuguese, Provençal, and Spanish -ada or via Italian -ata, from Latin -atus (past participial suffix of verbs ending in -are). -ade 2   suffix forming nouns such as decade. Compare with -AD1.  representing the French noun ending -ade, from Greek. Linked entries:

(PuzzleBoxGPL) Inventor, Jonathan Roy McKinney >Unique 1< >Diadem Ring Circlet 8, 6, 1< >Mana Pi Sphere Abstracter 14, 2, 6, 2< >Golden Items 5, 3< >Hexagonal Prism 9, 5< “PuzzleBoxGPL forsees rainbow facets Inna hash table, and gets prefixes, suffixes, searches, and sorts randomized objects Inna standard normal distribution, inspired by Blizzard Entertainment’s Diablo, SNES'S Secret Of Mana, B2B/B2C Business Intelligence, Knowledge Management, and Blockchain, given that the five pointed star encapsulates the hexagon Inna Model View Projection Matrix, it halves the coins Inna three-dimensional P2P hashing scheme

*>PGEMSIX< GPL >Unique 1< >Diadem Ring Circlet 8, 6, 1< >Abstracter 2< >Golden Items 5, 3< >Hexagonal Prism 9, 5< “>PGEMSIX< GPL forsees rainbow facets in randomized hash tables, prefixes, suffixes, searches, and sorts globs Inna standard normal distribution, inspired by Blizzard Entertainment’s Diablo, SNES'S Secret Of Mana, B2B/B2C Business Intelligence, Knowledge Management, and Blockchain. The five pointed star forgoes Model View Projection Matrices, and halves coins Inna 3-dimensional P2P hashing scheme

(PuzzleBoxGPL) Inventor, Jonathan Roy McKinney >Unique 1< >Diadem Ring Circlet 8, 6, 1< >Mana Pi Sphere Abstracter 14, 2, 6, 2< >Golden Items 5, 3< >Hexagonal Prism 9, 5< “PuzzleBoxGPL forsees rainbow facets in hash tables, prefixes, suffixes, searches, and sorts randomized glob objects in the standard normal distribution, inspired by Blizzard Entertainment’s Diablo, SNES'S Secret Of Mana, B2B/B2C Business Intelligence, Knowledge Management, and Blockchain. The five pointed star gives out the Model View Projection Matrix vertices, and halves the coins Inna three-dimensional P2P hashing scheme

<> >Diadem Ring Circlet 8, 6, 1< >Mana Pi Sphere Abstracter 14, 8, 2< >Golden Items 5, 3< >Hexagonal Prism 9, 5< “Paisbox randomizer finds Rainbow Facets Inna hash table, prefixes, suffixes, searches, and sorts globs Inna standard normal distribution, inspired by Blizzard Entertainment’s Diablo, Secret Of Mana on Nintendo, Altered Carbon, B2B B2C Business Intelligence, Knowledge Management, and Blockchain. The Five pointed star forges the model view projection matrix, and binds coins Inna two-dimensional P2P hashing scheme.

*PO GPL >Diadem Ring Circlet 8, 6, 1< >Mana Pi Sphere Abstracter 14, 8, 2< >Golden Items 5, 3< >Hexagonal Prism 9, 5< “Paisbox randomizer finds Rainbow Facets Inna hash table, prefixes, suffixes, searches and sorts globs Inna standard normal distribution, inspired by Blizzard Entertainment’s Diablo, Secret Of Mana on Super Nintendo, Altered Carbon, B2B/B2C Business Intelligence, Knowledge Management, and Blockchain. The Five pointed star forges the Model View Projection Matrix, binds or halves coins Inna 3-dimensional P2P hashing scheme.

>Diadem Ring Circlet 8, 6, 1< >Mana Pi Sphere Abstracter 14, 8, 2< >Golden Items 5, 3< >Hexagonal Prism 9, 5< “Paisbox randomizer finds Rainbow Facets Inna hash table, prefixes, suffixes, searches, and sorts globs Inna standard normal distribution, inspired by Blizzard Entertainment’s Diablo, Secret Of Mana on Nintendo, Altered Carbon, B2B/B2C Business Intelligence, Knowledge Management, and Blockchain. The Five pointed star forges the model view projection matrix, binds, and halves coins Inna 3-dimensional P2P hashing scheme.

Do not devalue freedom with suffixes and prefixes.

(PuzzleBoxGPL) Inventor, Jonathan Roy McKinney >Unique 1< >Diadem Ring Circlet 8, 6, 1< >Mana Pi Sphere Abstracter 14, 2, 6, 2< >Golden Items 5, 3< >Hexagonal Prism 9, 5< “PuzzleBoxGPL ingots rainbow facets Inna hash table, forges prefixes, suffixes, and finds randomized objects Inna standard normal distribution, inspired by Blizzard Entertainment’s Diablo, SNES'S Secret Of Mana, LOTR, B2B/B2C Business Intelligence, Knowledge Management, and Blockchain, given the five pointed star binds the hexagon Inna Model View Projection Matrix, it halves the coins Inna three-dimensional P2P hashing scheme. "Three Rings for the Elven-kings under the sky, Seven for the Dwarf-lords in their halls of stone, Nine for Mortal Men doomed to die, One for the Dark Lord on his dark throne In the Land of Mordor where the Shadows lie. One Ring to rule them all...”-LOTR. Given that the one ring was forged from one too many golden ingots, it was forseen that Sauron's deception poisoned all the land and covered it in a sickened darkness for the one ring that finds them, and one ring that binds them, for they were all deceived...I before E except after C.

*PO >Diadem Ring Circlet 8, 6, 1< >Mana Pi Sphere Abstracter 14, 8, 2< >Golden Items 5, 3< >Hexagonal Prism 9, 5< “Paisbox randomizer finds Rainbow Facets Inna hash table, prefixes, suffixes, searches and sorts globs Inna standard normal distribution, inspired by Blizzard Entertainment’s Diablo, Secret Of Mana on Nintendo, Altered Carbon, B2B/B2C Business Intelligence, Knowledge Management, and Blockchain. The Five pointed star forges the Model View Projection Matrix, binds or halves coins Inna 3-dimensional P2P hashing scheme.

(PuzzleBoxGPL) Inventor, Jonathan Roy McKinney >Unique 1< >Diadem Ring Circlet 8, 6, 1< >Mana Pi Sphere Abstracter 14, 2, 6, 2< >Golden Items 5, 3< >Hexagonal Prism 9, 5< “PuzzleBoxGPL ingots rainbow facets Inna hash table, forges prefixes, suffixes, and finds randomized objects Inna standard normal distribution, inspired by Blizzard Entertainment’s Diablo, SNES'S Secret Of Mana, LOTR, B2B/B2C Business Intelligence, Knowledge Management, and Blockchain, given the five pointed star binds the hexagon Inna Model View Projection Matrix, it halves the coins Inna three-dimensional P2P hashing scheme. "Three Rings for the Elven-kings under the sky, Seven for the Dwarf-lords in their halls of stone, Nine for Mortal Men doomed to die, One for the Dark Lord on his dark throne In the Land of Mordor where the Shadows lie. One Ring to rule them all...”-LOTR. Given that the one ring was forged from one too many golden ingots, it was forseen that Sauron's deception poisoned all the land and covered it in a sickened darkness for the one ring that finds them and one ring that binds them, for they were all deceived...I before E except after C.

Dima?” Dmitri had been raised in the States and hardly ever used Russian pet names. He even forgot to add the -a suffix to women’s surnames when speaking to Russian-born women. But in this moment, he replied, “Kostya?

The Paisx GPL Interface triangulates prefix for suffix, implementing Rectangular Virtualization, while squaring off the base to derived like components Inna Pi Phi Xor Pipeline like Blockchain. Paisx or PiphiAISΦrtXor formulates the mathematical building blocks 11<1111<1, while emulating cognitive, affective, psychomotor domains, and managing knowledge reverse engineered by the inspiring videogame blizzard entertainment's Diablo. The open source code is so simple but complex that it puzzles the mind Inna ascii conversion cube, Pirandom > Circlet + Diadem × Ring > Itemizer + Abstracter. I developed this in knowing that the new web2.0 Metaverse is on the rise. We really needed to speed up the development of the videogame industry's storylines and graphics automation, while integrating the newer gaming experience with an option for block chaining new coins to invest in the marketplace.

IT POPS - Invention by Jonathan Roy Mckinney - PREFIX OBJECTS PAISX SUFFIX

GPL Left Copy PAISX(PiphiAiSortXor) By: JRM Bacheloriate IST Project Incepted from June 14, 2017 to Mar. 3rd, 2023 9th XYZ StarGate = (Itemizer+Abstracter)[11].(Circlet + Ring + Diadem)[0110].PIRANDOM[1].ROMAN[1000] It randomizes stem objects, prefixes and sorts them alphabetically Inna standard normal distribution inspired by Diablo, and Data As A Service. The randomizer system creates blockchain objects, coins and/or envelopes the 5 pointed star for a two-way P2P hashing scheme, interprets and/or suffixes results.

using a virus that could glue cells together, they fused the B cell with a cancer cell. I am still awestruck by the idea. How did they even think of using the undead to resuscitate the dying? The result was one of the strangest cells in biology. The plasma cell retained its antibody-secreting property, while the cancer cell conferred its immortality. They called their peculiar cell a hybridoma—a, well, hybrid of hybrid and oma, the suffix of carcinoma. The immortal plasma cell was now capable of perpetually secreting only one kind of antibody. We call this antibody of a single type (in other words, a clone), a monoclonal antibody. Milstein and Köhler’s paper was published in Nature in 1975.

[원료약품분량] 이 약 1정(126mg) 중 졸피뎀 타르타르산염 (EP) [성상] 백색 장방형의 필름코팅제 [효능효과] 불면증 [용법용량] 까톡【pak6】텔레:【JRJR331】텔레:【TTZZZ6】라인【TTZZ6】 졸피뎀(Zolpidem) 은 불면증이나 앰비엔(Ambien), 앰비엔 CR(Ambien CR), 인터메조(Intermezzo), 스틸넉스(Stilnox), 스틸넉트(Stilnoct), 서블리넉스(Sublinox), 하이프너젠(Hypnogen), 조네이딘(Zonadin), Sanval, Zolsana and Zolfresh 등은 졸피뎀의 시판되는 품명이다. 1) 이 약은 작용발현이 빠르므로, 취침 바로 직전에 경구투여한다. In addition to "I love you" used to date in Korean, there are old words such as "goeda" [3], "dada" [4], and "alluda" [5]. In Chinese characters, 愛(ae) and 戀(yeon) have the meaning of love. In Chinese characters, 戀 mainly means love in a relationship, and 愛 means more comprehensive love than that. In the case of Jeong, the meaning is more comprehensive than Ae or Yeon, and it is difficult to say the word love. In the case of Japanese, it is divided into two types: 愛 (あい) and 恋 (いこ) [6]. There are two main views on etymology. First of all, there is a hypothesis that the combination of "sal" in "live" or "sard" and the suffix "-ang"/"ung" was changed to "love" from the Middle Ages, but "love" clearly appears as a form of "sudah" in the Middle Ages, so there is a problem that the vowels do not match at all. Although "Sarda" was "Sanda," the vowels match, but the gap between "Bulsa" and "I love you" is significant, and "Sanda" and "Sanda Lang," which were giants, have a difference in tone, so it is difficult to regard it as a very reliable etymology. Next, there is a hypothesis that it originated from "Saryang," which means counting the other person. It is a hypothesis argued by Korean language scholars such as Yang Ju-dong, and at first glance, it can be considered that "Saryang," which means "thinking and counting," has not much to do with "love" in meaning. In addition, some criticize the hypothesis, saying that the Chinese word Saryang itself is an unnatural coined word that means nothing more than "the amount of thinking." However, in addition to the meaning of "Yang," there is a meaning of "hearida," and "Saryang" is also included in the Standard Korean Dictionary and the Korean-Chinese Dictionary as a complex verb meaning "think and count." In addition, as will be described later, Saryang is an expression whose history is long enough to be questioned in the Chinese conversation book "Translation Noguldae" in the early 16th century, so the criticism cannot be considered to be consistent with the facts. In addition, if you look at the medieval Korean literature data, you can find new facts. 2) 성인의 1일 권장량은 10mg이며, 이러한 권장량을 초과하여서는 안된다. 노인 또는 쇠약한 환자들의 경우, 이 약의 효과에 민감할 수 있기 때문에, 권장량을 5mg으로 하며, 1일 10mg을 초과하지 않는다. ^^바로구입가기^^ ↓↓아래 이미지 클릭↓↓ 까톡【pak6】텔레:【JRJR331】텔레:【TTZZZ6】라인【TTZZ6】 3) 간 손상으로 이 약의 대사 및 배설이 감소될 수 있으므로, 노인 환자들에서처럼 특별한 주 의와 함께 용량을 5mg에서 시작하도록 한다. 4) 65세 미만의 성인의 경우, 약물의 순응도가 좋으면서 임상적 반응이 불충분한 경우 용량을 10mg까지 증량할 수 있다. 5) 치료기간은 보통 수 일에서 2주, 최대한 4주까지 다양하며, 용량은 임상적으로 적절한 경우 점진적으로 감량해가도록 한다. 6) 다른 수면제들과 마찬가지로, 장기간 사용은 권장되지 않으며, 1회 치료기간은 4주를 넘지 않도록 한다.

every suffix needs a prefix

Comparing Patty’s results with those of Tyler & Nagy (1989), Lardiere, D. (2006) notes that Patty’s Knowledge of Syntactic Properties of English Suffixes (as demonstrated by Patty’s scores in the nonce-words test) is higher than that of eighth grade English children, while, on the other hand, her ability to choose the proper real-derived word which suits the given syntactic context (as demonstrated by Patty’s scores in the real-word items test), equalizes that of sixth grade English children. Such results divulge hat there is a disparity between L1 and L2 acquisition of Syntactic Properties of Suffixes.

When teaching vocabulary, teachers have to provide the counterparts that L2 complex words have in pupils’ L1. Presenting the counterparts that L2 complex words have in pupils’ L1 assists L2 learners in transferring the decomposition capability of L1 complex words to L2 complex words. Morphological Translation Equivalence that pair complex words share with each other assist L2 learners in transferring the information of the L1 complex word to its counterpart in pupils’ L2 (e. g., transitive verbs read, lees plus suffix –able/-baar resulting in adjectives readable leesbaar).

According to an esoteric explanation, the Sanskrit term mantra signifies “that which protects (trāna) the mind (manas). Specifically, mantra is a sound (letter, syllable, word, or phrase) that is charged with transformative power, such as the letter a, the sacred syllable om, the word hamsa, or the phrase om mani padme hūm. Thus a mantra could be explained as a potentized sound by which specific effects in consciousness can be produced. Most high-minded practitioners are reluctant to use mantras for anything other than the greatest human goal (purusha-artha, written purushārtha), which is liberation. In Tantric rituals, mantras are used to purify the altar, one’s seat, implements such as vessels and offering spoons, or the offerings themselves (e.g., flowers, water, food), or to invoke deities, protectors, and so on. Yet, the science of sacred sound (mantra-shāstra) has since ancient times been widely put to secular use as well. In this case, mantras assume the character of magical spells rather than sacred vibrations in the service of self-transformation and self-transcendence. The serpent energy hidden in the body is associated with the Sanskrit alphabet constituted of fifty basic letters, or sound vibrations, which go into the making of mantras. In contrast to ordinary words, however, mantras most often do not have a particular meaning, and their potency is tapped into through frequent repetition, whether mentally, whispered, or aloud. It is not commonly understood that for a sound to be a mantra, it must have been given in the context of initiation (dīkshā), whether formally or informally. Only then does the mantra have truly transformative power. For a mantra to become “active” or “awakened,” it must be recited at least 100,000 times. A mantra lacking in “consciousness” is just like any other sound. As the Kula-Arnava-Tantra (15.61–64) states: Mantras without consciousness are said to be mere letters. They yield no result even after a trillion recitations. The state that manifests promptly when the mantra is recited [with “consciousness”], that result is not [to be gained] from a hundred, a thousand, a hundred thousand, or ten million recitations. O Kuleshvarī, the knots at the heart and throat are pierced, all the limbs are invigorated, tears of joy, gooseflesh, bodily ecstasy, and tremulous speech suddenly occur for sure . . . . . . when a mantra endowed with consciousness is uttered even once. Where such signs are seen, that [mantra] is said to be according to tradition. Mantras of concentrated potency are known as “seed syllables” (bīja). Om is the original seed syllable, the source of all others. The Mantra-Yoga-Samhitā (71) calls it the “best of all mantras,” adding that all other mantras receive their power from it. Thus om is prefixed or sometimes also suffixed to numerous mantras, such as om namah shivāya

GPL Left Copy PAISX(PiphiAiSortXor) By: JRM Bacheloriate IST Project Incepted from June 14, 2017 to Mar. 3rd, 2023 5th XYZ StarGate = (Itemizer+Abstracter)[11].(Circlet + Diadem + Ring)[0110].PIRANDOM[1] It randomizes stem objects, prefixes and sorts them alphabetically Inna standard normal distribution inspired by Diablo, and Data As A Service. The randomizer system creates objects or coins in the blockchain that envelope the 5 pointed star for a two-way P2P hashing scheme, and suffixes interpreted results.

GPL Left Copy PAISX(PiphiAiSortXor) By: JRM Bacheloriate IST Project Incepted from June 14, 2017 to Mar. 3rd, 2023 5th XYZ StarGate = (Itemizer+Abstracter)[11].(Circlet + Ring + Diadem)[0110].PIRANDOM[1] It randomizes stem object prefixes, and sorts them alphabetically Inna standard normal distribution inspired by Diablo, and Data As A Service. The randomizer system creates objects or coins in the blockchain that envelope the 5 pointed star for a two-way P2P hashing scheme, and suffixes results while being interpreted.

GPL Left Copy PAISX(PiphiAiSortXor) By: JRM Bacheloriate IST Project Incepted from June 14, 2017 to Mar. 3rd, 2023 5th XYZ StarGate = (Itemizer+Abstracter)[11].(Circlet + Ring + Diadem)[0110].PIRANDOM[1] It randomizes stem objects, prefixes and sorts them alphabetically Inna standard normal distribution inspired by Diablo, and Data As A Service. The randomizer system creates blockchain objects, coins and/or envelopes the 5 pointed star for a two-way P2P hashing scheme, interprets and/or suffixes results.

GPL Left Copy Paisx(PiphiAiSortXor).Prefix(Romanticism); 5th Elemental Gate = (Itemizer+Abstracter)[11].(Circlet + Diadem)(Ring)[1111].PIRANDOM[1].Paisx.Prefix[6] Bacheloriate IST Project By: JRM, Incepted from June 14, 2017 to Mar. 3rd, 2023 Randomizes the Stem prefixed Objects, orders them alphabetically Inna standard normal distribution inspired by Diablo, and Data As A Service. The randomizer system creates objects or coins in the blockchain that envelope the 5 pointed star for a two-way P2P hashing scheme in its suffix and/or result being interpreted.

The full derivation of Grand Master System PAISX triangulation revealed of It the PREFIX and SUFFIX for I/O respectively.

NO” to thin fonts & very long brand names Avoid using thin fonts as it will cause a catastrophic effect on brand readability. Yes, logos have to be clearly readable. It’s advisable to maintain fonts that are easy to read from a distance so that the brand name stands out clearly. Avoid using long-form registered names of the brand, instead, use acronyms or the main brand name removing the prefixes and suffixes. It’s an important point to note-when your logo takes lesser space to represent your brand, clearly that’s how effective it becomes. Remove “Ltd”, “LLP” in the suffixes as they are only for statutory purposes.

If your students are not your children, then you’ve no business touching harpstrings. There is a reason that our order is called Cruitreache, that the name takes the same plural suffix as mother. Think about it.