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Indian Express (Indian Express) - Clip This Article at Location 721 | Added on Sunday, 30 November 2014 20:28:42 Fifth column: Hope and audacity Ministers, high officials, clerks and peons now report for duty on time and are no longer to be seen taking long lunch breaks to soak in winter sunshine in Delhi’s parks. Reform is needed not just in economic matters but in every area of governance. Does the Prime Minister know how hard it is to get a passport? Tavleen Singh | 807 words At the end of six months of the Modi sarkar are we seeing signs that it is confusing efficiency with reform? I ask the question because so far there is no sign of real reform in any area of governance. And, because some of Narendra Modi’s most ardent supporters are now beginning to get worried. Last week I met a man who dedicated a whole year to helping Modi become Prime Minister and he seemed despondent. When I asked how he thought the government was doing, he said he would answer in the words of the management guru Peter Drucker, “There is nothing quite so useless as doing with great efficiency something that should not be done at all.” We can certainly not fault this government on efficiency. Ministers, high officials, clerks and peons now report for duty on time and are no longer to be seen taking long lunch breaks to soak in winter sunshine in Delhi’s parks. The Prime Minister’s Office hums with more noise and activity than we have seen in a decade but, despite this, there are no signs of the policy changes that are vital if we are to see real reform. The Planning Commission has been abolished but there are many, many other leftovers from socialist times that must go. Do we need a Ministry of Information & Broadcasting in an age when the Internet has made propaganda futile? Do we need a meddlesome University Grants Commission? Do we need the government to continue wasting our money on a hopeless airline and badly run hotels? We do not. What we do need is for the government to make policies that will convince investors that India is a safe bet once more. We do not need a new government that simply implements more efficiently bad policies that it inherited from the last government. It was because of those policies that investors fled and the economy stopped growing. Unless this changes through better policies, the jobs that the Prime Minister promises young people at election rallies will not come. So far signals are so mixed that investors continue to shy away. The Finance Minister promises to end tax terrorism but in the next breath orders tax inspectors to go forth in search of black money. Vodafone has been given temporary relief by the courts but the retroactive tax remains valid. And, although we hear that the government has grandiose plans to improve the decrepit transport systems, power stations and ports it inherited, it continues to refuse to pay those who have to build them. The infrastructure industry is owed more than Rs 1.5 lakh continued... crore in government dues and this has crippled major companies. No amount of efficiency in announcing new projects will make a difference unless old dues are cleared. Reform is needed not just in economic matters but in every area of governance. Does the Prime Minister know how hard it is to get a passport? Does he know that a police check is required even if you just want to get a few pages added to your passport? Does he know how hard it is to do routine things like registering property? Does he know that no amount of efficiency will improve healthcare services that are broken? No amount of efficiency will improve educational services that have long been in terminal decline because of bad policies and interfering officials. At the same time, the licence raj that strangles private investment in schools and colleges remains in place. Modi’s popularity with ordinary people has increased since he became Prime Minister, as we saw from his rallies in Kashmir last week, but it will not la
Anonymous
In old census reports, I found a hint of how British administrators had vivisected Sri Lanka in the early 20th century. In 1901…the census classified people into seven categories—Europeans; Burghers, Sinhalese, Tamils, Moors, referring to Muslims of south Indian origin; Malays; and the indigenous Veddahs of eastern and south-eastern Sri Lanka. “A mere 10 years later, the matrix had exploded. By ethnicity, a Sri Lankan in 1911 could identify himself in any one of 10 ways, and then again in any one of 11 ways by religious denomination—a multiplicative tumult of identity. Slender distinctions were now officially recognized. A Sinhalese could be a low-country Sinhalese or a Kandyan Sinhalese; a Tamil could be a Ceylon Tamil or an Indian Tamil, depending on how recently his family had settled in Sri Lanka; a Christian could be a Roman Catholic, Presbyterian, Wesleyan, Methodist, Baptist, Congregationalist, or a Salvationist, or he could belong to the Church of England or ‘Other Sects.’ Assembling legislatures based on such muddled ethnic loyalties helped the British by disrupting solidarity and nationalism because, as Governor William Manning once wrote to his secretary of state in London, ‘no single community can impose its will upon the other communities.
Samanth Subramanian (This Divided Island: Stories from the Sri Lankan War)
Col. James N. Rowe, a United States Army officer who spent five years as a prisoner in Vietnam before escaping in 1968, was shot to death yesterday (April 21, 1989) by gunmen near Manila, where he was a military adviser to the Philippine armed forces. He was 51 years old. Colonel Rowe was being driven to work at the Joint United States Military Advisory Group headquarters in Quezon City, a suburb of Manila, shortly after 7 A.M. when at least two hooded gunmen in a stolen car fired more than 20 bullets into his vehicle. His driver, Joaquin Vinua, was wounded but was reported out of danger. Colonel Rowe was pronounced dead at a nearby military hospital. Communist Rebels Suspected No group immediately claimed responsibility for the attack, but Philippine officials said they believed the killers were Communist rebels. The rebels have threatened to attack American targets unless the United States closes its military bases in the Philippines and ends its support of the Philippine military's fight against the insurgency.
Hank Bracker
What is the age policy on Carnival Cruise Line cruises? Carnival Cruise Line has age restrictions for passengers, Call 1-866-291-7625 for details, including minimum age requirements and adult supervision policies. Carnival Cruise Line has specific age policies to ensure the safety and well-being of all guests. Understanding these guidelines is essential when planning your cruise. Minimum Age to Travel Alone Guests must be at least **21 years old on embarkation day** to travel independently. Those under 21 cannot sail alone and must adhere to the following: * **Guests aged 20 and younger** must travel with a relative or guardian who is **25 years of age or older**. The guardian does not need to be a legal guardian, but the booking must be cross-referenced with the guardian's stateroom. * **Guests aged 21 to 24** may travel with their minor children but must also adhere to the age requirements for traveling with minors. Rooming Guidelines for Minors Carnival has specific guidelines regarding where minors can stay in relation to their guardian: * **Guests aged 12 and younger**: If a guardian insists on booking separate staterooms, minors must either be directly across the hall or next door. Additionally, minors under 12 may not be assigned to a balcony stateroom without a guardian (25 years or older) traveling in the same balcony stateroom. * **Guests aged 13 to 17**: Can be separated by up to three staterooms from a guardian who is 25 years or older. * **Guests aged 18 to 20**: Do not have any restrictions and may book any location they prefer, though they must still be linked as "Travel With" a guardian who is 25 years or older. Specialty Cabin Restrictions Certain cabin types have age restrictions: * **Havana Staterooms and Suites**: Minors must be at least **12 years old** to cruise in these accommodations. * **Terrazza Staterooms**: Minors must also be **12 years old or older** to stay in these rooms. Curfew and Onboard Behavior For safety and security: * **Guests aged 17 and under** who are not accompanied by an adult 21 years or older must be clear of all public areas by **1:00 AM**. * **Guests aged 18 to 20** do not have a curfew and may remain in public areas as they wish. Traveling with Minors When traveling with a minor where one or both parents or legal guardians are not cruising, Carnival strongly recommends bringing an original signed letter from the absent parent(s) or legal guardians authorizing the minor to travel with you. If there is no second parent with legal claims to the minor (due to sole custody, deceased, etc.), other relevant paperwork, such as a court decision, death certificate, or birth certificate naming only one parent, would be useful to bring in place of a signed letter. This will expedite processing by the Department of Homeland Security. Exceptions to the Age Policy Guests under the age of 21 may travel without a relative or guardian of 25 years or older under the following conditions: * **Legally married couples**, including same-gender couples, must provide proper documentation at embarkation. Acceptable documents include a marriage license issued by the County Clerk’s Office, legal proof of civil union, or for newly married couples, a copy of the marriage license application or certificate signed by the official who performed the ceremony. * **Qualified military personnel**: Applies to U.S. military personnel and Canadian National Defense personnel (and their traveling companions in the same stateroom) aged 18 to 20. A copy of proof of service must be provided at embarkation. Understanding and adhering to Carnival's age policies will help ensure a smooth and enjoyable cruise experience for all guests.
What is the age policy on Carnival Cruise Line cruises?
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about 1,200 Chinese immigrants had settled in the Mississippi Delta by 1870.13 According to white Mississippians, these immigrants were neither white nor black; instead, white Mississippians considered the Chinese to possess a “roughly Negro” or “near-Negro” status.14 Though not exactly a “third race,” Chinese coolies challenged the dualism of the South, as Jim Crow laws made no provisions for the “partly colored” or the “almost white.”15 In 1924 Rosedale, Mississippi, for instance, the local white school excluded Martha Lum, a nine-year-old Chinese American, from attending.16 While the Mississippi Circuit Court initially ruled in favor of Lum, the Mississippi Supreme Court reversed the decision, claiming that the Chinese were “not white . . . they must fall under the heading ‘colored races.’”17 Upon appeal, the US Supreme Court sustained the state’s ruling in Gong Lum v. Rice (1927). Since Lum was a member of the “Mongolian or yellow race” and Mississippi’s policy was intended to “preserve the white schools for members of the Caucasian race,” Lum was “not entitled to attend the white public school.”18 The court did invite Lum to attend the local “colored” school—meaning that a student who was not “white” could be “colored” by default—and established the precedent that barring Chinese children from attending white schools did not violate the Fourteenth Amendment.19 While convention placed the Delta Chinese within a “tri-part” racial structure—neither white nor necessarily “Negro”—because segregation did not make space for gradations, Jim Crow legislation relegated the Chinese in the South to the legal status of nonwhite.20 Of course, the Chinese and Italians in Mississippi occupied distinct racial trajectories—southerners would ultimately categorize Chinese in the South as nonwhite, whereas groups like Italians eventually gained access to white identification. Still, since Jim Crow segregation was officially codified without in-between spaces within the binary caste system of segregation law, such racial ambiguity confused boundaries, redefined both whiteness and blackness, and ultimately meant that those constructed as nonwhite
Jessica Barbata Jackson (Dixie’s Italians: Sicilians, Race, and Citizenship in the Jim Crow Gulf South)
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