Sardar Patel Quotes

Little pools of water tend to become stagnant and useless, but that if they are joined together to form a big lake, the atmosphere is cooled and there is universal benefit.

Gandhi was one such bad parent who rewarded the ill-behaved and punished the well-behaved. He was harsh on the polemical but non-violent Swami Shraddhananda, and kind to the Swami’s murderer, about whom he stated in public: ‘Abdul Rashid is my brother.’ In settling his succession, he spurned his loyal and obedient friend Sardar Patel, and favoured the conceited and un-Gandhian Anglo-secularist Jawaharlal Nehru. His dealings with Suhrawardy were also read by the Muslim agitators as a sign of deference to Muslim aggression, an encouragement to continue on the chosen path of provocation and violence.

Place Person Kapilvastu Gautam Buddha Macedonia Alexander, the Great Jalianwala Bagh General Dyer Anand Bhawan Jawaharlal Nehru Chittore Maharana Pratap Haldi Ghati Maharana Pratap Sabarmati Mahatma Gandhi Sitab Diyara Jai Prakash Narayan Shantiniketan Rabindra Nath Tagore Talwandi Guru Nanak Sevagram Mahatma Gandhi Pawapuri Mahavir Kushi Nagar Gautam Buddha Ibrahim Patti Chandra Shekhar Lumbini Gautam Buddha Mecca Prophet Mohammed Waterloo Napoleon Bonaparte Porbandar Mahatma Gandhi Bardoli Sardar Patel Fatehpur Sikri Akbar, the Great Puducherry Aurobindo Ghosh Belur Math Rama Krishna Paramhans Pawanar Vinoba Bhave Seringapatnam Tipu Sultan Kundgram Mahavir Jeeradei Dr. Rajendra Prasad Cuttack Subhash Chandra Bose Trimurti Bhawan Jawaharlal Nehru Jerusalem Jesus Christ Corsica Napoleon Bonaparte Trafalgar Nelson

Durga Das recounted the following: “I asked Gandhi… He [Gandhi] readily agreed that Patel would have proved a better negotiator and organiser as Congress President, but he felt Nehru should head the Government. When I asked him how he reconciled this with his assessment of Patel’s qualities as a leader, he laughed and said: ‘Jawaharlal is the only Englishman in my camp… [then, why talk of swadeshi and swaraj!] Jawaharlal will not take second place. He is better known abroad than Sardar and will make India play a role in international affairs [Why not make him Foreign Minister then? Although,

Till October 1950, Tibet was, for all practical purposes, a free country. But in 1950, it was invaded by the Chinese communists. Nehru didn’t intervene though Sardar Patel did warn him about China’s intentions.

he could do for her. But, Nehru showed no interest and said nothing. After some time, she left disappointed. She returned to Ahmedabad to stay with a cousin. Neither Nehru, nor the Congress Party bothered about her well-being. Such was the fate of the lady who gave her all to the nation and of the daughter of a person who made India what it is today! Contrast this with the Nehru Dynasty, who enjoyed all the fruits, while others had done all the sacrifices.

Out of 15, 12 Congress Pradesh Committee’s the only body with the power to nominate and elect the President of the Party nominated Sardar Patel.[26] Not a single Congress Committee nominated Nehru, but at the end of the day that did not matter. He was the Mahatma’s blue-eyed boy. Gandhi acted like the feudal lord he pretended he wasn’t and ‘advised’ Patel to withdraw his candidature. He asked Acharya Kripalani to find a proposer and seconder for Nehru’s candidacy. The historian Rajmohan Gandhi records how ‘as soon as Nehru had been formally proposed,’ pursuant to the Mahatma’s instructions Kripalani ‘handed Patel a fresh piece of paper with the latter’s withdrawal written out on it. Vallabhbhai was pulling out, Kripalani’s draft said ‘so that Nehru could be elected unopposed.’[27]

It was no easy task to integrate such a big country, with its many religions and languages, which had never been one country. So many different States had to be integrated and organized in order that the whole country should be free. But we had comparatively little trouble; we have, therefore, not enough appreciation for this. That, however, is not the end of our task.

one must read a letter written in November 1950 by Sardar Patel to Nehru. He warned, ‘We can, therefore, safely assume that very soon they (the Chinese) will disown all the stipulations which Tibet has entered into with us in the past... The undefined state of the frontier and the existence on our side of a population with its affinities to Tibetans or Chinese has all the elements of potential trouble between China and ourselves.’ Patel wanted the Indian government immediately to set out a definite policy, particularly in regard to the McMahon Line. Had Patel’s advice been followed, we would not have suffered the humiliation of 1962. Despite advice from within the Congress, Nehru continued to champion China’s cause at the United Nations. It is now well known that even President Truman wanted India to commit itself to the defence of Tibetan independence. Chou En Lai continued to make a fool of the gullible Jawaharlal Nehru.

Sardar was far better academically, and much more intelligent than Nehru. Like Nehru, Sardar Patel too had studied in England. But, while Nehru’s father financed all his education, Sardar financed his own education in England, through his own earnings! While Nehru could manage to scrape through in only a poor lower second-division in England, Sardar Patel topped in the first division!

Later, in May 1947, Gandhi asserted that ‘Sind Hindus should not be weaklings’ and assured them that they would be given full protection. At the same occasion, Sardar Patel stated emphatically that migration would only weaken the case of the minorities and would ensure the creation of Pakistan.28 Even after Partition was announced a month later, Gandhi continued to question Sindhi Hindu migration, attributing it to misplaced fears.

From 1959 onwards the situation on the border with China became increasingly tense. It soon became a cause for national concern. In the letters Chaudhury received from Jawaharlal Nehru, about China, he had a hunch about the divergence of views between Nehru and Sardar Patel. The NEFA Reverse, which occurred on 20 October 1962, rocked India's political and military foundations. The nation reacted with anger to the absoluteness of this event. In the words of Brig. John Dalvi, "1962 was a national failure of which every Indian is guilty. It was a failure in the Higher Direction of War, a failure of the Opposition, a failure of the General Staff (myself included); it was a failure of responsible public opinion and the Press. For the government of India, it was a Himalayan Blunder at all levels.

Sardar Patel, in as early as 1950, drew Nehru's attention to the threat posed by China. In a detailed letter containing some truly prophetic formulations about China's intentions and plans, he warned JN of the dangers of complacency and strongly urged a serious reconsideration of the entire China policy and the various steps that needed to be taken to meet the new situation. The Sardar said, in his letter: "Thus, for the first time after centuries, India’s defence has to concentrate itself on two fronts simultaneously. Our defence measure have so far been based on the calculations of a superiority over Pakistan. In our calculations we shall now have to reckon with Communist China in the north and in the north-east, a Communist China which has definite ambitions and aims and which does not, in any way, seem friendly disposed towards us. In my judgement, the situation is one in which we cannot afford either to be complacent or to be vacillating. We must have a clear idea of what we wish to achieve and also of the methods by which we should achieve it. Any faltering or lack of decisiveness in formulating our objectives or in pursuing our policy to attain those objectives is bound to weaken us and increase the threats which are so evident.

This book is really about the making of a great leader. In my own research and writings over many decades, I have concluded the following about leadership: You can neither manufacture nor can you buy leadership. You must earn it. Great leaders are great doers. They have a knack of organizing and inspiring the followers. Sometimes, they even generate cult-like loyalty. When the followers are ready, the leaders show up. Therefore, in times of crisis, uncertainty and chronic dissatisfaction, unexpected people become leaders. This was the case with Nelson Mandela, Martin Luther King, Mahatma Gandhi, and Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel. In short, ordinary people become extraordinary leaders. Great leaders are driven by purpose and passion. They derive boundless energy from their purpose and passion. To them, leadership is all about people. Management is all about grit and determination. Great leaders not only promise the future but deliver it. Great leaders are great architects. Like good architects, they imagine building something unique, enduring, and inspiring. Examples include the Pyramids, the ancient temples, churches and mosques; more recently, the Opera House in Sydney; the Olympic Stadium (Bird’s Nest) in Beijing; and Putrajaya, the new capital of Malaysia. There are three universal qualities of all great leaders: passion, caring, and capability. This is also true of great teachers.

सरदार पटेल ने कहा था कि ‘‘हमें विभाजन के लिए सहमत होना पड़ा...तमाम संशयों और दुःखों के बाद। किंतु मैंने महसूस किया कि यदि मैं विभाजन को स्वीकार नहीं करता हूँ तो भारत अनेक समुदायों में बँट जाएगा और पूर्णतः बरबाद हो जाएगा। विभाजन के बाद भी 75 प्रतिशत जनसंख्या इस ओर रह जाएगी, जिन्हें हमें ऊपर उठाना है।’’ यहाँ तक कि गांधीजी ने भी, जिनसे अनेक वर्षों तक सरदार पूर्णतः सहमत थे, महसूस किया कि यद्यपि वे इस निर्णय से सहमत नहीं हैं, ‘‘किंतु उन्होंने मुझसे (सरदार से) कहा कि यदि मेरा हृदय मेरी धारणा को ठीक समझता है तो मैं आगे बढ़ सकता हूँ।

परित्याग करना है।’’ (प्रलेख-36) उन्होंने जोर दिया कि अहिंसा एक सीमित क्षेत्र तक ठीक है, किंतु यह आंतरिक या बाह्य आक्रमण का सामना करने के लिए उचित नहीं है।

मेरी धारणा है कि हम लोगों को समाचार-पत्रों की रपटों की उपेक्षा कर देनी चाहिए। सर सिकंदर को मौलाना अबुल कलाम आजाद को लिखना चाहिए था, जिनसे वह पिछली बार दिल्ली में मिले थे अथवा गांधीजी को पत्र लिखना चाहिए था, जिनके पास उनकी पहुँच सुगमता से होती है। मेरे विचार से, हम लोगों को अब कोई और पहल नहीं करनी चाहिए। आपके पत्र के जवाब में श्री जिन्ना के पिछले उत्तर से अब आगे किसी भी पहल का पूरा दायित्व उन्हीं का बनता है। मैं समझता हूँ कि लगातार प्रस्ताव देकर हम अपना केस खराब कर रहे हैं। परंतु इस विषय में मौलाना साहब की सलाह अंतिम होनी चाहिए।

हमसे पूछते हैं कि यदि वे हार गए और दुश्मन यहाँ आ गए तो हमारा क्या होगा? वे डर रहे हैं और इस प्रश्न का उत्तर देना मुश्किल है। यद्यपि वे दो सौ वर्षों तक यहाँ रहे हैं, फिर भी, हमें दुःख है कि वे हमसे यह प्रश्न पूछ रहे हैं। हम कहते हैं कि ‘‘आप चिंता न करें। दो सौ वर्षों तक यहाँ रहने के बाद भी यदि आपको यह प्रश्न हमसे पूछना पड़ रहा है तो यातायात के प्रथम उपलब्ध साधन से आप यहाँ से चले जाएँ। हम अपना मामला सुलझा लेंगे।... हमें जो होना है, उसे होने दीजिए; किंतु आप अपने हृदय से पूछिए कि जब आप दो सौ वर्षों बाद भारत खो देंगे तो आपका क्या होगा? आपकी वास्तविक पीड़ा यही है।

भारत छोड़ो का नारा तभी प्रभावी होगा जब 40 करोड़ भारतीय 1 लाख अंग्रेजों से भारत छोड़ने के लिए कहेंगे।

हिंसा और तीव्रता के बावजूद ‘भारत छोड़ो आंदोलन’ सफल नहीं हुआ। परंतु यह आंदोलन यह प्रदर्शित करने में सफल रहा कि स्वतंत्रता प्राप्त करने के लिए पूरे देश में लोग सबकुछ बलिदान करने

एक ही देश में दो राष्ट्रों के विचार को हास्यास्पद बताते हुए सरदार ने कहा कि इसका अर्थ यह होगा कि पिता एक राष्ट्र का होगा और उसके बच्चे दूसरे राष्ट्र के।’’ ‘‘इसमें मैं यह भी जोड़ना चाहूँगा कि कुछ लोग तो ‘नो मैंस लैंड’ के भी होंगे—यदि पिता एक राष्ट्र का हो और माता दूसरे राष्ट्र की!

Sardar was far better academically, and far wiser than Nehru. Like Nehru, Sardar Patel too had studied in England. But, while Nehru’s father financed all his education, Sardar financed his own education in England, through his own earnings! While Nehru could manage to scrape through in only a poor lower second-division in England, Sardar Patel topped in the first division! Professionally too, Sardar was a successful lawyer, while Nehru was a failure. Sardar had a roaring practice, and was the highest paid lawyer in Ahmedabad, before he left it all on a call by Gandhi; while Nehru was dependent upon his father for his own upkeep, and that of his family.

आप हमारे कंधों पर पिछले डेढ़ सौ सालों से सवारी करते चले आ रहे हैं, अब उतर जाइए। वे कहते हैं कि यदि वे चले जाएँ तो हमारा क्या होगा? आप हमसे यह प्रश्न दो सौ वर्षों तक शासन करने के बाद पूछ रहे हैं! फिर आपने इतने वर्षों तक क्या किया? इससे मुझे एक झगड़े का प्रसंग याद आता है—एक मकान मालिक से चौकीदार पूछता है कि ‘क्या होगा, जब वह चला जाएगा?’ ‘मैं सुरक्षा करना सीख लूँगा।’ लेकिन यह चौकीदार काम छोड़ता नहीं है और हम लोगों को बार-बार धमकाता रहता है।’’ (प्रलेख-33)

एक और तथ्य जिसे दृढ़ता से, किंतु सरकारी सलाहकारों द्वारा निराधार ही प्रस्तुत किया गया, वह यह था कि संधि में अल्पसंख्यकों की सुरक्षा के लिए तब तक व्यवस्था नहीं हो सकती जब तक कि इसमें उनके प्रतिनिधिस्वरूप ब्रिटिश हस्तक्षेप की आवश्यक व्यवस्था न कर ली जाए। कांग्रेस और मुसलिम लीग दोनों ने ही इन प्रस्तावों को अस्वीकृत कर दिया। कांग्रेस ने महसूस किया कि क्रिप्स मिशन के प्रस्तावों से ‘‘कांग्रेस और सरकार के बीच की दूरियाँ बढ़ेंगी और जिसे वे मानते थे कि शासन त्यागने की अपनी असम्मति को अंततः उन्होंने अभिव्यक्त किया था।’’ कांग्रेस ने यथार्थतः भारतीय हाथों में तत्काल शासन हस्तांतरित करने के लिए आग्रह किया। यानी पूर्ण शक्ति-संपन्न एक मंत्रिमंडलीय सरकार और (क्रिप्स के) प्रस्तावों को अस्वीकृत कर दिया।3

सरदार पटेल ने हिंदू महासभा और आर.एस.एस. को चेतावनी दी कि ‘‘उन्हें यह समझना चाहिए कि भारत सरकार देश की शांति और स्थिरता पर कोई भी आक्रमण बरदाश्त नहीं कर सकती।’’ उन्होंने कहा कि प्रत्येक देशभक्त मुसलमान को अपने भाई की तरह समझा जाना चाहिए और किसी ने भी यह सोचा कि वह मुसलमानों को कष्ट देने के लिए स्वतंत्र है तो यह स्वतंत्रता उचित नहीं है। (प्रलेख

भावनगर में कुछ मुसलमानों द्वारा उन पर आक्रमण किए जाने के बावजूद सरदार पटेल ने राजेंद्र बाबू से कहा कि उन आर्यसमाजियों पर कठोर काररवाई की जानी चाहिए, जो शोलापुर में दो मुसलमानों की हत्या के जिम्मेदार

सरदार पटेल की अध्यक्षता में 2 अप्रैल, 1931 को कराची में इंडियन नेशनल कांग्रेस की कार्यकारिणी समिति के द्वारा विभिन्न स्तरों पर विचार किए जाने के बाद तिरंगा राष्ट्रीय ध्वज स्वीकार किया गया।

सरदार पटेल ने रास (Ras) के लोगों को आनेवाले प्रांतीय महासभा (प्रोविंशियल असेंबली) चुनावों के महत्त्व को समझाने का प्रयास किया और उन्हें कांग्रेस प्रत्याशी को वोट देने के लिए प्रेरित किया, ‘‘लड़ाई अभी समाप्त नहीं हुई है, लेकिन इसका तरीका बदल दिया गया है। स्वतंत्रता के लिए संघर्ष कभी खत्म नहीं होता।’’ इस

भी

In 1949, Home Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel decided to found a think-tank specifically devoted to monitoring Communism, the Democratic Research Service, which was formally started in November 1950. It was sponsored by the industrialist Birla family, and initially led by Morarji Desai, who passed the job on to Minoo Masani. It was as secretary of the DRS that Ram Swarup prepared a History of the Communist Party of India, which Masani published in his own name. A lot of bad blood developed between them, and Ram Swarup quit the DRS to join Sita Ram Goel in Calcutta.