Paul Sweeney Quotes

You know you've read a good book when you turn the last page and feel a little as if you have lost a friend.

How can a society that exists on instant mashed potatoes, packaged cake mixes, frozen dinners, and instant cameras teach patience to its young?

A wedding anniversary is the celebration of love, trust, partnership, tolerance and tenacity. The order varies for any given year.

True success is overcoming the fear of being unsuccessful.

You know you’ve read a good book when you turn the last page and feel a little as if you have lost a friend.

How often we fail to realize our good fortune in living in a country where happiness is more than a lack of tragedy.

You know you've read a good book when you turn to the last page and feel as little as if you have lost a friend.

Ştii ca ai citit o carte bună când întorci ultima pagină şi simţi că parcă ai pierdut un prieten.

You know you've read a good book when you turn the last page and feel a little as if you have lost a friend

Just recently, Charles Sweeney (the pilot who dropped the bomb on Nagasaki) died. His obituary told the story of his return to Japan, alongside Paul Tibbets (the pilot who dropped the bomb on Hiroshima), many years later. Both men expressed great sorrow for the devastation and the lives lost. But when asked if they felt regret, both men said. “No, dropping the bombs ended the war.

​Capisci di aver letto un buon libro quando giri l'ultima pagina e ti senti come se avessi perso un amico.

You know you've read a good book when you turn the last page and feel a little as you have lost a friend.

You know you’ve read a good book when you turn the last page and feel a little as if you have lost a friend,

You know you have read a good book when you turn the last page and feel a little as if you have lost a friend.

You know you've read a good book when you turn the last page and feel a little as if you have lost a friend.” ―

You know you've read a good book when you turn the last page and feel a little like you have lost a good friend.

You know you’ve read a good book when you turn the last page and feel a little as if you’ve lost a friend

It is wrong to say that there was no antisemitism in the Labour Party. But it is also wrong to say that every allegation of antisemitism in the Labour Party was true. Questions about the prevalence of antisemitism in the party remain a dificult, but important and necessary, subject for rational debate. The charge of 'denialism' killed this nuance. It demanded that anyone exercising scepticism be ejected from the political and moral community as anti-Jewish bigots - even when the sceptics in question were themselves Jewish.

As the Starmer project repelled paying members and alienated minority communities, the flipside was Labour's renewed openness to lobbyists and big business. After all, someone has to pay the bills. From 2022, onward, lobbying firms assiduously hired party insiders with the aim of influencing Labour policy - and with the hope that doors would open once a Labour Government was elected. This was accompanied by an influx of monetary donations as well as gifts from the super-rich donor class and other private interests. Starmer personally accepted tens of thousands of pounds in luxury holidays, clothing, and other freebies in the years following the Covid pandemic. All of this raised serious questions about how, and for whose benefit, Labour policy is now made.

When McSweeney presented Starmer with his slides describing the composition of the party, he identified 5 percent of the membership as unreconstructed Blairites: the types to defend the Iraq War and the legacy of Blairite neoliberalism. This was, most likely, the same rough 4.5 percent who had voted for arch-Blairite Liz Kendall in the 2015 leadership campaign that McSweeney had directed. What many failed to realise at the time was that the Labour Together Project, and the Starmer Project that would succeeed it, reprented just this marginal 5 percent of the party. If the Labour Together Project operated in secret and crafted a misleading leadership pitch that was unceremoniously dumped upon victory, this modus operandi arguably reflected a clear-eyed understanding that this faction's beliefs, ideologies and political language were deepy unpopular with the Labour members it needed to win over. Implementing this deceptive strategy required a candidate like Starmer; a man who felt no compunction about posturing as a radical during the campaign and then dropping the act once in power.

The party rule book is the apex law of the Labour Party. It forms the binding contract between the party and its members. Everything the party does and is empowered to do, flows from the rule book. The party rule book provides explicit and detailed rules for handling disciplinary cases and puts them in a separate chapter dedicated to this topic. But at no stage is this chapter - Chapter Six - of the party rule book on 'Disciplinary Rules' mentioned or referenced by the EHRC. This is astonishing. The EHRC's investigation was, at heart, an investigation of how the party applied its disciplinary rules to the handling of antisemitism complaints, and yet the EHRC made no reference to the foundational text that established what those rules were. Not only that, it then misconstrued the party's rules in order to ground a finding of unlawful discrimination.

...the EHRC's findings and recommendations triggered a process that has deeply politicised how complaints in the party are handled, a politicisation that found its ultimate expression in the mistreatment of left-wing Jews under the guise of fighting antisemitism.

The Labour Together Project was thus a major hidden hand driving a crisis that would have devastating consequences for not just the British left but also the very fabric of British democracy and those people in Britain who needed a redistributive, democratising government to help them get by. In addition, as I show later, the 'antisemitism crisis' would also frame and haunt the Labour Party's response to Israel's destruction of Gaza.

Admittedly navigating the tough terrain of a lopsided Tory majority, Covid lockdowns, and a vaccine rollout that massively boosted support for the Tories, Starmer nevertheless cut a tetchy and shallow figure. His lauded 'forensic' approach to the parliamentary jousting of Prime Minister's Questions never materialised; instead and in spite of the government's mishandling of the pandemic that led Britain to the highest death toll in Europe, Starmer frequently found himself congratulating Prime Minister Boris Johnson and his party on their leadership. His erratic complaints and oppositional stances were inconsistent and largely seen as opportunistic.; he was quickly slapped with the nickname, 'Captain Hindsight'.