Nsc Quotes

I want you Red, more than I have ever wanted anything in my whole life. I want to govern you, I want to dictate you but more than that, I want to pleasure you, please you and I want to watch your beautiful face as I make you quiver and scream in ecstasy.

Hunter was a force to be reckoned with, and my only rule when arriving in London, stipulated no Dom’s… at all. No matter what!

I shook my head at her and stroked the tears off her cheeks with my thumbs “Hey, I can’t wipe away your tears unless you let them fall.

N.S.C. briefing. Castro is very nervous. We’ll try to keep him that way.

You have beautiful soft skin, Ava” he whispered, “and you smell delicious. I would love to taste you” he groaned softly as his fingers ventured a little higher.

If we want other countries to support our priorities,” I told my NSC team, “we can’t just bully them into it. We’ve got to show them we’re taking their perspectives into account—or at least can find them on a map.

foremost with President Bush himself, but his incompetence and arrogance are only part of the story. It takes more than one person to make a mess as big as Iraq. That is, Bush could only take such a careless action because of a series of failures in the American system. Major lapses occurred within the national security bureaucracy, from a weak National Security Council (NSC) to an overweening Pentagon and a confused intelligence apparatus. Larger failures of oversight also occurred in the political system, most notably in Congress, and in the inability of the media to find and present alternate sources of information about Iraq and the threat it did or didn’t present

Among other items, the directive—the full details of which are still classified—called for wider COOP planning within government and transferred responsibility for COG planning from the NSC directorate that oversaw nuclear war planning, run by Bob Bell, to the directorate that oversaw nuclear terrorism, run by Richard Clarke. President

You’re so fucking exquisite when you’re aroused” he whispered against my neck as his tongue swept across my skin, sending goose bumps throughout me.

strong team working solely on this special access program. This means only those around this table—and some hand-picked intelligence specialists and NSC officials—have access to this most sensitive of classified information.” Lieutenant General Black leaned forward and allowed his gaze to wander around the assembled faces. “Assistant Director Meyerstein’s word is law. She

The Sarcophagus was never intended as a permanent solution. Rather, the concern at the time was to erect a structure to confine the radioactive release as rapidly as possible. As a consequence, it only had an estimated life of around 20 years - a time frame long since expired. In 1997, a Shelter Implementation Plan funded by 46 countries and organisations for a replacement - dubbed the New Safe Confinement (NSC) - was set in motion, with an estimated cost of €2 billion.

Later we will look in more detail at how the Long Telegram and NSC-68 should shape the plan to destroy our jihadist enemies today, but for now consider this passage from Kennan’s original secret cable:         In summary, we have here a political force committed fanatically to the belief that with [the] U.S. there can be no permanent modus vivendi[,] that it is desirable and necessary that the internal harmony of our society be disrupted, our traditional way of life be destroyed, the international authority of our state be broken. . . . Kennan was writing about the USSR, but this description of a fanatical enemy incapable of living in peace with America applies word for word to the jihadist organizations behind all the major terrorist atrocities from 9/11 to the San Bernardino massacre.

The NSC, an enormous, one-of-a-kind arch, 250 meters wide by 165m long, and weighing a colossal 30,000 tons, is being assembled from prefabricated sections at a special holding ground 400m west of Unit 4. The first half was completed at the end of March 2014 and both finished halves were joined together a year later. Though it was originally supposed to be in place over the Sarcophagus by 2005, funds were difficult to come by and the NSC arch was not finished until November 2016. Upon completion, the entire structure was pushed along purpose-built tracks over the existing Sarcophagus, centimeter by centimeter, over the course of two days. It was the largest movable structure ever built. Unlike the original Object Shelter, this new confinement is designed to last 100 years, by which time most decommissioning work on Unit 4 should have concluded.

McMaster said he had been completely in the dark about this. The secretary of state had not consulted or even informed him in advance. He had learned from press reports! In a news conference in Qatar, Tillerson had said the agreement “represents weeks of intensive discussions” between the two governments so it had been in the works for a while. Porter said Tillerson had not gone through the policy process at the White House and had not involved the president either. Clearly Tillerson was going off on his own. “It is more loyal to the president,” McMaster said, “to try to persuade rather the circumvent.” He said he carried out direct orders when the president was clear, and felt duty bound to do so as an Army officer. Tillerson in particular did not. “He’s such a prick,” McMaster said. “He thinks he’s smarter than anyone. So he thinks he can do his own thing.” In his long quest to bring order to the chaos, Priebus arranged for each of the key cabinet members to regularly check in. Tillerson came to his office at 5:15 p.m. on Tuesday, July 18. McMaster had not been invited but joined the meeting anyway. He took a seat at the conference table. The national security adviser’s silent presence was ominous and electric. Tell me, Priebus asked Tillerson, how are things going? Are you on track to achieve your primary objectives? How is the relationship between the State Department and the White House? Between you and the president? “You guys in the White House don’t have your act together,” Tillerson said, and the floodgates gushed open. “The president can’t make a decision. He doesn’t know how to make a decision. He won’t make a decision. He makes a decision and then changes his mind a couple of days later.” McMaster broke his silence and raged at the secretary of state. “You don’t work with the White House,” McMaster said. “You never consult me or anybody on the NSC staff. You blow us off constantly.” He cited examples when he tried to set up calls or meetings or breakfasts with Tillerson. “You are off doing your own thing” and communicate directly with the president, Mattis, Priebus or Porter. “But it’s never with the National Security Council,” and “that’s what we’re here to do.” Then he issued his most dramatic charge. “You’re affirmatively seeking to undermine the national security process.” “That’s not true,” Tillerson replied. “I’m available anytime. I talk to you all the time. We just had a conference call yesterday. We do these morning calls three times a week. What are you talking about, H.R.? I’ve worked with you. I’ll work with anybody.” Tillerson continued, “I’ve also got to be secretary of state. Sometimes I’m traveling. Sometimes I’m in a different time zone. I can’t always take your calls.” McMaster said he consulted with the relevant assistant secretaries of state if the positions were filled. “I don’t have assistant secretaries,” Tillerson said, coldly, “because I haven’t picked them, or the ones that I have, I don’t like and I don’t trust and I don’t work with. So you can check with whoever you want. That has no bearing on me.” The rest of the State Department didn’t matter; if you didn’t go through him, it didn’t count.

Со времен возникновения человеческой цивилизации общества «возвышались» и «падали», «добивались прогресса» и «переживали упадок» – или, по крайней мере, именно так утверждалось в письменной истории. Сегодня историки чаще говорят о «переходе», не используя термины поступательного или ретроградного развития. Согласно этому представлению, малопроизводительные племена извне тянулись внутрь, к богатым (но, скорее всего, слабым) «цивилизованным» народам. Сдержать напор человеческого моря можно было только огромными усилиями. Иногда варварские племена прорывались внутрь и уничтожали какой-то город, регион или даже государство. С этой точки зрения кризис конца бронзового века подобен идеальному шторму, который привел в движение многие внешние народы Римляне принесли «блага цивилизации» значительной части мира. Но когда римляне возвращались домой, они зачастую забирали свои «блага» с собой. И вот в этот-то момент местная статуя Свободы начинала медленно погружаться в песок. Через поколение после появления на Западе чумы общество было охвачено глубоким пессимизмом. Став свидетелями эпидемии, которая погубила около семидесяти пяти миллионов человек – более половины населения известного мира, – люди погружались в шарлатанство и мистицизм. Другие начинали жить одним днем. Повсюду царили оргии, насилие, грабежи и убийства. Люди просто считали, что им нечего терять. Четверть тех, кто жил в Англии в XV веке, не вступали в брак. Такова поразительная статистика того времени. Сочетание эпидемии с началом истинной глобализации было чудовищным. В апреле 1950 Трумэну представили один из самых важных документов того периода, директиву NSC‑68. В ней цели Соединенных Штатов излагались в терминах поистине апокалиптических. «Перед нами стоят проблемы исключительной важности, – говорилось в документе, – которые грозят уничтожить не только республику, но и саму цивилизацию». Политические рекомендации документа были просто фантастическими, и среди них была рекомендация продолжить работы над водородной бомбой. Кроме того, предлагалось в три раза увеличить расходы на неядерную национальную оборону. стало очевидно: чтобы Корейская война не превратилась в третью мировую, все крупные державы должны создать правдоподобное отрицание, чтобы никто не решил, что это и есть третья мировая война. журналист спросил американского президента: «Президент Трумэн, это война? Мы ведем войну?». «Нет, мы войну не ведем», – ответил Трумэн. «Тогда что же это? Это действия по наведению порядка?» – настаивал репортер. «Да, – ответил президент. – Именно так!» И с того времени все стало называться «действиями по наведению порядка»: в войне ядерное оружие использовать можно, в полицейских действиях по наведению порядка – нельзя.

Only weeks before, McMahon had beaten back an attempt by the National Security Council staff to violate a presidential ban on political assassinations. “We received a draft secret executive order telling us to go knock off terrorists in pre-emptive strikes,” McMahon recalled. “I told our folks to send it back and tell them: ‘When the President revokes the executive order which precludes CIA from assassinations, then we’ll take this on.’ That hit the guys on the NSC staff. They went ballistic.

Some of the most powerful sources in the United States.  All the members of the White House National Security Council. Worse still, if someone inside the NSC had leaked the information, it meant Miller and Langford had a horrendous problem on their hands.

The late Dr. Michael Wolf, who served as a scientific consultant to the American President and NSC on ET related matters, and who specialized in gathering information on the different ET races, provided the following information in an interview with Chris Stoner in July 2000.

what we were really doing every day, both at NSC and the other agencies with responsibility for a potentially explosive situation, was undoing the damage being caused by our own White House, and by the president of the United States himself, and collaborating to get the U.S. relationship with Ukraine back on track.

Pakistan and India, both nuclear powers, appeared on the brink of war.51 The NSC called on the Pentagon and the Central Intelligence Agency to assess the likelihood. Looking at the exact same events unfolding on the ground, the Pentagon and the CIA offered different answers.

Far from the political limelight, however, on the National Security Council, a handful of discreet officials led by Matt Pottinger, a former journalist and Marine, who eventually rose to become Trump’s deputy national security advisor, were transforming America’s policy toward China, casting off several decades of technology policy in the process. Rather than tariffs, the China hawks on the NSC were fixated on Beijing’s geopolitical agenda and its technological foundation. They thought America’s position had weakened dangerously and Washington’s inaction was to blame. “This is really important,” one Trump appointee reported an Obama official telling him during the presidential transition, regarding China’s technological advances, “but there’s nothing you can do.” The new administration’s China team didn’t agree. They concluded, as one senior official put it, “that everything we’re competing on in the twenty-first century… all of it rests on the cornerstone of semiconductor mastery.” Inaction wasn’t a viable option, they believed. Nor was “running faster”—which they saw as code for inaction. “It would be great for us to run faster,” one NSC official put it, but the strategy didn’t work because of China’s “enormous leverage in forcing the turnover of technology.” The new NSC adopted a much more combative, zero-sum approach to technology policy. From the officials in the Treasury Department’s investment screening unit to those managing the Pentagon’s supply chains for military systems, key elements of the government began focusing on semiconductors as part of their strategy for dealing with China.

The requirement for the United States to craft a national security strategy (NSS) document was first codified in the National Security Act of 1947, and amended by the Goldwater-Nichols Department of Defense Reorganization Act of 1986. The 1986 amendment requires the President to submit the document on an annual basis to Congress to provide a comprehensive report on U.S. national security strategy. Both pieces of legislation mandate that the strategy include a "comprehensive description and discussion of worldwide interests, goals, and objectives...that are vital to the national security of the United States." It would also address foreign policy, world wide military commitments, U.S. national defense capabilities, short- and long-term uses of the elements of national power, and the requirement to have the strategy transmitted to Congress in both classified and unclassified form. A number of national security strategies were developed over time prior to the Goldwater-Nichols legislation, to include what many believe was the most significant grand strategy of the era, NSC-68, the key containment strategy against Soviet and Chinese communism. All were crafted during the pre-Goldwater-Nichals Act period at the classified level.

I tried to explain to the NSC officials my own wonder at this teeming ramshackle metropolis with cinemas, football leagues, hotels and hospitals, and to emphasize that, contrary to what they might expect, a large portion of the refugees are extremely pro-American. I said that the Kenyan security forces, underwritten by US and British money, weapons and training, were going about things in the wrong way: rounding up refugees, raping and extorting them, encouraging them to return to war-racked Somalia.

Albright hadn't called him back yet, which pissed him off, but in the brief and fleeting moment when he put himself in Albright's shoes he recognized the supervisory special agent in the Counterintelligence Division was probably busier than a onearmed fan dancer at the moment with the leak investigation at the NSC.

Sec. Particulars Amount 80C Tax saving investments1 Maximum up to Rs. 1,50,000 (from FY 2014-15) 80D Medical insurance premium-self, family Individual: Rs. 15,000 Senior Citizen: Rs. 20,000 Preventive Health Check-up Rs. 5,000 80E Interest on Loan for Higher Education Interest amount (8 years) 80EE Deduction of Interest of Housing Loan2 Up to Rs.1,00,000 total 80G Charitable Donation 100%/ 50% of donation or 10% of adjusted total income, whichever is less 80GGC Donation to political parties Any sum contributed (Other than Cash) 80TTA Interest on savings account Rs. 10,000 1              Tax saving investments includes life insurance premium including ULIPs, PPF, 5 year tax saving FD, tuition fees, repayment of housing loan, mutual fund (ELSS) (Sec. 80CCB), NSC, employee provident fund, pension fund (Sec. 80CCC) or pension scheme (Sec. 80CCD), etc. NRIs are not allowed to invest in certain investments, such as PPF, NSC, 5 year bank FD, etc. 2              Only to the first time buyer of a self-occupied residential flat costing less than Rs. 40 lakhs and loan amount of less than 25 lakhs sanctioned in financial year 2013-14 Clubbing of other’s income Generally, the taxpayer is taxed on his own income. However, in certain cases, he may have to pay tax on another person’s income.  Taxpayers in the higher tax bracket (e.g. 30%) may divert some portion

It will be noted that the specific duties assigned to the new agency (CIA) specifically itemized most of the standard tasks of Intelligence, with the exception of “collection.” It would seem that a Congress that had debated the subject so long and so thoroughly would not have overlooked the function of collection. It is more likely that Congress fully intended what it stated—that the task of the CIA was that of “coordinating” intelligence. The duties of the CIA were set forth in the law as follows: to advise the National Security Council in matters concerning such intelligence activities of the government departments and agencies as relate to national security; to make recommendations to the NSC for the coordination of such intelligence activities. . . .; to correlate and evaluate intelligence relating to the national security, and provide for the appropriate dissemination of such intelligence within the government . . . provided that the Agency shall have no police, subpoena, law-enforcement powers, or internal security functions. . . .; to perform, for the benefit of the existing intelligence agencies, such additional services of common concern as the NSC determines can be more efficiently accomplished centrally; to perform such other functions and duties related to intelligence affecting the national security as the NSC may from time to time direct. For those familiar with that language used in legislative writing, it should be very clear that Congress knew exactly what it was doing when it set up a central authority to coordinate intelligence and when it further delineated the responsibilities into those five brief and explicit paragraphs shown above. Yet few such uncomplicated and simple lines defining the law of the land have ever been subject to so much misinterpretation, intentional and accidental, as have these.

The CIA was created by the NSA/47 and placed under the direction of the NSC, a committee. This same act had established the NSC at the same time. Therefore, the CIA’s position relative to the NSC was without practice and precedent; but the law was specific in placing the agency under the direction of that committee, and in not placing the Agency in the Office of the President and directly under his control. In conclusion, this act provided that among the duties the CIA would perform, it would: . . . (5) perform such other functions and duties related to intelligence affecting the National Security as the NSC may from time to time direct. This was the inevitable loophole, and as time passed and as the CIA and the ST grew in power and know-how they tested this clause in the Act and began to practice their own interpretation of its meaning. They believed that it meant they could practice clandestine operations. Their perseverance paid off. During the summer of 1948 the NSC issued a directive, number 10/2, which authorized special operations, with two stipulations: (a) Such operations must be secret, and (b) such operations must be plausibly deniable. These were important prerequisites.

By patient and determined exploitation and maneuvering of these positions, the Agency is able to get key men into places where they are ready for the time when the ST wishes to pull the strings to have a certain man made the alternate, or to designate someone for a role such as that of the NSC 5412/2 Special Group. This is intricate and long-range work but it pays off, and the ST is adept at the use of these tactics. Of course, there are many variations of the ways in which this can be done. The main thing is that it is done skillfully and under the heavy veil of secrecy. Many key CIA career men have served in such slots as agents operating within the United States Government. There is no question about the fact that some of these agents have been the most influential and productive agents in the CIA, and there is no doubt that the security measures utilized to cover these agents within our own government have been heavier than those used between the United States and other governments.

responding to the coronavirus, the NSC biosecurity team functioned exactly as it was supposed to. It was the chair behind the Resolute desk that was empty.

I’ll give you an example. Let’s say one week we hop on the phone, you know, H.R. would go through five things. ‘Hey, you know, president’s meeting with Ambassador So-and-so this week, we’ve got this decision coming up at the NSC, etc. But also, got to let you guys know, he keeps bringing up NATO, and then wanting to pull out of NATO.’ It would be a bomb like that. And then you have Tillerson and Mattis say, ‘Well, what does his day look like today? We need to get in with him before he does something stupid.

I taught for 16 years at William and Mary and six years at George Washington University, using as one of my principal text books David Roth's book Running the World. And if you look on — if memory doesn't fail me — about page 12 of the hardback copy of that book, you'll find his five circumstances that influence National Security decision making thus the NSC. Two of them that are prominent, one was absolutely prominent with my boss Colin Powell, are the people doing the decision-making: the characters as David calls them. The depth of their character, the shallow of their character, whatever. Another one though is domestic politics. As I taught my classes on both campuses over the years, my students grew more and more strident, in their assertion in their case studies using this framework for analysis David offers, at saying that the domestic outweighed everything else, and I started paying attention to them. And I started looking at it closely myself, and I think they had a point we are now to that point to your question where nothing that is rational about national security foreign policy, international relations, or the associated fields, is accomplished on the basis of national interest. It's accomplished on the basis of these people's views of their chances in the political arena, and that's where we are today almost without exception. [...] those are the other three things in David's framework for analysis. Ideology slash governing philosophy — and he differentiates those two things, sometimes they blend, of course almost always they blend, but he differentiates them. And then the next one is the structure or process in which the decisions made. Because he was a member of the NSC staff, and he saw often, as did I, the statutory system didn't being used. Dick Cheney just totally ignored the statutory system and made his own decisions in his own office, and communicated them to New York Times so they could be on the front page above the fold right side the next morning. And then we added one. We added one called "budget". And I showed him that Dwight Eisenhower was the very last president to require his (then it was called the office of the budget, OMB now) budget director to give him an assessment of every National Security decision he formerly made, if it incurred cost, and most often it did. We haven't had that since Eisenhower. Nobody cares anymore. The latest one to be asked that by the budget director, by the director of The Office of Management Budget in a formal meeting of the principles, Dick Cheney said: "Ronald Reagan proved deficits don't matter," and we went on from there. (Excerpt from interview "US Elections & Imperial Overstretch - Colonel Lawrence Wilkerson, Alexander Mercouris & Glenn Diesen")

Has anyone considered that this might be the act of a local Cambodian commander who has just taken it into his own hands to halt any ship that comes by?” Heads swiveled to look. Who on earth was talking? It was David Hume Kennerly, the twenty-eight-year-old White House photographer. White House photographers, who attend nearly every presidential meeting, are supposed to be flies on the wall. They snap and don’t speak—but not this time. What was the photographer doing injecting his views into a top secret NSC meeting? The people in the Cabinet Room were among the most powerful in the world. No outsider would dare interrupt them, particularly as they debated U.S. military action. The absolute chutzpah of this young man was stunning. And then he went on. “Has anyone stopped to think that he might not have gotten his orders from Phnom Penh?” Kennerly asked. “If that’s what has happened, you know, you can blow the whole place away and it’s not gonna make any difference. Everyone here has been talking about Cambodia as if it were a traditional government, like France. We have trouble with France, we just pick up the telephone and call. We know who to talk to. But I was in Cambodia just two weeks ago, and it’s not that kind of government at all. We don’t even know who the leadership is. Has anyone considered that?

I know. I admit that. You’re working with NSC now. And the FBI.” “So?” “So how would you like to be part of a joint effort with NIC?” “I already have enough alphabet letters, thanks.” “You

peaking at 100,000 and dropping to 8,400 with heady expectations, later abandoned, that the combat mission against the insurgent Taliban could end. But internally the experts knew it was futile. White House coordinator Lieutenant General Douglas Lute labeled the war “a house of cards” in a 2010 meeting soon after Obama added another 30,000 troops. Dr. Peter Lavoy, Obama’s deputy assistant secretary of defense for Asian and Pacific security affairs, later in charge of South Asia for the Obama NSC staff, was a soft-spoken authority on South Asia—Pakistan and Afghanistan. Lavoy was largely unknown to the public but critical to the functioning of the defense and intelligence world. He was both academic and practitioner. He believed the obsession with U.S. troop numbers had been the Achilles’ heel of the Obama administration policy in Afghanistan. “There are literally thousands of sub-tribes in Afghanistan,” Lavoy said. “Each has a grievance. If the Taliban ceased to exist you would still have an insurgency in Afghanistan.” Victory was far-fetched. Winning had not been defined. H. R. McMaster saw he would have a major confrontation with President Trump on the Afghanistan War.

In 2016, Cesium 137 contamination spread by the Chernobyl accident reached its half-life, and the New Safe Confinement (NSC) was rolled into place, beginning its one-hundred-year life of containing the radioactive remains of Chernobyl’s Unit 4 and the sarcophagus. A structure that cost $2.3 billion. Perhaps the most obvious lessons are that accidents with nuclear energy take a long time to resolve and cost a great deal of money. A subtle but possibly even more important lesson is that unanticipated catastrophes, for which we have no significant recognition or planning, ignite well-meant yet ineffective, costly, and potentially lethal initial phases.

NSC 5412/1 was leaked to the author to hide the existence of NSC 5410.

[...] what the Agency does is ordered by the President and the NSC. The Agency neither makes decisions on policy nor acts on its own account. It is an instrument of the President ... to use in any way he pleases.

At most, the internal NSC structure was no more than the quiver of a butterfly’s wings in the tsunami of Trump’s chaos.

My lie falls so effortlessly off my lips that I feel like a supervillain in a hero movie. Oran is going to find three dead bodies and put them on NSC—a perfect end to a really shit Monday.

The United States had been sharing fail-safe technology with the Soviets as early as the Eisenhower administration. The sensitivity of giving technology to the enemy was referenced in an obscure, recently declassified memorandum from the hottest point of the Cold War era, when President Johnson was rapidly accelerating the war against the Communist forces in Vietnam. The memo was sent by then NSC staffer Spurgeon Keeny to President Johnson’s special national security advisor, Walt W. Rostow. Excerpts from that secret 1966 memo are revealing.

Few confrontations became more bitter, however, than those affecting the Contras—especially in the military sphere. The U.S. public still did buy into the administration's alarmist views, and congressional opponents remained suspicious their restrictions on U.S. support were being routinely ignored. This was, in fact, the case. As the president's second term got under way, NSC staff and their private-sector collaborators solidified their control over rebel activities (particularly weapons purchases) and scrambled to build a viable resupply operation that could fly—literally and politically—under the radar.

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Truman’s attitude started changing as the Soviet Union asserted its dominion over the nations the Red Army had marched through on its way to Berlin. In Poland, liberation from the Nazis morphed into another kind of occupation – from fascist to communist. That pattern repeated itself in Romania, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, East Germany and elsewhere as the Stalinists spread their Dictatorship of the Proletariat.96 In 1947, Truman’s economic advisor, the financier Bernard Baruch, described the growing tension between the former allies as a ‘cold war.’ When that phrase was repeated in a series of essays by Walter Lippmann, it became a permanent fixture in the postwar lexicon and made a full convert of Harry Truman, who signed the National Security Act in July of 1947. The Act’s sweeping reforms included separating the Air Force out of the Army, creating a huge new Department of Defense,97 and established the National Security Council (NSC).