Pompeo Quotes

Rudy Giuliani, William Barr, Jared Kushner, and Mike Pompeo are Trump’s new wannabe fixers, sycophants willing to distort the truth and break the law in the service of the Boss.

Just as George H. W. Bush, Leon Panetta, and Mike Pompeo were still in the CIA after ending their stints as CIA Director, Brennan was still in the CIA after he ended his stint as CIA Director in January 2017.

It convinces other nations and people that America seeks to engage with them in a spirit of friendship and freedom, not intimidation and domination.

but if you learn to be faithful in the small things, you’ll be faithful in the big ones.

Pompeo and his explosive temper. Pompeo would curse and yell even at early-morning staff meetings with his top advisers. He often vented about leaks. Women were a particular target, especially Lisa Kenna, the career diplomat who served as his executive secretary. His tirades at her, described by three senior officials who observed them directly, were blistering. “I don’t know if I’ve ever seen such sustained abuse in my life,” one senior official said about Pompeo’s treatment of Kenna.

America is where grinders of no special background or privilege can rise like nowhere else.

When your life doesn't change, when you are courageous and fearless and speak out, don't expect everybody to stand up and cheer for you, because they don't." -Ellen Pompeo

Justice Thomas looked directly at his Senate accusers and uttered these words: “I would rather die than withdraw. I will not be scared. I’ve never run from

In 2019, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo reaffirmed this, stating, “I was the CIA director. We lied, we cheated, we stole.”21 George White of OSS, Federal Bureau of Narcotics, and the CIA put it more colorfully: “[I]t was fun, fun, fun. Where else could a red-blooded American boy lie, kill, cheat, steal, rape and pillage with the sanction and blessing of the All-Highest?

香港仍是我的另一個未竟之業。在維護香港人民自由的努力上失敗，至今仍是我回憶中的一個痛楚。

而且沒錯，維尼和習近平還確實有點像。

Asked what gives him a high degree of confidence that this originated from the Wuhan Institute of Virology, the President said, “I can’t tell you that.” Pompeo, not mentioning the Wuhan Institute of Virology by name, said on May 3 that there was “enormous evidence” that the virus began in a laboratory. When pressed, he could not divulge the specifics. “I can tell you that there is a significant amount of evidence that this came from that laboratory in Wuhan,” he said.

Yu set to work, night and day, investigating the laboratories, China’s bioweapons programs and the early whistleblowers, and scouring Chinese-language news sites. “This was a time when everyone was busy responding to the Covid outbreak,” Yu recalls. “Very few people were looking at the reason for the outbreak, let alone to establish the culpability of the CCP on this. I knew we had to find out the origin of this, we had to find out who is responsible for the spread of this virus. The overarching point was, we have to find out if China is responsible enough to keep bio-research safe.” It would be a several-months-long effort that Yu would finally present to Pompeo in April, with a long list of strong circumstantial evidence against the Wuhan Institute of Virology and an emphasis on the Chinese lab’s substandard and negligent biosafety practices.

While he was careful to never disagree with the President in public, it’s understood that Pompeo made his views known to Trump about China’s cover-up and responsibility for the global outbreak. If his message was getting through to the President, it certainly wasn’t to his most senior advisors. The question remained: When was it time to tell the American public and the world about China’s activities at the Wuhan laboratories?

In a statement on June 4, 2019, Pompeo called for accountability for the victims of the Tiananmen Square massacre for the first time ever. He looked back to the horror in 1989, when 1 million pro-democracy advocates in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square called for an end to authoritarian dictatorship but were gunned down by Chinese troops in an early morning attack. Up to 10,000 innocent Chinese citizens were killed. The CCP now tries to deny it ever took place.

film called Route 60: The Biblical Highway. Route 60 takes its audience down the winding road

Secretary of State Mike Pompeo would subsequently put it differently—that the shale revolution has provided the United States with a flexibility in international affairs that it had not had for decades.

Taylor took the advice and Pompeo agreed to meet. In the meeting Taylor was direct. He said: “Mr. Secretary, your boss doesn’t like Ukraine and doesn’t support Ukraine. So, in that case you don’t want me going out there. And, frankly, I don’t want to go out there. So unless you can assure me that the US policy will continue to be to support Ukraine, I don’t want to go. But even if you can give me that assurance, and if for some reason that US policy of strong support—which has been the case for decades under Republican and Democratic administrations, the House and Senate, executive branch, has supported Ukraine—if that changes, which it might under this president, then you don’t want me out there. And if I were out there when that happened, I would have to come back. I would have to quit. And to my surprise, Secretary Pompeo in his office with just a couple of people around said, ‘No, you’re right. The president doesn’t like Ukraine.

And then he said, ‘It’s my job, me, Mike Pompeo, to turn him around. Because I’m committed that our support for Ukraine will continue. And so it’s my job to get the president on board on this.’ And then he said something, which was very interesting, but it wasn’t quite technically correct. He said, ‘Force is equal to pressure times time.’ You know, this kind of physics equation. And later on I found that it was not precisely correct. But what Secretary Pompeo was trying to indicate by that statement was he was going to put pressure on the president over time to get him to change his view and to support Ukraine. And I said, ‘You know, that’s very encouraging to hear.

Despite suggestions to the contrary (including by Secretary of State Mike Pompeo), there was no Trump doctrine; Trump’s version of “America first” prompted one analyst to define the administration’s strategy as “primacy without a purpose.” 2 As with other aspects of his foreign policy, Trump used a bully pulpit to declare America’s predominance in a region from which he otherwise wanted to withdraw.

Pompeo said it was turning in a direction that was perilous for the republic. “We’ve got to stand shoulder to shoulder,” Pompeo said. “We’re the last of the Mohicans.

North Korea’s approach was different. Kim sent Trump one of his famous “love letters” at the beginning of August, criticizing the lack of progress since Singapore and suggesting the two of them get together again soon.29 Pompeo and I agreed such a meeting needed to be avoided at any cost, and certainly not before the November election. Under such political pressure, who knew what Trump might give away?

he could not. We had to develop a much higher tolerance for risk. I knew the American people would respect this approach if we did it right. Americans

estimate that by the time I left the Agency, I reduced the amount of paperwork coming to my desk for approval by somewhere between 40 percent and 70 percent. By eliminating myself as a choke point, the Agency got better and faster. I had delegated responsibility to leaders who were good enough to own it. And I could apply more of my energies to the items that truly mattered

no matter the nation or its system of government, a person who rises to the top of the pile usually has demonstrated some level of excellence as an orator, thinker, politician, warrior, or bureaucratic knife fighter.

Finally, Mnuchin said he would accept the State Department’s guidance if I would send him a note saying it was acceptable to me. This was nothing but “cover your ass” behavior, but I was happy to send a brief memo to Pompeo, Mnuchin, and Barr laying out my view that Treasury was not entitled to its own foreign policy.

To this day, the lies, misrepresentations, and fabrications that are the sum total of who my uncle is are perpetuated by the Republican Party and white evangelical Christians. People who know better, such as Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell; true believers, such as Representative Kevin McCarthy, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, and Attorney General William Barr; and others too numerous to name, have become, unwittingly or not, complicit in their perpetuation. None of the Trump siblings emerged unscathed from my grandfather’s sociopathy and my grandmother’s illnesses, both physical and psychological, but my uncle Donald and my father, Freddy, suffered more than the rest.

To this day, the lies, misrepresentations, and fabrications that are the sum total of who my uncle is are perpetuated by the Republican Party and white evangelical Christians. People who know better, such as Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell; true believers, such as Representative Kevin McCarthy, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, and Attorney General William Barr; and others too numerous to name, have become, unwittingly or not, complicit in their perpetuation.

President have in mind? they wanted to know. Neither Pompeo nor I had the slightest idea, but we were also both certain neither did Trump.

Trump told Pompeo to call Lavrov and say “some bureaucrat” had published the sanctions—a call that may or may not have ever taken place.

While we were milling around, Trump asked me how we could be “sanctioning the economy of a country that’s seven thousand miles away.” I answered, “Because they are building nuclear weapons and missiles that can kill Americans.” “That’s a good point,” he agreed. We walked over to where Pompeo was standing, and Trump said, “I just asked John why we were sanctioning seven thousand miles away, and he had a very good answer: because they could blow up the world.” “Yes, sir,” said Pompeo. Another day at the office.

Pompeo said to me alone, “I have no value added on this. This is complete chaos,” which was true for both of us. But the next thing I knew, Trump had signed the “formal” letter of invitation that the North Koreans had asked for. Pompeo had succumbed yet again.

mirrors that of the Trump administration—including that of Christian evangelicals like Mike Pence or Mike Pompeo who align with Israeli extremists in order to fill their own political ambitions

If the United States pushes Israel into a premature ceasefire, the credibility of both countries as a force for stability in the Middle East may be irreparably harmed.