Rss Quotes

So today, as RSS buttons disappear from browsers and blogs, just know that this happened on purpose, so that readers could be deceived more easily.

Ironically, the RSS leadership has always implicitly accepted the self-reliance policies adopted by India’s first prime minister, Nehru (1947–64).

The RSS aims to plan for the long run, while prime ministers and their governments are transitory.

When a journalist in the audience asked if sticking solely to RSS feeds made her miss the “broader picture,” she snapped, “I’m not trying to get a broader picture.

Nathuram Godse, the man who assassinated Gandhi, was a member of RSS, as was current Indian prime minister Narendra Modi. RSS was explicitly influenced by European fascist movements, its leading politicians regularly praised Hitler and Mussolini in the late 1930s and 1940s.

The shift of the RSS’s urban membership core from the lower middle class (including small-scale traders) to educated professionals has moderated its once implacable opposition to globalization as well as encouraged its greater openness on a wide range of social and economic issues.

As long as Modi and the BJP do not back away from asserting India’s strategic interests and continue to work for a militarily strong country (which includes a growing security relationship with the US and Japan), the RSS and its affiliates will continue to support Modi’s right to shape Indian foreign policy.

This poem declares the absence of a Hindu canon. This poem declares itself the Hindu canon. This poem follows the monkey. This poem worships the horse. This poem supersedes the Vedas and the supreme scriptures. This poem does not culture the jungle. This poem jungles the culture. This poem storms into temples with tanks. This poem stands corrected: the RSS is BJP’s mother. This poem is not vulnerable. This poem is Section 153-A proof. This poem is also idiot-proof. This poem quotes Dr.Ambedkar. This poem considers Ramayana a hetero-normative novel. This poem breaches Section 295A of the Indian Penile Code. This poem is pure and total blasphemy.

But it is distressing that any organisation consisting of large numbers of young men, should be so utterly little minded and lacking in not only vision but in commonsense or common understanding. The R.S.S. is typical in this respect of the type of organisation that grew up in various parts of Europe in support of fascism. . . .

Both China and India aspire for the same goals in the same geographical region; hence they will, at any given time, be more of competitors than friends.

The RSS attitude of spurning the intellect and denouncing the intellectuals has worked as a self-fulfilling prophecy: since they left the intellectual field entirely to their enemies, the available intellectuals would not be “of any use to the nation”, meaning not sympathizing to the RSS programme. The political Hindu movement has paid a heavy price for this silly anti-intellectual prejudice.

The reason subscription (and RSS) was abandoned was because in a subscription economy the users are in control. In the on-off model, the competition might be more vicious, but its on the terms of the publisher. Having followers instead of subscribers - where readers have to check back on sites often are barraged with a stream of refreshing content laden with ads - is much better for their bottom line.

The importance given to the Amarnath pilgrimage by the sangh parivar suggests, according to journalist and scholar Raksha Kumar, an effort to turn the site into a kind of Indian Jerusalem, ‘mixing religious and national sentiment to turn the disputed territory into sacred ground that can never be surrendered’.44

The RSS was helpless because of the ideological power equation. Socialist secularism was the dominant ideology, while Hindu nationalism counted as politically incorrect. Those who swore by socialist secularism could afford to kick its alleged opponents around at will. The contrast with the Communists is striking. The Communists stood exposed as traitors in 1942-1947, when they informed the British government(a Soviet ally) about Quit India activists and served as a mercenary intellectual vanguard for the Muslim league by propagating economic and often secular-sounding arguments for Partition, once more in 1948-50, when they supported the separatist Razakar militia in Hyderabad and subsequently started an armed uprising of their own; and yet again in the run-up to the Chinese invasion of 1962, when they clamoured that "China's chairman is also India's chairman" and accused India of having started the war with China. But, they were always back on top within a short time, fully respected members of the democratic political spectrum. Better still, they managed even to make other parties implement much of the Communist agenda, from the nationalization of the banks to an unnecessary degree of hostility to the West, upheld by Congress and Janata governments alike. Such are the results when you make it your priority to control the ideological air space, rather than the ground level of work among the masses. Even worse(at least from a Hindu nationalist viewpoint) then the treatment which the Hindu nationalists received, was their own record as policy-makers.

Mandal vs Mandir The V.P. Singh government was the biggest casualty of this confrontation. Within the BJP and its mentor, the RSS, the debate on whether or not to oppose V.P. Singh and OBC reservations reached a high pitch. Inder Malhotra | 981 words It was a blunder on V.P. Singh’s part to announce his acceptance of the Mandal Commission’s report recommending 27 per cent reservations in government jobs for what are called Other Backward Classes but are, in fact, specified castes — economically well-off, politically powerful but socially and educationally backward — in such hot haste. He knew that the issue was highly controversial, deeply emotive and potentially explosive, which it proved to be instantly. But his top priority was to outsmart his former deputy and present adversary, Devi Lal. He even annoyed those whose support “from outside” was sustaining him in power. BJP leaders were peeved that they were informed of what was afoot practically at the last minute in a terse telephone call. What annoyed them even more was that the prime minister’s decision would divide Hindu society. The BJP’s ranks demanded that the plug be pulled on V.P. Singh but the top leadership advised restraint, because it was also important to keep the Congress out of power. The party leadership was aware of the electoral clout of the OBCs, who added up to 52 per cent of the population. As for Rajiv Gandhi, he was totally and vehemently opposed to the Mandal Commission and its report. He eloquently condemned V.P. Singh’s decision when it was eventually discussed in Parliament. This can be better understood in the perspective of the Mandal Commission’s history. Having acquired wealth during the Green Revolution and political power through elections, the OBCs realised that they had little share in the country’s administrative apparatus, especially in the higher rungs of the bureaucracy. So they started clamouring for reservations in government jobs. Throughout the Congress rule until 1977, this demand fell on deaf ears. It was the Janata government, headed by Morarji Desai, that appointed the Mandal Commission in 1978. Ironically, by the time the commission submitted its report, the Janata was history and Indira Gandhi was back in power. She quietly consigned the document to the deep freeze. In Rajiv’s time, one of his cabinet ministers, Shiv Shanker, once asked about the Mandal report.

Y mucho ojo: el email, por extraño que pueda parecer, Amazon lo considera un medio susceptible de consultarse offline. Jamás insertes enlaces de afiliado directamente en un email. Si utilizas newsletters, o listas de correo, para enviar contenidos de afiliación a tus suscriptores mediante RSS, procura no mostrar el post completo. Así evitarás el riesgo de propiciar sin querer la lectura de tus enlaces en medios offline.

At the same time, Atal also advised that journals connected with the RSS should not take sides in the power games going on in the political arena. He also said that the RSS should not be involved in youth bodies that interacted with political parties or with trade unions. He significantly advised the RSS to formally enunciate its accepted stand that by Hindu Rashtra it meant Bharatiya Rashtra.

Every time, however, Atal rose to the defence of the RSS. For instance, on 27 May 1996, when the short-lived Atal government was sought to be replaced by Deve Gowda, Atal said on the floor of the Lok Sabha that the RSS was an organization that was wedded to the cause of the nation. He gave two examples, one of the Republic Day parade of 1963 (after the Chinese debacle) when the RSS was one of the organizations invited to send in representatives to participate in the march past to demonstrate national unity. The other one related to 1965 when, at the time of the Indo-Pak war, the government had deployed RSS men to regulate traffic on the roads of Delhi. Atal went on to quote Deve Gowda who, while speaking at a function in Bangalore in the midst of the Emergency, had said, ‘RSS is a spotless organization.’ Atal added that the RSS was an independent organization and while ‘you can differ with the RSS, the allegations against them are not required’.

While the accuracy of the contention is difficult to ascertain, the BJP now claims to be the largest political party in the world, with a membership of 100 million.

With a mix of ethnicities and cultures, Hindu nationalism is faced with the challenge of accommodating itself to diverse regional cultures on a range of core Hindu nationalist issues, like the veneration of the cow.

The RSS first entered the Northeast in Assam and, among the states of the region, that is where it remains the strongest.

Kerala, with about 5000 shakhas, has one of the highest densities of these daily-meeting centres among Indian states—even more than the four RSS administrative areas of BJP-ruled Maharashtra, which cumulatively boast some 4000 shakhas.

In 1943, Nathuram Godse, Narayan Apte and J.D. Jogalekar—young RSS members who left the organization in 1938 after it refused to involve itself in the Hyderabad movement—formed the militant Hindu Rashtra Dal, with branches in western Maharashtra.

the power balance between the party and the RSS seems to be gradually shifting in favour of the party.

Contrary to the assertions popular in sections of Indian media, the sangh parivar does not shape the key elements of government policy on issues of high importance, such as economic development. The issue of coal denationalization illustrates the limits of the RSS affiliates’ influence.

The RSS since the early 1990s has grown into one of the world’s largest non-government associations, with an estimated 1.5–2 million regular participants in its nearly 57,000 local daily meetings (referred to as shakhas), 14,000 weekly shakhas and 7000 monthly shakhas, taking place across 36,293 different locations nationwide as of 2016.

Well, encouraging email and RSS subscribers should be at the top of your list

These three sums of squares have the following mathematical relationship: RSS + SSE = TSS

Understanding this relationship is fairly straight forward. RSS represents the variability that your model explains. Higher is usually good. SSE represents the variability that your model does not explain. Smaller is usually good. TSS represents the variability inherent in your dependent variable. Or, Explained Variability + Unexplained Variability = Total Variability

Additionally, if you take RSS / TSS, you’ll obtain the percentage of the variability of the dependent variable around its mean that your model explains. This statistic is R-squared!

To my knowledge, the best summation of this ideology appears in D. R. Goyal’s authoritative history of the RSS. In Goyal’s rendition, the core beliefs of what the Sangh Parivar calls ‘Hindutva’ are as follows: Hindus have lived in India since times immemorial; Hindus are the nation because all culture, civilisation and life is contributed by them alone; non-Hindus are invaders or guests and cannot be treated as equal unless they adopt Hindu traditions, culture etc.; the non-Hindus, particularly Muslims and Christians, have been enemies of everything Hindu and are, therefore, to be treated as threats; the freedom and progress of this country is the freedom and progress of Hindus; the history of India is the history of the struggle of the Hindus for protection and preservation of their religion and culture against the onslaught of these aliens; the threat continues because the power is in the hands of those who do not believe in this nation as a Hindu Nation; those who talk of national unity as the unity of all those who live in this country are motivated by the selfish desire of cornering minority votes and are therefore traitors; the unity and consolidation of the Hindus is the dire need of the hour because the Hindu people are surrounded on all sides by enemies; the Hindus must develop the capacity for massive retaliation and offence is the best defence; lack of unity is the root cause of all the troubles of the Hindus and the Sangh is born with the divine mission to bring about that unity.29

Over the years Malaviya had a deep impact on Gita Press, providing it ample fodder during the communally rife period between 1940 and 1947. The birth of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in 1925 in Nagpur, with which Gita Press would later forge a close alliance, completed the overall scenario in which Kalyan got a firm footing and became a success story unlike any other journal

The search engine builds a searcher profile using tactics such as personalization. Previous website behavior from the Google landing page feeds into Google’s sense of what you like and dislike. iGoogle RSS feeds and other accounts might also tap into this reservoir of semi-creepy personal profile knowledge.

Climate Model Predictions vs. Reality Sources: Hansen et al. (1988); RSS; Met Office Hadley Centre HadCRUT4 dataset; RSS Lower troposphere data Note in particular that since the late 1990s, there has been no increase in average temperatures. Hansen and every other believer in catastrophic global warming expected that there would be, for the simple reason that we have used record, accelerating amounts of CO2.

A Harvard-trained economist called Subramanian Swamy recently demanded a public bonfire of canonical books by Indian historians — liberal and secular intellectuals who belong to what the R.S.S. chief in 2000 identified as that “class of bastards which tries to implant an alien culture in their land.” Denounced by the numerous Hindu supremacists in social media as “sickular libtards” and sepoys (the common name for Indian soldiers in British armies), these intellectuals apparently are Trojan horses of the West. They must be purged to realize Mr. Modi’s vision in which India, once known as the “golden bird,” will “rise again.

The RSS’s Awadh Prant Sanghchalak Prabhu Narayan Srivastava on Friday said Christians and Muslims were not to blame for the conversion of Hindus.

Bloggers aren’t interested in building up consistent, loyal readerships via RSS or paid subscriptions, because what they really need are the types of stories that will do hundreds of thousands or millions of pageviews. They need stories that will sell.

पटेल और नेहरू के बिच हुए पत्र व्यव्हार से भी यह बात स्पष्ट होती है. इस मामले में संघ कि लिप्तता कि जांच का अनुरोध करते हुए प्रधानमंत्री द्वारा लिखे गई पत्र के निस्चययात्मक जवाब में पटेल ने गांधीजी कि हत्या के एक महीने के भीतर २७ फरवरी १९४८ को भेजे पत्र में लिखा- "में लगभग दैनिक आधार पर बापू कि हत्या के मामले में चल रही जांच कि प्रगति पर नज़र रखे हुए हूँ. सभी मुख्य आरोपी अपनी गतिविधियो के बारे में लम्बे और ब्योरेवार विवरण दे चुके थे. इन विवरणों से यह साफ़तोंर पर उभरकर आ जाता है कि संघ का इस मामले में कोई हाथ नहीं था.

इसके बावजूद १३ नवंबर १९४८ कि रात को कुख्यात बंगाल स्टेट प्रिजनरस एक्ट के अधीन श्रीगुरुजी को फिर गिरफ्तार कर लिया गया. यह वही एक्ट था, जिसे आज़ादी से पहले नेहरू ने एक "काला कानून" बताया था......... सत्याग्रहियों का मुख्य नारा नेहरू सरकार क्को दी गयी इस चुनौती के रूप में था- 'संघ के खिलाफ आरोप सिद्ध करो या प्रतिबन्ध हटाओ।

pleads with traditional media for better Obamacare coverage rss@dailykos.com (Joan McCarter)

Fox News wonders if returned POW is now an 'Islamic warrior' rss@dailykos.com (Hunter)

So the great democratic experiment that was the Janata government began with a lack of democracy. JP and Acharya Kripalani said they would choose the next prime minister. They ruled out anybody from the Jan Sangh because it had the Right-wing Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh or RSS antecedents. They ruled out Charan Singh who was regarded as a difficult customer. But more significantly, they ruled out Jagjivan Ram, the leader of India’s Harijans, the man whose defection had swung the election for the Janata Party. Jagjivan Ram announced that this was part of the traditional prejudice against Harijans. And who knows? Perhaps he was right. In

Jagjivan Ram hated Charan Singh who hated the RSS which hated the Socialists. And, oh yes, everybody hated Morarji. á

At that time, my friend Madhwarao, a leader of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh’s intellectual circle, came to my small house in Mysore, riding pillion on somebody’s scooter. I was surprised to see him transformed. He was usually dressed in the Sangh Parivar uniform, but that day he came wearing a T-shirt and trousers. As he settled down, Madhwarao said, ‘You must be surprised at my clothes. I have gone underground now.’ I asked him a question then. ‘Why do you oppose Indira Gandhi? I just don’t understand it. She dismissed the DMK government that was inimical to the Aryans. She enforced family planning programmes on Muslims to prevent them from having too many children. She split Pakistan and facilitated the creation of Bangladesh. She got India the atom bomb. By annexing Sikkim, she expanded the country. She made sure trains ran on time. The idea of Savarkar’s India was reinforced through Indira Gandhi. Why then do you oppose her?’ An intellectual like Madhwarao had no answer to this. A few years later, when Vajpayee, whom Govindacharya described as ‘just a mask’, was the prime minister, some prominent RSS leaders said that Indira Gandhi was our true leader.

Too busy to think: A first perusal of the literature of the organized Hindutva movement, particularly of the Sangh Parivar, the 'RSS family' including the BJP, will leave the reader with the impression of an unusual intellectual poverty. First of all, relative to the age and membership of this family of organizations, its literary output is quite small. Secondly, what little is available is often very elementary and repetitive.

The Hindutva view of Islam is characterized by a progressive softening from V.D. Savarkar through M.S. Golwalkar down to the present BJP. And even Savarkar was not uniformly the hawk he is always made out to be. In general, the organized Hindutva movement has never produced a very sophisticated discourse on Islam, merely a few sweeping generalisations whether in a hostile or a flattering sense. In the founding statements of the RSS, there is no trace of a fundamental critique of Islam, nor is there any in the books and speeches of its leaders.

BN Jog, a contemporary RSS author argues that even after the 1937 elections, though often mentioned as proof that the Muslim electorate was largely 'secular' because of the poor results for the Muslim league, had already disproven the Congress claim: most Muslim votes had gone to other Muslim-dominated parties, chiefly the Unionist party of Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan in Panjab and the Krishak Praja party of Fazlul Haq in Bengal. Even the supposedly defeated Muslim League had won 108 of the 492 Muslim-reserved seats in 1937, against 26 for Congress. So, Jog concludes, the Muslim vote was largely motivated by sectional interests rather than by commitment to the national struggle.

Being the recipient of unrequited love gave me an insight into how people might feel or think who are not that into me. It made me realize it’s best to let go of a person that doesn’t really want me. I keep thinking how I feel about the person that likes me and I can’t reciprocate, is exactly how an individual who doesn’t want me feels about me. RSS SSS I can’t shake it. I don’t want to be around anyone that feels that way about me. A point I explored in my Yakima book. I think objection of my affection feels the same way about me like I do the person I don’t really like and it’s an overall sickening feeling. I felt disgusted and I repelled the person who liked me and when I was around them, I wanted them to leave. I tolerated them because I didn’t want to hurt them but I secretly pitied them. I wish they would move on and find someone to love them and leave me alone. The more they tried, the more suffocated I felt and imprisoned. I wanted what I wanted and I didn’t care. It’s just not you and I don’t know how to change that. No amount of good treatment from them or logic made me change my mind about the way I felt about him. It wasn’t him. That’s finale. Here is a more twisted part of the story. When he did, I wish they still loved me but only on my terms when I wanted to see them, when I had time for them. When I could tolerate it. It’s not that I don’t want him to love me. I only wanted it when I want it. Not all the time. Through unrequited love, l've gained a deeper ... understanding of the importance of mutual interest in relationships. l've learned to acknowledge when someone's enthusiasm isn't reciprocated and to release connections that lack genuine investment. I empathize with those who experience unrequited love, just as I do with the person who admires me without reciprocation. This insight has empowered me to prioritize authentic connections and explore the complexities of love in my Yakima book.

Other states also reoriented their telling of regional and national history. In Maharashtra, in the rewriting of history textbooks, a drastic cut was made in the book for class 7: the chapter on the Mughal Empire under Akbar was cut down to three lines.78 Uttar Pradesh simply deleted the Mughal Empire from some of its history textbooks,79 while the University of Delhi drastically reduced the study of this period in its history curriculum.80 In the syllabus of Nagpur University, a chapter that discussed the roles of the RSS, the Hindu Mahasabha, and the Muslim League in the making of communalism has been replaced by another one titled “Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) Role in Nation Building.”81 Alongside official examinations in Uttar Pradesh, the Sangh Parivar organized a test of general culture open to all schools in the state. According to the brochure designed to help students prepare for this test, which Amit Shah released in Lucknow in August 2017, India was a Hindu Rashtra, and Swami Vivekananda had defended Hindutva in Chicago in 1893.82 In Karnataka, after canceling Tipu Sultan Jayanti, the festival that the state used to organize to celebrate the birth of this eighteenth-century Muslim ruler, the BJP government also dropped the chapter dealing with this historical figure from the class 7 textbook in 2019.83 This decision was made in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic that had led the government of India to ask all states to reduce syllabi for students in classes 1 through 10 by 30 percent, in light of the learning challenges brought about by the lockdown.84 The decision of the Karnataka government, in fact, fit in with a larger picture. Under cover of the pandemic, the Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE), India’s largest education board, decided that all over India “government-run schools no longer have to teach chapters on democratic rights, secularism, federalism, and citizenship, among other topics.”85 To foster assimilation of knowledge that amounted to propaganda, final exams have increasingly focused on the heroic deeds of Hindu icons and reforms initiated by the Modi government, even on the person of the prime minister.

The Crusade against “Liberals” Promotion of Hinduism went hand in hand with an incessant fight against “liberals,” a highly derogatory term in the mouths of Hindu nationalists, which they use to refer to academics, NGOs, and journalists that do not adhere to their ideology. Bringing Universities to Heel—the Case of Jawaharlal Nehru University Universities with a “progressive” reputation have long been a Hindu nationalist target, but tensions further intensified after 2014. They have been subjected to two types of interference. First, the government appointed men from the Sangh Parivar or fellow travelers to head them with the task of reforming them. Second, the RSS student wing, the ABVP, could finally try to call the shots on university campuses with the government’s blessing. This dual strategy is most clearly apparent in the treatment inflicted on Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU). This institution, known for the excellence of its teachers—especially in the social sciences—had drawn bitter Hindu nationalist criticism as soon as it was founded in the 1960s due to the leftist leanings of many teachers and some of its main student organizations.97 In 2016, the Modi government appointed Mamidala Jagadesh Kumar vice-chancellor of JNU. This electrical engineering professor had been teaching at the nearby Indian Institute of Technology until then, and he had allegedly played an active role in Vijana Bharati, an organization under the Sangh Parivar umbrella that aims to promote indigenous Indian science.98 He brought about drastic budget cuts—academic spending was almost halved over three years99—and a decline in student recruitment, while systematically hampering the activities of student unions and faculty opposed to the RSS. The political disciplining of the campus took various routes, such as the harassment of professors who were openly hostile to the Sangh Parivar.

For long term remedy, Hindu society would have to be united, and become robust.

MAX BARRY MACHINE MAN Max Barry began removing parts at an early age. In 1999, he successfully excised a steady job at tech giant HP in order to upgrade to the more compatible alternative of manufacturing fiction. While producing three novels, he developed the online nation simulation game NationStates, as well as contributing to various open source software projects and developing religious views on operating systems. He did not leave the house much. For Machine Man, Max wrote a website to deliver pages of fiction to readers via e-mail and RSS. He lives in Melbourne, Australia, with his wife and two daughters, and is thirty-eight years old. He uses vi.

The growth of mutual respect went hand in hand as Hindu nationalism became dominant. Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar, the founding father of the Hindu nationalist paramilitary organization Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), was an admirer of Nazism. Hindu fundamentalism and hatred of Muslims is at the heart of BJP thinking. A pioneer of this ideology, Veer Savarkar, wrote that India’s model for its “Muslim problem” should be how the Nazis managed their “Jewish problem.” The RSS has evolved since its founding but an admiration of Nazism remains in some contemporary sections of the party.

Ch 7: Read Blogs, Periodicals, and Other Web Content for Free on the Kindle Amazon might prefer that you get all your Kindle blogs and periodicals for a price in the Kindle Store, and those Kindle editions are tough to match when it comes to elegant formatting and the convenience of having new issues and posts pushed wirelessly to your Kindle in real time. However, there are a number of increasingly user-friendly ways to enjoy newspapers, magazines, and blogs free of charge on a Kindle, and we'll break them down and show you how in this chapter and the next. Here are the basic approaches: •     You can use your Kindle's web browser to read any of millions of blogs and online periodical editions directly from the web. •     You can use any of several RSS feed services such as Google Reader to read content summaries on your Kindle and then click through to content that interests you. •     You can use Instapaper to flag, sort, and organize interesting articles as you surf the web and send them individually or in digest form to your Kindle. •     You can set up Calibre to fetch the latest issues of newspapers, magazines and blogs and transfer them directly to your Kindle via an easy-to-use Calibre-to-Kindle USB connection. All of these feature are better than ever on the latest generation Kindle 3G and Kindle Wi-Fi models for the following reasons: •     Both models come with wi-fi, which is must faster than 3G for any activities other than reading an ebook or listening to an audio file. •     These latest generation Kindle 3G and Kindle Wi-Fi models both come with the Kindle's relatively new WebKit web browser based on the same platform that powers the Safari web browser. It's still a bit slow, but it is miles ahead of the previous Kindle web browser. •     These latest generation Kindle 3G and Kindle Wi-Fi models feature the new eInk Pearl display that renders 50 percent better contrast than previous Kindle displays, which is especially important when viewing web content formatted for a larger color screen. •     These latest generation Kindle 3G and Kindle Wi-Fi models provide other features to enhance web page viewing and reading, including Article Mode (a Menu selection while viewing any web page on these Kindles) and several different "zoom" options using the "Aa" font key or the Menu. Reading

Google

Releted.all.data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAAAAACH5BAEKAAEALAAAAAABAAEAAAICTAEAOw==exet.

There’s an inherent dissonance to all this, a dialectic that becomes part of how we enact the informational appetite. We ping-pong between binge-watching television and swearing off new media for rustic retreats. We lament our overflowing in-boxes but strive for “in-box zero”—temporary mastery over tools that usually threaten to overwhelm us. We subscribe to RSS feeds so as to see every single update from our favorite sites—or from the sites we think we need to follow in order to be well-informed members of the digital commentariat—and when Google Reader is axed, we lament its loss as if a great library were burned. We maintain cascades of tabs of must-read articles, while knowing that we’ll never be able to read them all. We face a nagging sense that there’s always something new that should be read instead of what we’re reading now, which makes it all the more important to just get through the thing in front of us. We find a quotable line to share so that we can dismiss the article from view. And when, in a moment of exhaustion, we close all the browser tabs, this gesture feels both like a small defeat and a freeing act. Soon we’re back again, turning to aggregators, mailing lists, Longreads, and the essential recommendations of curators whose brains seem somehow piped into the social-media firehose. Surrounded by an abundance of content but willing to pay for little of it, we invite into our lives unceasing advertisements and like and follow brands so that they may offer us more.

In the 1940s, Congress—the dominant secular party that led India to independence from Britain, and was assailed by both Jinnah and the RSS—heroically withstood the demand of aggrieved Hindus to respond to Pakistan’s birth by turning India into a Hindu state. Nehru, as India’s first prime minister, frequently raced to scenes of communal clashes on his own, often chasing vengeful Hindu and Sikh refugees expelled from Pakistan without regard for his personal safety. ‘If you harm one single hair on the head of one Muslim,’ he told a mob plotting a massacre of Muslims, ‘I will send in a tank and blast you to bits’.

But whether or not you accept the premise that the average media consumer experiences more serendipitous discoveries thanks to the Web, there can be little doubt that the Web is an unrivaled medium for serendipity if you are actively seeking it out. If you want to build a daily reading list of eclectic and diverse perspectives, you can stitch one together in your RSS reader or your bookmarks bar in a matter of minutes, for no cost, while sitting on your couch. Just as important, you can use the Web to fill out the context when you do stumble across some interesting new topic.

Well, sir, my recollection is that the Board said I should not command any R.S.S. combat vessels until further training . . . it didn't say anything about Bloodhorde ships.

services, are about syndicating data outwards, not controlling what happens when it gets to the other end of the connection. This idea is fundamental to the internet itself, a reflection of what is known as the end-to-end principle. Design for “hackability” and remixability. Systems like the original web, RSS, and AJAX all have this in common: the barriers to re-use are extremely low. Much of the useful software is actually open source, but even when it isn’t, there is little in

The assassination of Indira Gandhi, on the last day of October 1984, just ahead of the general elections, had a cataclysmic effect. It is common wisdom that the RSS worked for the Congress party in the December 1984 elections. Whatever be the case, the Congress won 414 of 545 seats in the Lok Sabha, its biggest ever win that has never been bettered. The BJP was routed as it could merely win two seats. Atal Bihari Vajpayee also lost. The BJP merely got around 7 per cent of the votes against the Congress’s 49 per cent. Reading the writing on the wall, Atal had decided to abandon New Delhi, the seat that he got elected from in 1977 and 1980.

About I am the chairman of Thomas Nelson Publishers, the largest Christian publishing company in the world and the seventh largest trade book publishing company in the U.S. This is my personal blog. It is focused on “intentional leadership.” My philosophy is if you are going to lead well, you must be thoughtful and purposeful about it. I write on leadership, productivity, publishing, social media, and, on occasion, stuff that doesn’t fit neatly into one of these categories. I also occasionally write about the resources I am discovering. My goal is to create insightful, relevant content that you can put to work in your personal and professional life. If you are in a position of leadership—or aspire to be—then this blog is for you. I typically post three to four times a week. To make sure you don’t miss my newest posts, you can subscribe via RSS or e-mail. I also accept a limited amount of advertising. My Top Posts If you are new to my site, you might want to start with my most popular posts. Here are my top three in each category: Leadership • Creating a Life Plan • The Importance of a Leader’s Heart • Five Characteristics of Weak Leaders Productivity • Yes, You Can Stay on Top of E-mail • How to Shave 10 Hours Off Your Work Week • Slay Your Dragons Before Breakfast Publishing • Advice to First-Time Authors • Literary Agents Who Represent Christian Authors • Writing a Winning Book Proposal Social Media • Do You Make These 10 Mistakes When You Blog? • The Beginners Guide to Twitter • 12 Reasons to Start Twittering Miscellany • My Take on the Vibram FiveFingers Running Shoes • 20 Questions to Ask Other Leaders • Whatever Happened to Modesty?

In his typically frank manner, Savarkar publicly stated, ‘The epitaph for the RSS volunteer will be that he was born, he joined the RSS and he died without accomplishing I anything.’63

আমি এক সৌন্দর্য রাক্ষস প্রজাপতির চিত্রল ডানা দেখে বিরহ থেকে বিবাহের দিকে চলে যায় মানবসম্প্রদায় — আমি এক সৌন্দর্য রাক্ষস ভেঙে দিয়েছি প্রজাপতির গন্ধসন্ধানী শুঁড় আমার নিজের কোনো বিশ্বাস নেই কাউর ওপর অলস বদ্মাস আমি মাঝে মাঝে বেশ্যার নাঙ হয়ে জীবন যাপনের কথা ভাবি যখন মদের নেশা কেটে আসে আর বন্ধুদের উল্লাস ইআর্কির ভেতর বসে টের পাই ব্যর্থ প্রেম চেয়ে দেখি পূর্ণিমা চাঁদের ভেতর জ্বলন্ত চিতা এখন আমি মর্গের ড্রয়ারে শুয়ে আছি এক মৃতদেহ আমার জ্যান্ত শরীর নিয়ে চলে গেছে তার শাঁখাভাঙা বিধবার ঋতুরক্ত ন্যাকড়ার কাছে মর্গের ড্রয়ারে শুয়ে আছি — চিতাকাঠ শুয়ে আছে বৃক্ষের ভেতর প্রেম নেই প্রসূতিসদনে নেই আসন্নপ্রসবা স্ত্রী মর্গের ড্রয়ারে শুয়ে আছি এ-ভাবেই রয়ে গেছি কেটে যায় দিন রাত বজ্রপাত অনাবৃষ্টি কত বালিকার মসৃণ বুকে গজিয়ে উঠল মাংসঢিবি কত কুমারীর গর্ভসঞ্চার গর্ভপাত — সত্যজিতের দেশ থেকে লাভ ইন টোকিও চলে গ্যালো পূর্ব আফরিকায় — মার্কাস স্কোয়ারে বঙ্গসংস্কৃতি ভারতসার্কাস রবীন্দ্রসদনে কবিসন্মিলন আর বৈজয়ন্তীমালার নাচ হল — আমার ত হল না কিছু কোনো উত্তরণ অবনতি কোনো গণিকার বাথরুম থেকে প্রেমিকার বিছানার দিকে আমার অনায়াস গতায়াত শেষ হয় নাই — আকাশগর্ভ থেকে তাই ঝরে পড়ে নক্ষত্রের ছাই পৃথিবীর বুকের ওপর তবু মর্গের ড্রয়ারে শুয়ে আছি এবং মৃতদেহ আমার জ্যান্ত শরীর নিয়ে চলে গ্যাছে তার শাঁখাভাঙা বিধবার ঋতুরক্ত ন্যাকড়ার কাছে প্রজাপতির চিত্রল ডানা দেখে বিরহ থেকে বিবাহের দিকে চলে যায় মানুষেরা আমি এক সৌন্দর্য রাক্ষস ভেঙে দিয়েছি প্রজাপতির গন্ধসন্ধানী শুঁড় রেটিং করুন Share this: TwitterFacebook Related মানুষের সঙ্গে কোনো বিরোধ নেইIn "কবিতা" প্যারিসের চিঠিIn "কবিতা" তোমাকেই চাইIn "কবিতা" This entry was posted in কবিতা and tagged ফালগুনী রায়, হাংরি আন্দোলন. Bookmark the permalink. পোস্টের নেভিগেশন « মানুষের সঙ্গে কোনো বিরোধ নেই নাচ মুখপুড়ি » মন্তব্য করুন কবি এবং কাব্যগ্রন্থঃ আখলাকের ফিরে যাওয়া (2) আনিসুল হক (4) আবুল হাসান (1) আব্দুল মান্নান সৈয়দ (11) আল মাহমুদ (58) ইমদাদুল হক মিলন (2) উপন্যাস (70) কবিতা (1,396) কেরানি ও দৌড়ে ছিল (22) গল্প (45) গ্রন্থ (4) জিহান আল হামাদী (2) তসলিমা নাসরিন (30) তারাপদ রায় (1) তাহমিদুর রহমান (1) নজরুল গীতি (37) নবারুন ভট্টাচার্য (1) নির্মলেন্দু গুণ (53) পাবলো নেরুদা (1) পূর্ণেন্দু পত্রী (4) বকুল ফুলের ভোরবেলাটি (1) বিকেলের বেহাগ (14) বেলাল চৌধুরি (14) ভুকন্যা (1) মনিভুষন ভট্টাচার্য্য (2) মহাদেব সাহা (43) মুহম্মদ নূরুল হুদা (1) যে জলে আগুন জ্বলে (3) রফিক আজাদ (1) রবীন্দ্র নাথ ঠাকুর (7) রবীন্দ্র সঙ্গীত (97) রুদ্র মুহান্মদ শহীদুল্লাহ (5) লিরিক (53) লেখক পরিচিতি (18) শহীদ কাদরী (7) শামসুর রাহমান (21) শেষের কবিতা (17) সবিনয় নিবেদন (3) সুকান্ত ভট্টাচার্য (1) সুকুমার রায় (1) সেলিনা হোসেন (1) সৈয়দ শামসুল হক (14) স্মৃতি চারন (41) হুমায়ুন আজাদ (26) হুমায়ুন আহমেদ (1) হেলাল হাফিজ (4) Uncategorized (85) যন্ত্রপাতিঃ রেজিষ্টার লগ ইন আর,এস,এস, মন্তব্য RSS WordPress.com এখানে খুজুন খোঁজ করুন ভোট দিন আমাদের সংকলন কেমন লেগেছে ? ভাল মোটামোটি খারাপ Vote View Results Crowdsignal.com সাম্প্রতিক পোস্ট সমূহ তাঁর দরকার ‘লিভ টুগেদার’! দেখিবার অপেক্ষায় আছোঁ অভিজ্ঞতা ছাড়া মহৎ সাহিত্য তৈরি হবে না তারে কই বড় বাজিকর বোধোদয় হলেই মঙ্গল বাংলা সংবাদপত্র Email Subscription Enter your email address to subscribe to this blog and receive notifications of new posts by email. Join 693 other followers আমাদের লিঙ্ক অল্পকথা ডট কম সেতুবন্ধন ডট কম Blog at WordPress.com. Privacy & Cookies: This site uses cookies. By continuing to use this website, you agree to their use.

According to the segmentation, there is a hierarchy of internet users, including inactives, spectators (people who watch and read online content), joiners (people who join and visit social media), collectors (people who add tags to webpages and use RSS feeds), critics (people who post ratings and comments online), and creators (people who create and publish online content).

The nation has a ‘sacred’ geography, encompassing an impressive amount of real estate. Golwalkar spoke of it as extending from Iran in the west to the Malay Peninsula in the east, from Tibet in the north to Sri Lanka in the south.31 One cannot escape the conclusion that many in the RSS consider the whole area an integral part of Bharat Mata (Mother India) which should be brought together into some kind of a political relationship.

Sar zamin-e-Hind par aqwam-e-aalam ke, Firaq, Kafile aate rahe aur Hindustan banta gaya (On the soil of Hindustan, O Firaq Caravans from all over the world kept coming, And so was Hindustan made)

Indeed, this delayed disclosure of the crucial personal detail dents Mr. Modi’s credibility as a prime ministerial candidate. With the socially conservative RSS driving the BJP’s campaign, there is the apprehension of a resurgence of a patriarchal mindset reflecting restrictive approaches to the issue of further empowerment of women.

Indira Gandhi imposed her dictatorial national emergency in 1975. Tata was one of the few among his generation of literary intellectuals in Karnataka who boldly proclaimed his opposition. He publicly protested when many were muted by fear. Tata returned the Padma Bhushan he had received in 1968, stating that as a writer he could not tolerate a government depriving citizens of their hard-won liberties. That was the first step in Tata's risky public stance against the Emergency. Thereafter, he became a hero to many opposition leaders like George Fernandes, Atal Behari Vajpayee and L.K. Advani, who were all either on the run or in jail during those dark days. Tata attended anti-emergency conclaves organised by the RSS which led the fight in Karnataka, as well as similar events in Kerala organised by the Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPM). Tata would simply say, loudly and publicly, that he would vote for 'anything else, even an electric pole' if it contested against Indira Gandhi.

In the mid-1950s, Tata endorsed the political philosophy of C. Rajagopalachari (Rajaji) who had quit the Congress party to establish the Swatantra party. The new party espoused the model of economic growth that some Southeast Asian countries were rapidly adopting. When Rajaji campaigned for the Swatantra party in South Kanara during the 1960s, Tata travelled with him, interpreting his speeches in Kannada for the voters. When Tata was campaigning for the Swatantra party in the 1962 general elections, Amma was canvassing votes for the Jan Sangh, mainly because many of her good friends supported that party. Tata's attitude towards the Jan Sangh, which also endorsed the free enterprise-based economy, was more lukewarm. Tata liked the dedication and discipline of its RSS cadres and the personal honesty and integrity of its early leaders. But being an atheist, Tata could never be wholly enthusiastic about Jan Sangh's version of god's own truth.