Nato Quotes

Ask him about the cemeteries, Dean!

But, the source explained, this fit Putin’s larger strategic vision: “to destroy NATO, destroy the European Union, and seriously harm the United States.

Così questo paese, dove non sono nato, ho creduto per molto tempo che fosse tutto il mondo. Adesso che il mondo l'ho visto davvero e so che è fatto di tanti piccoli paesi, non so se da ragazzo mi sbagliavo poi di molto.

the President was deciding, for the U.S., the Soviet Union, Turkey, NATO, and really for all mankind….

Kodėl mes vis užmirštam širdį, lyg ji būtų mėsos gabalas? Mes kalbam apie traktorius, ir apie roką, ir apie sūrius, NATO, bet užmirštam širdį, kur viskas prasideda ir viskas pasibaigia...

The combination of a short range and a powerful thermonuclear weapon was unfortunate. Launched from NATO bases in West Germany, Redstone missiles would destroy a fair amount of West Germany.

Dunque, pare che alle anime viventi possano toccare due sorti: c'è chi nasce ape, e chi nasce rosa... Che fa lo sciame delle api, con la sua regina? Va, e ruba a tutte le rose un poco di miele, per portarselo nell'arnia, nelle sue stanzette. E la rosa? La rosa l'ha in se stessa, il proprio miele: miele di rose, il più adorato, il più prezioso! La cosa più dolce che innamora essa l'ha già in se stessa: non le serve cercarla altrove. Ma qualche volta sospirano di solitudine, le rose, questi esseri divini! Le rose ignoranti non capiscono i propri misteri. La prima di tutte le rose è Dio. Fra le due: la rosa e l'ape, secondo me, la più fortunata è l'ape. E l'Ape Regina, poi, ha una fortuna sovrana! Io, per esempio, sono nato Ape Regina. E tu, Wilhelm? Secondo me, tu, Wilhelm mio, sei nato col destino più dolce e col destino più amaro: tu sei l'ape e sei la rosa.

[I]t is the powerful who write the laws of the world-- and the powerful who ignore these laws when expediency dictates.

Nessun uccello vola appena nato, ma arriva il momento in cui il richiamo dell’aria è più forte della paura di cadere e allora la vita gli insegna a spiegare le ali.

Lui avrebbe voluto chiederle che rumore fa un cuore quando si rompe per la gioia, quando è sufficiente la vista di qualcuno per riempirti come né il cibo, né il sangue, né l'aria potranno mai fare; quando ti senti come se fossi nato per vivere un momento preciso e quel momento, per qualche ragione particolare, era proprio quello.

People say ‘third world’ and think it just means countries without internet or paved roads,” I say. “But ‘third world’ is Cold War terminology. NATO countries are the first world and the Communist bloc is the second world. The third world was where those two clashed. So the mess in Afghanistan is actually a first and second world problem.

L'inconveniente di non essere nato come mi volevi mi fa perdere il desiderio di vivermi.

The purpose of the NATO alliance is "to keep the Russians out, the Americans in, and the Germans down.

Oh meraviglia! Amor, ch’a pena è nato, già grande vola, e già trionfa armato.

I agree with Dr. Makris. Does that mean I would let someone blow up my dead foot to help save the feet of NATO land mine clearers? It does. And would I let someone shoot my dead face with a nonlethal projectile to help prevent accidental fatalities? I suppose I would. What wouldn't I let someone do to my remains? I can think of only one experiment I know of that, were I a cadaver, I wouldn't want anything to do with. This particular experiment wasn't done in the name of science or education or safer cars or better-protected soldiers. It was done in the name of religion.

The Redstone often carried a 4-megaton warhead but couldn’t fly more than 175 miles. The combination of a short range and a powerful thermonuclear weapon was unfortunate. Launched from NATO bases in West Germany, Redstone missiles would destroy a fair amount of West Germany.

Tutta quella città… non se ne vedeva la fine… / La fine, per cortesia, si potrebbe vedere la fine? / E il rumore / Su quella maledettissima scaletta… era molto bello, tutto… e io ero grande con quel cappotto, facevo il mio figurone, e non avevo dubbi, era garantito che sarei sceso, non c’era problema / Col mio cappello blu / Primo gradino, secondo gradino, terzo gradino / Primo gradino, secondo gradino, terzo gradino / Primo gradino, secondo / Non è quel che vidi che mi fermò / È quel che non vidi / Puoi capirlo, fratello?, è quel che non vidi… lo cercai ma non c’era, in tutta quella sterminata città c’era tutto tranne / C’era tutto / Ma non c’era una fine. Quel che non vidi è dove finiva tutto quello. La fine del mondo / Ora tu pensa: un pianoforte. I tasti iniziano. I tasti finiscono. Tu sai che sono 88, su questo nessuno può fregarti. Non sono infiniti, loro. Tu, sei infinito, e dentro quei tasti, infinita è la musica che puoi fare. Loro sono 88. Tu sei infinito. Questo a me piace. Questo lo si può vivere. Ma se tu / Ma se io salgo su quella scaletta, e davanti a me / Ma se io salgo su quella scaletta e davanti a me si srotola una tastiera di milioni di tasti, milioni e miliardi / Milioni e miliardi di tasti, che non finiscono mai e questa è la vera verità, che non finiscono mai e quella tastiera è infinita / Se quella tastiera è infinita, allora / Su quella tastiera non c’è musica che puoi suonare. Ti sei seduto su un seggiolino sbagliato: quello è il pianoforte su cui suona Dio / Cristo, ma le vedevi le strade? / Anche solo le strade, ce n’era a migliaia, come fate voi laggiù a sceglierne una / A scegliere una donna / Una casa, una terra che sia la vostra, un paesaggio da guardare, un modo di morire / Tutto quel mondo / Quel mondo addosso che nemmeno sai dove finisce / E quanto ce n’è / Non avete mai paura, voi, di finire in mille pezzi solo a pensarla, quell’enormità, solo a pensarla? A viverla… / Io sono nato su questa nave. E qui il mondo passava, ma a duemila persone per volta. E di desideri ce n’erano anche qui, ma non più di quelli che ci potevano stare tra una prua e una poppa. Suonavi la tua felicità, su una tastiera che non era infinita. Io ho imparato così. La terra, quella è una nave troppo grande per me. È un viaggio troppo lungo. È una donna troppo bella. È un profumo troppo forte. È una musica che non so suonare.

La palabra se inventó para mentir, en ella no cabe la verdad. El hombre es un mentiroso nato y la realidad no se puede apresar con palabras, así como un río no se puede apresar con las manos. El río fluye y se va, y nosotros con él.

Posso vivere sola, se il rispetto per me stessa e le circostanze me lo richiederanno. Non mi è necessario vendere l’anima per comprare la felicità. Ho un tesoro interiore, nato insieme a me, che può mantenermi viva anche se tutti i piaceri esterni mi verranno negati; o offerti ad un prezzo che non potrò accettare.

We seem to have lost our capacity for politeness and for genuine concern about the quality of our interactions in this hectic century.

Russia had privately warned Mattis that if there was a war in the Baltics, Russia would not hesitate to use tactical nuclear weapons against NATO.

Mi accorsi che la cosa peggiore che potevo fare della mia vita era cercare di viverla come qualcosa che non ero e non sarò mai. Se sono nato cavatappi, non morirò cucchiaio.

L'amore appena nato ha una visione a tunnel della realtà, la sua retina è uno schermo cinematografico, vede il mondo rifatto secondo la sua utopistica interpretazione.

The Marshall Plan and NATO succeeded because a political tradition of government remained in Europe, even if impaired.

Come tutte le migliori store di Bangalore, anche la mia ha inizio molto lontano da Bangalore. Vede, adesso sono nella Luce, ma sono nato e cresciuto nelle Tenebre.

You know what Trump is?’ ‘Tell me.’ ‘He’s Putin’s shithouse cleaner. He does everything for little Vladi that little Vladi can’t do for himself: pisses on European unity, pisses on human rights, pisses on NATO. Assures us that Crimea and Ukraine belong to the Holy Russian Empire, the Middle East belongs to the Jews and the Saudis, and to hell with the world order.

Le donne ai tempi antichi avevano posseduto un potere che non ci apparteneva più. Se aveva già troppi figli, o se non era abbastanza in forze per allevarne un altro, o se nutrirlo avesse significato sottrarre alla tribù risorse preziose in un periodo inadatto, la madre poteva guardare i bambino in viso, protendere la mano e rimandarlo nel nulla, come se non fosse mai nato.

Mio figlio non ha mai incontrato il mio viso, e se fosse nato, forse, non mi avrebbe neanche riconosciuta. La mia carezza è stata un ago che gli ha tolto il respiro, e il mio latte usciva al richiamo di pianti sconosciuti per andare sprecato in un reggiseno che non ho mai più indossato. Ma è da me che è partito, e dentro di me si è fermato. È dalle madri che sempre partiamo, ed è alle madri che sempre torniamo, una volta concluso il viaggio.

NATO bombing of Serbia was undertaken by the ‘international community,’ according to consistent Western rhetoric—although those who did not have their heads buried in the sand knew that it was opposed by most of the world, often quite vocally. Those who do not support the actions of wealth and power are not part of ‘the global community.

Attempts to locate oneself within history are as natural, and as absurd, as attempts to locate oneself within astronomy. On the day that I was born, 13 April 1949, nineteen senior Nazi officials were convicted at Nuremberg, including Hitler's former envoy to the Vatican, Baron Ernst von Weizsacker, who was found guilty of planning aggression against Czechoslovakia and committing atrocities against the Jewish people. On the same day, the State of Israel celebrated its first Passover seder and the United Nations, still meeting in those days at Flushing Meadow in Queens, voted to consider the Jewish state's application for membership. In Damascus, eleven newspapers were closed by the regime of General Hosni Zayim. In America, the National Committee on Alcoholism announced an upcoming 'A-Day' under the non-uplifting slogan: 'You can drink—help the alcoholic who can't.' ('Can't'?) The International Court of Justice at The Hague ruled in favor of Britain in the Corfu Channel dispute with Albania. At the UN, Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko denounced the newly formed NATO alliance as a tool for aggression against the USSR. The rising Chinese Communists, under a man then known to Western readership as Mao Tze-Tung, announced a limited willingness to bargain with the still-existing Chinese government in a city then known to the outside world as 'Peiping.' All this was unknown to me as I nuzzled my mother's breast for the first time, and would certainly have happened in just the same way if I had not been born at all, or even conceived. One of the newspaper astrologists for that day addressed those whose birthday it was: There are powerful rays from the planet Mars, the war god, in your horoscope for your coming year, and this always means a chance to battle if you want to take it up. Try to avoid such disturbances where women relatives or friends are concerned, because the outlook for victory upon your part in such circumstances is rather dark. If you must fight, pick a man! Sage counsel no doubt, which I wish I had imbibed with that same maternal lactation, but impartially offered also to the many people born on that day who were also destined to die on it.

May in Varanasi. 25° and wet. It's like the 6th circle of the inferno here, Edith - where they flail the arses off the howling heretics and the men who fuck marine life etc. NATO's stomping on the Balkans while India and Pakistan threaten one another with nukes. "Dead From the Waist Down" on MTV. The humidity's making me horny and mad. I miss Robin. In his new book, Ken Wilbur calls it "skin hunger". I feel like I'm building up a charge. Monsoon's on its way.

Imagine you are a member of a tour visiting Greece. The group goes to the Parthenon. It is a bore. Few people even bother to look — it looked better in the brochure. So people take half a look, mostly take pictures, remark on serious erosion by acid rain. You are puzzled. Why should one of the glories and fonts of Western civilization, viewed under pleasant conditions — good weather, good hotel room, good food, good guide — be a bore? Now imagine under what set of circumstances a viewing of the Parthenon would not be a bore. For example, you are a NATO colonel defending Greece against a Soviet assault. You are in a bunker in downtown Athens, binoculars propped up on sandbags. It is dawn. A medium-range missile attack is under way. Half a million Greeks are dead. Two missiles bracket the Parthenon. The next will surely be a hit. Between columns of smoke, a ray of golden light catches the portico. Are you bored? Can you see the Parthenon? Explain.

At the time thousands of Africans were dying over control of diamonds sold in shopping malls around the world, U.S president Bill Clinton was impeached for perjury, NATO began bombing Yugoslavia, and everyone else was preparing for digital disaster from Y2K

(And did I mention how in summer the streets of Smyrna were lined with baskets of rose petals? And how everyone in the city could speak French, Italian, Greek, Turkish, English, and Dutch? And did I tell you about the famous figs, brought in by camel caravan and dumped onto the ground, huge piles of pulpy fruit lying in the dirt, with dirty women steeping them in salt water and children squatting to defecate behind the clusters? Did I mention how the reek of the fig women mixed with pleasanter smells of almond trees, mimosa, laurel, and peach, and how everybody wore masks on Mardi Gras and had elaborate dinners on the decks of frigates? I want to mention these things because they all happened in that city that was no place exactly, that was part of no country because it was all countries, and because now if you go there you'll see modern high-rises, amnesiac boulevards, teeming sweatshops, a NATO headquarters, and a sign that says Izmir...)

As the 2018 World Cup Championship in Russia draws to a close, President Trump scores a hat-trick of diplomatic faux pas - first at the NATO summit, then on a UK visit, and finally with a spectacular own goal in Helsinki, thereby handing Vladimir Putin a golden propaganda trophy. For as long as this moron continues to queer the pitch by refusing to be a team player, America's Achilles' heel will go from bad to worse. It's high time somebody on his own side tackled him in his tracks.

In NATO terms, Turkey is a key country because it controls the entrance to and exit from the Black Sea through the narrow gap of the Bosporus Strait. If it closes the Strait, which is less than a mile across at its narrowest point, the Russian Black Sea Fleet cannot break out into the Mediterranean and then the Atlantic. Even getting through the Bosporus only takes you into the Sea of Marmara; you still have to navigate through the Dardanelles Straits to get to the Aegean Sea en route to the Mediterranean.

Behind this monstrous shield, liberal democracy and the free market managed to hold out in their last bastions, and Westerners could enjoy sex, drugs and rock and roll, as well as washing machines, refrigerators and televisions. Without nukes, there would have been no Woodstock, no Beatles and no overflowing supermarkets. But in the mid-1970s it seemed that nuclear weapons notwithstanding, the future belonged to socialism.

Vedi quest’uomo seduto qui? Una volta era un bambino, un bambino che era stato mandato via, allontanato dal padre che amava, dalla famiglia che amava, dalla casa in cui era nato e che amava. Era stato mandato via dal Paese che amava, spedito senza alcun riguardo in un Paese che non conosceva, a costruirsi la vita fra estranei. Gettato via come spazzatura. Pensi che questo uomo, che una volta era un bambino, costringerebbe la donna che ama più di chiunque altro al mondo a dare via il suo? Non in un milione di anni, mai. Daphne, il bambino che porti nel ventre è un Ingham e io sono sia Ingham sia Stanton. E che sia dannato se a far crescere questo bambino non sarò io stesso.»

The EU gave both political support and quotidian substance to the values inherent in NATO—those values being, generally, the rule of law over arbitrary fiat, legal states over ethnic nations, and the protection of the individual no matter his race or religion. Democracy, after all, is less about elections than about impartial institutions.

How often does it occur that information provided you on morning radio or television, or in the morning newspaper, causes you to alter your plans for the day, or to take some action you would not otherwise have taken, or provides insight into some problem you are required to solve? For most of us, news of the weather will sometimes have consequences; for investors, news of the stock market; perhaps an occasional story about crime will do it, if by chance it occurred near where you live or involved someone you know. But most of our daily news is inert, consisting of information that gives us something to talk about but cannot lead to any meaningful action...You may get a sense of what this means by asking yourself another series of questions: What steps do you plan to take to reduce the conflict in the Middle East? Or the rates of inflation, crime and unemployment? What are your plans for preserving the environment or reducing the risk of nuclear war? What do you plan to do about NATO, OPEC, the CIA, affirmative action, and the monstrous treatment of the Baha’is in Iran? I shall take the liberty of answering for you: You plan to do nothing about them. You may, of course, cast a ballot for someone who claims to have some plans, as well as the power to act. But this you can do only once every two or four years by giving one hour of your time, hardly a satisfying means of expressing the broad range of opinions you hold. Voting, we might even say, is the next to last refuge of the politically impotent. The last refuge is, of course, giving your opinion to a pollster, who will get a version of it through a desiccated question, and then will submerge it in a Niagara of similar opinions, and convert them into—what else?—another piece of news. Thus, we have here a great loop of impotence: The news elicits from you a variety of opinions about which you can do nothing except to offer them as more news, about which you can do nothing.

1945-1990 - Russophobia 1990-2015 - Islamophobia 2015- ?? - Russophobia AND Islamophobia. Isnt it time the MI Complex created a new bogey-man?

Se sia un peccatore, non lo so; una cosa so: prima ero cieco e ora ci vedo.

Ya bir devamı vardır,ya da yoktur.. Ya anlatılabilecek bir devamı vardır,ya da yoktur.

Tutto ciò che di grande e bello c’è al mondo, gratta gratta, non è mai nato da un discorso razionale. Mai.

The Empire would love to rip Ukraine from Moscow’s bosom, evict the Russian Black Sea Fleet, and establish a US military and/or NATO presence on Russia’s border. Kiev’s membership of the European Union would then not be far off; after which the country could embrace the joys of neoconservatism, receiving the benefits of the standard privatization-deregulation-austerity package and join Portugal, Ireland, Greece, and Spain as an impoverished orphan of the family; but perhaps no price is too great to pay to for being part of glorious Europe and the West!

Nakon pet minuta transfuzije objavio je da više nije u životnoj opasnosti. Pomilovavši je ispod brade, reče: 'Što ćeš ovdje, dušo? Još si tako mlada da ni ne znaš kako život zna biti gadan.' Cecilia je nato usmeno dala svoju jedinu samoubilačku poruku, usput rečeno i beskorisnu jer će preživjeti. 'Doktore', rekla je, 'očito nikad niste bili trinaestogodišnja djevojčica.

Sono le forze che sembrano negative, ma che in realtà ti insegnano a dimostrare la tua Leggenda Personale. Preparano il tuo spirito e la tua volontà. Perché esiste una grande verità su questo pianeta: chiunque tu sia o qualsiasi cosa tu faccia, quando desideri una cosa con volontà, è perché questo desiderio è nato nell'anima dell'Universo. Quella cosa rappresenta la tua missione sulla terra.

The crux of Putin’s foreign policy was to undercut the West’s grip on global affairs. With every hack and disinformation campaign, Putin’s digital army sought to tie Russia’s opponents up in their own politics and distract them from Putin’s real agenda: fracturing support for Western democracy and, ultimately, NATO—the North Atlantic Treaty Organization—the only thing holding Putin in check.

Mentre aspettavo mi guardavo intorno: l'intonaco scabro nella luce, un ciuffo d'erba sul terrazzo contro il cielo, il gran silenzio meridiano. Nello strepito del carro che s'allontanava, pensai che quelli per Oreste erano luoghi familiari, c'era nato e cresciuto, dovevano dirgli chi sa che. Pensai quanti luoghi ci sono nel mondo che appartengono così a qualcuno, che qualcuno ha nel sangue e nessun altro li sa.

Eppure realizzai per davvero quanto caotica e in prestito fosse la mia fortuna, la fortuna d’essere nato sulla guancia giusta del mondo, soltanto quando un vecchio, per strada, pianse e disse: "Sei bianco come Dio.

Himara Lagur syt' i zu qepalla, s'kanë të hapen në jetë, se në ato vise të rralla fluturon shpirti shigjetë! Atje, ah! gjelbëron fryma; n'ato male ar të lara ku mbi re shkrep vetëtima, shkruan me zjarr: -Flak' është Himara!

The Empire would love to rip Ukraine from Moscow’s bosom, evict the Russian Black Sea Fleet, and establish a US military and/or NATO presence on Russia’s border. Kiev’s membership of the European Union would then not be far off; after which the country could embrace the joys of neoconservatism, receiving the benefits of the standard privatization-deregulation-austerity package and join Portugal, Ireland, Greece, and Spain as an impoverished orphan of the family;

Military history teaches us, contrary to popular belief, that wars are not necessarily the most costly of human calamities. The allied coalition lost few lives in getting Saddam out of Kuwait during the Gulf War of 1991, yet doing nothing in Rwanda allowed savage gangs and militias to murder hundreds of thousands with impunity. Bill Clinton stopped a Balkan holocaust through air strikes, without sacrificing American soldiers. His supporters argued, with some merit, that the collateral damage from the NATO bombing of Belgrade resulted in far fewer innocents killed, in such a “terrible arithmetic,” than if the Serbian death squads had been allowed to continue their unchecked cleansing of Islamic communities.

EU or NATO find it extremely hard to make fast decisions or big changes. Unsurprisingly, people are afraid of the changes technology will bring, and also afraid—with good reason—that their political leaders won’t be able to cope with them.

The United States and its NATO Alliance constitute the greatest collection of genocidal states ever assembled in the entire history of the world. If anything the United Nations Organization and its member states bear a “responsibility to protect” the U.S.’ and NATO’s intended victims from their repeated aggressions as it should have done for Haiti, Serbia, Afghanistan, Iraq, Somalia, Yemen, Pakistan, Libya, now Syria, and perhaps tomorrow, Iran. The United States and the NATO Alliance together with their de facto allies such as Israel constitute the real Axis of Genocide in the modern world. Humanity itself owes a “responsibility to protect” the very future existence of the world from the United States, the NATO states, and Israel.

Yes, NATO’s expansion to the borders of Russia is of great concern to them. But in Russia’s eyes, and of course I mean no disrespect, Juergen—but in Russia’s eyes, when it sees NATO, it sees America. America, first and foremost, and then its allies.

Non sono mai nato, non mi vergogno di essere nell'equivoco italiota, non mi interessano gli italiani. Qualunque governo come qualunque arte (o tutta l'arte borghese), tutta l'arte è rappresentazione di Stato, è statale. È uno stato che si assiste fin troppo, se no alla mediocrità chi ci pensa? La mediocrità, par excellence, è proprio lo Stato. Lo Stato dovrebbe smetterla di governare, ecco. Si può dare uno Stato senza governo, mi spiego? Non deve amministrare, deve lasciarlo fare a dei privati.

Russia had privately warned Mattis that if there was a war in the Baltics, Russia would not hesitate to use tactical nuclear weapons against NATO. Mattis, with agreement from Dunford, began saying that Russia was an existential threat to the United States.

Trilogia della città di K. "ogni essere umano è nato per scrivere un libro, e per nient'altro. Un libro geniale o un libro mediocre, non importa, ma colui che non scriverà niente è un essere perduto, non ha fatto altro che passare sulla terra senza lasciare traccia".

Io son figlio del Caos; e non allegoricamente, ma in giusta realtà, perché son nato in una nostra campagna, che trovasi presso ad un intricato bosco denominato, in forma dialettale, Càvusu dagli abitanti di Girgenti, corruzione dialettale del genuino e antico vocabolo greco "Kaos".

Curtis grew up to become King Cuz. A gangster well respected for his brain and his derring-do. His set, the Rollin’ Paper Chasers, was the first gang to have trained medics at their rumbles. A shoot-out would pop off at the swap meet and the stretcher-bearers would cart off the wounded to be treated in some field hospital set up behind the frontlines. You didn’t know whether to be sad or impressed. It wasn’t long after that innovation that he applied for membership to NATO. Everybody else is in NATO. Why not the Crips? You going to tell me we wouldn’t kick the shit out of Estonia?

Osebnost se zanima zase. Rada ima vznemirjenje. Ni nujno, da je odgovorna, skrbna ali ljubeča. Duša je energija univerzalne ljubezni, modrosti in sočutja. Ustvarja s temi energijami. Osebnost razume moč kot nekaj zunanjega in jo zaznava kot tekmovanja, grožnje, dobitke in izgube ter jih primerja z drugimi. Ko se uglasite z svojo osebnostjo, daste moč kraljestvu petih čutov, zunanjim okoliščinam in predmetom. Sami si odvzemate notranjo moč. Ko se začnete zavedati svojega duhovnega jaza in izvora, svoje nesmrtnosti, ko izberete in živite v skladu s prvim in šele nato s fizičnim, zapolnite vrzel, ki obstaja med osebnostjo in dušo. Doživljati začnete duhovno moč.

Posso vivere sola, se il rispetto per me stressa e le circostanze me lo richiedono. Non ho bisogno di vendere la mia anima per comprare la felicità. Ho un tesoro interiore che è nato con me e che può tenermi in vita qualora tutti i piaceri esteriori dovessero essermi negati, o mi si offrissero soltanto a un prezzo che non sono disposta a pagare.

Amavo moltissimo la mia Ceinwyn. Anche ora, dopo anni, sorrido quando la penso; a volte, di notte, mi sveglio con le lacrime agli occhi e so di averle versate per lei. Il nostro amore era nato in una vampata di passione e i saggi dicono che simili passioni si spengono sempre, ma la nostra non se era spenta: si era mutata in un amore intenso e duraturo.

Per confessargli che sì, aveva ragione Francesca quando diceva che io sto tutto dentro a una frase, non saper chiedere né dare il cuore.

I must say that the United States, of all the countries of the West, is the least guilty and has done the most in order to prevent it. The United States has helped Europe to win the First and the Second World Wars. It twice raised Europe from postwar destruction—twice—for ten, twenty, thirty years it has stood as a shield protecting Europe while European countries counted their nickels to avoid paying for their armies (better yet, to have none at all), to avoid paying for armaments, thinking about how to leave NATO, knowing that in any case America would protect them. These counties started it all, despite their thousand year old civilization and culture, even though they are closer to the danger and should have seen it more clearly.

I came across a NATO symposium on Human Performance Optimization that included a roundup of medical technologies that might be repurposed to optimize warfighters. In among the prosthetic limbs “to provide superhuman strength” and the infrared and ultraviolet vision–bestowing eye implants was this: corpus callosotomy to “allow unihemispheric sleep and continuous alertness.

È tempo che lei cominci a prepararsi per affrontare la morte con dolcezza. Se lei continuerà a investire troppe energie solo nel vivere, non riuscirà a morire bene. Un poco alla volta è necessario fare questo cambiamento. In un certo senso vivere e morire si equivalgono, dottoressa." Quella sera, nel suo grande letto immacolato, Satsuki pianse. Riconobbe il fatto che si stava dolcemente avviando verso la morte. Riconobbe di avere una pietra bianca e dura dentro il suo corpo. Riconobbe che da qualche parte nel buio si nascondeva un serpente verde tutto ricoperto di squame. Pensò al bambino che non era mai nato. Lei se n'era liberata e l'aveva gettato in un pozzo senza fine. E aveva continuato a odiare un uomo per trent'anni. Gli aveva augurato di morire fra atroci dolori. Per quello nel fondo del cuore aveva sperato persino in un terremoto. In un certo senso, si disse, sono stata io a provocare quel terremoto. Lui ha trasformato il mio cuore e il mio corpo in una pietra. Le scimmie color cenere in quella montagna lontana l'avevano guardata in silenzio. In un certo senso vivere e morire si equivalgono, dottoressa.

Il rischio, secondo noi, non è tanto nella lettera di queste norme, ma nella loro implicita accettazione di un principio di disuguaglianza di fronte alla legge [...]. E' complicato dire cosa possano produrre a lungo termine, ma sembra improbabile che possano aiutare a raggiungere una passabile convivenza fra chi è nato nel nostro paese e chi ci vive non essendoci nato. Possono contribuire, invece, a creare un terreno di incultura dove il buon senso viene invocato per giustificare posizioni ambigue, che generano posizioni ancora più ambigue, che a loro volta scivolano verso un aperto razzismo. Il buonsenso, concetto tra i più equivoci del nostro vocabolario, rischia di diventare un'arma a doppio taglio, una leva che spinge pericolosamente i nostri giudizi verso territori governati dal pregiudizio.

La notte calò lenta e fredda sulla foresta intorno a lui, e scese una quiete spettrale. Come se qualcosa stesse per accadere, grilli e uccelli notturni tacquero spaventati. Lui accelerò il passo. Nel buio ormai completato si ritrovò smarrito in una foresta paludosa, si dibatté nei pantani risucchianti e si mise quasi a correre [...]. Quando piombò fragorosamente nella radura in mezzo al pioppeto, cadde lungo disteso e rimase per terra con la guancia appoggiata al suolo. E mentre giaceva così un lampo remoto percorse il cielo con la sua luce azzurra, e, in una primordiale visione del mondo dall'occhio fessurato di un embrione d'uccello, scorrendo atroce e istantaneo da buio a buio, gli regalò infine lo spettacolo della cavità e dell'informe plasma bianco che si dibatteva sul muschio rigoglioso e iniziatico, come una magra lepre di palude. Lo avrebbe preso per un fratello senz'ossa della paura stessa che si sentiva in cuore, se il bambino non avesse gridato. Il bambino urlava la sua maledizione al mondo tenebroso e maleodorante in cui era nato, piangendo e piangendo, mentre l'uomo giaceva a terra farfugliando con le mascelle paralizzate, e con le mani respingeva la notte come un folle paracleto assediato dalle suppliche dell'intero limbo.

Forse il libro [Don Chisciotte] continua ad essere, tra i grandi, uno dei meno letti. Ma ha una vitalità che va al di là delle pagine, che si è incorporata a un modo di esistere, all’esistenza stessa in quel che ha di nobiltà, di poesia. Ne abbiamo il senso ad Alcalà de Henares, città in cui Cervantes è nato e che conserva, improbabile ma suggestiva, la casa natale. Nella vasta e armoniosa piazza in cui sorge il monumento a lui dedicato, di tanto in tanto attraversata dal volo lento delle cicogne, il pomeriggio primaverile ha portato intere famiglie. I bambini corrono nei loro giochi; gli adulti se ne stanno in riposo, come assorti. Non è domenica, ma c’è un’aria domenicale. Le prime due parole del prologo ci affiorano quasi automaticamente: “desocupado lector”. Ecco dei lettori disoccupati, disoccupati al punto che mai leggeranno il libro. Poiché - riposo, speranza e altro - stanno vivendolo.

Russian commentators welcomed this development, viewing it as a positive shift in the global correlation of power and as an appropriate response to America’s sponsorship of NATO’s expansion. Some even sounded gleeful that the Sino-Russian alliance would give America its deserved comeuppance. However, a coalition allying Russia with both China and Iran can develop only if the United States is shortsighted enough to antagonize China and Iran simultaneously.

In the process, you obscure the actual reasons why people might risk their life to cross the sea – the wars and dictators that forced them from their homes. By denying the existence of these real root causes you simultaneously absolve yourself from the duty of providing sanctuary to those fleeing from them. Acknowledging this duty would prove very problematic: it would be an admission that your own failure to do so previously was the reason why so many thousands then turned in their desperation to smugglers – and why so many of them then drowned in the ocean. It would be an admission that a Syrian boards a boat only when he realises that there’s no realistic means of winning asylum from the Middle East. And an admission that Libya’s current predicament is in part the result of NATO’s (justifiable) airstrikes against Gaddafi in 2011 – and subsequent (and unjustifiable) failure to help Libya’s post-Gaddafi transition.

Despite the support of all these kings and generals, militarily the Warsaw Pact had a huge numerical superiority over NATO. In order to reach parity in conventional armaments, Western countries would probably have had to scrap liberal democracy and the free market, and become totalitarian states on a permanent war footing. Liberal democracy was saved only by nuclear weapons. NATO adopted the MAD doctrine (Mutual Assured Destruction), according to which even conventional Soviet attacks would be answered by an all-out nuclear strike. ‘If you attack us,’ threatened the liberals, ‘we will make sure nobody comes out alive.’ Behind this monstrous shield, liberal democracy and the free market managed to hold out in their last bastions, and Westerners got to enjoy sex, drugs and rock and roll, as well as washing machines, refrigerators and televisions. Without nukes there would have been no Beatles, no Woodstock and no overflowing supermarkets.

Cristo, ma le vedete le strade? Anche solo le strade! Ce n’era a migliaia! Come fate voi laggiù a sceglierne una? A scegliere una donna. Una casa, una terra che sia vostra, un paesaggio da guardare, un modo di morire. Tutto quel mondo… Quel mondo addosso che nemmeno sai dove finisce… e quanto ce n’è. Non avete voi paura di finire in mille pezzi solo a pensarla, quell’enormità… solo a pensarla? A viverla… Io sono nato su questa nave. E qui il mondo passava, ma a duemila persone per volta. E di desideri ce n’erano anche qui, ma non più di quelli che ci potevano stare tra una prua e una poppa. Suonavi la tua felicità, su una tastiera che non era infinita. Io ho imparato così. La terra, quella è una nave troppo grande per me. È un viaggio troppo lungo. È una donna troppo bella. È un profumo troppo forte. È una musica che non so suonare. Perdonatemi. Ma io non scenderò da questa nave… al massimo, posso scendere dalla mia vita.” A.Baricco da "Novecento - un monologo

During an hour-long conversation mid-flight, he laid out his theory of the war. First, Jones said, the United States could not lose the war or be seen as losing the war. 'If we're not successful here,' Jones said, 'you'll have a staging base for global terrorism all over the world. People will say the terrorists won. And you'll see expressions of these kinds of things in Africa, South America, you name it. Any developing country is going to say, this is the way we beat [the United States], and we're going to have a bigger problem.' A setback or loss for the United States would be 'a tremendous boost for jihadist extremists, fundamentalists all over the world' and provide 'a global infusion of morale and energy, and these people don't need much.' Jones went on, using the kind of rhetoric that Obama had shied away from, 'It's certainly a clash of civilizations. It's a clash of religions. It's a clash of almost concepts of how to live.' The conflict is that deep, he said. 'So I think if you don't succeed in Afghanistan, you will be fighting in more places. 'Second, if we don't succeed here, organizations like NATO, by association the European Union, and the United Nations might be relegated to the dustbin of history.' Third, 'I say, be careful you don't over-Americanize the war. I know that we're going to do a large part of it,' but it was essential to get active, increased participation by the other 41 nations, get their buy-in and make them feel they have ownership in the outcome. Fourth, he said that there had been way too much emphasis on the military, almost an overmilitarization of the war. The key to leaving a somewhat stable Afghanistan in a reasonable time frame was improving governance and the rule of law, in order to reduce corruption. There also needed to be economic development and more participation by the Afghan security forces. It sounded like a good case, but I wondered if everyone on the American side had the same understanding of our goals. What was meant by victory? For that matter, what constituted not losing? And when might that happen? Could there be a deadline?

— Zar ovako nešto usred Evrope, na samom pragu XXI veka? — zapamtio sam ovaj podrumski vapaj, koji se horski ponavljao narednih nedelja. Mnogi su ljudi pogrešno verovali da XXI vek počinje 1. januara 2000. godine. Mnogi su ljudi verovali da smo mi, stvarno, usred Evrope.

After World War II, the United States, triumphant abroad and undamaged at home, saw a door wide open for world supremacy. Only the thing called ‘communism’ stood in the way, politically, militarily, economically, and ideologically. Thus it was that the entire US foreign policy establishment was mobilized to confront this ‘enemy’, and the Marshall Plan was an integral part of this campaign. How could it be otherwise? Anti-communism had been the principal pillar of US foreign policy from the Russian Revolution up to World War II, pausing for the war until the closing months of the Pacific campaign when Washington put challenging communism ahead of fighting the Japanese. Even the dropping of the atom bomb on Japan – when the Japanese had already been defeated – can be seen as more a warning to the Soviets than a military action against the Japanese.19 After the war, anti-communism continued as the leitmotif of American foreign policy as naturally as if World War II and the alliance with the Soviet Union had not happened. Along with the CIA, the Rockefeller and Ford Foundations, the Council on Foreign Relations, certain corporations, and a few other private institutions, the Marshall Plan was one more arrow in the quiver of those striving to remake Europe to suit Washington’s desires: 1.    Spreading the capitalist gospel – to counter strong postwar tendencies toward socialism. 2.    Opening markets to provide new customers for US corporations – a major reason for helping to rebuild the European economies; e.g. a billion dollars (at twenty-first-century prices) of tobacco, spurred by US tobacco interests. 3.    Pushing for the creation of the Common Market (the future European Union) and NATO as integral parts of the West European bulwark against the alleged Soviet threat. 4.    Suppressing the left all over Western Europe, most notably sabotaging the Communist parties in France and Italy in their bids for legal, non-violent, electoral victory. Marshall Plan funds were secretly siphoned off to finance this endeavor, and the promise of aid to a country, or the threat of its cutoff, was used as a bullying club; indeed, France and Italy would certainly have been exempted from receiving aid if they had not gone along with the plots to exclude the Communists from any kind of influential role.

Speak to me about power. What is it?” I do believe I’m being out-Cambridged. “You want me to discuss power? Right here and now?” Her shapely head tilts. “No time except the present.” “Okay.” Only for a ten. “Power is the ability to make someone do what they otherwise wouldn’t, or deter them from doing what they otherwise would.” Immaculée Constantin is unreadable. “How?” “By coercion and reward. Carrots and sticks, though in bad light one looks much like the other. Coercion is predicated upon the fear of violence or suffering. ‘Obey, or you’ll regret it.’ Tenth-century Danes exacted tribute by it; the cohesion of the Warsaw Pact rested upon it; and playground bullies rule by it. Law and order relies upon it. That’s why we bang up criminals and why even democracies seek to monopolize force.” Immaculée Constantin watches my face as I talk; it’s thrilling and distracting. “Reward works by promising ‘Obey and benefit.’ This dynamic is at work in, let’s say, the positioning of NATO bases in nonmember states, dog training, and putting up with a shitty job for your working life. How am I doing?” Security Goblin’s sneeze booms through the chapel. “You scratch the surface,” says Immaculée Constantin. I feel lust and annoyance. “Scratch deeper, then.” She brushes a tuft of fluff off her glove and appears to address her hand: “Power is lost or won, never created or destroyed. Power is a visitor to, not a possession of, those it empowers. The mad tend to crave it, many of the sane crave it, but the wise worry about its long-term side effects. Power is crack cocaine for your ego and battery acid for your soul. Power’s comings and goings, from host to host, via war, marriage, ballot box, diktat, and accident of birth, are the plot of history. The empowered may serve justice, remodel the Earth, transform lush nations into smoking battlefields, and bring down skyscrapers, but power itself is amoral.” Immaculée Constantin now looks up at me. “Power will notice you. Power is watching you now. Carry on as you are, and power will favor you. But power will also laugh at you, mercilessly, as you lie dying in a private clinic, a few fleeting decades from now. Power mocks all its illustrious favorites as they lie dying. ‘Imperious Caesar, dead and turn’d to clay, might stop a hole to keep the wind away.’ That thought sickens me, Hugo Lamb, like nothing else. Doesn’t it sicken you?

When [Ivan] Ilyin wrote that the art of politics was “identifying and neutralizing the enemy,” he did not mean that statesmen should ascertain which foreign power actually posed a threat. He meant that politics began with a leader’s decision about which foreign enmity will consolidate a dictatorship. Russia’s real geopolitical problem was China. But precisely because Chinese power was real and proximate, considering Russia’s actual geopolitics might lead to depressing conclusions. The West was chosen as an enemy precisely because it represented no threat to Russia. Unlike China, the EU had no army and no long border with Russia. The United States did have an army, but had withdrawn the vast majority of its troops from the European continent: from about 300,000 in 1991 to about 60,000 in 2012. NATO still existed and had admitted former communist countries of eastern Europe. But President Barack Obama had cancelled an American plan to build a missile defense system in eastern Europe in 2009, and in 2010 Russia was allowing American planes to fly through Russian airspace to supply American forces in Afghanistan. No Russian leader feared a NATO invasion in 2011 or 2012, or even pretended to.

NATO itself funds think tanks because its messaging helps keep the alliance alive, by convincing the media, and policymakers, that it still has some sort of purpose. The U.S. State Department’s main motivation appears to be to provide “jobs for the boys,” given that so many former U.S. diplomats and government figures end up in the think tank racket after leaving the political fray. Meanwhile, other actors from oil-rich gulf dictatorships to Ukrainian oligarchs throw in money to obtain access to powerful people in Washington and other western capitals. Basically, the whole thing is a massive money racket, chasing ghosts to keep the cash spigot open.

EDIPO - Non venirmi più a dire che non ho fatto ciò che era meglio, non darmi più consigli. Io non so con quali occhi, vedendo, avrei guardato mio padre, una volta disceso nell'Ade, o la misera madre: verso entrambi ho commesso atti, per cui non sarebbe bastato impiccarmi. O forse potevo desiderare la vista dei figli, nati come nacquero? No davvero, mai, per i miei occhi; e neppure la città, né le mura, né le sacre immagini degli dèi: di tutto ciò io sventuratissimo, l'uomo più illustre fra i Tebani, privai me stesso, proclamando che tutti scacciassero l'empio, l'individuo rivelato agli dèi impuro e figlio di Laio. Dopo avere denunziato così la mia infamia, dovevo guardare a fronte alta questi cittadini? No, affatto: anzi, se fosse stato possibile otturare nelle mie orecchie anche la fonte dell'udito, non avrei esitato a sbarrare del tutto questo misero corpo, così da essere sordo, oltre che cieco. È dolce per l'animo dimorare fuori dai mali. Ahi, Citerone, perché mi accogliesti? Perché, dopo avermi preso, non mi uccidesti subito, così che io non rivelassi mai agli uomini da chi sono nato? O Polibo e Corinto, e voi, che credevo antiche dimore degli avi, quale bellezza colma di male nutrivate in me: ora scopro d'essere uno sventurato, nato da sventurati! O tre strade e nascosta vallata, o querceto e gola alla convergenza delle tre vie, che beveste il sangue di mio padre, il mio, dalle mie stesse mani versato, vi ricordate di me? Quali delitti commisi presso di voi, e quali altri poi, giunto qui, ancora commisi! O nozze, voi mi generaste: e dopo avermi generato suscitaste ancora lo stesso seme, e mostraste padri, fratelli, figli, tutti dello stesso sangue; e spose insieme mogli e madri, e ogni cosa più turpe che esiste fra gli uomini. Ma, poiché ciò che non è bello fare non bisogna neppure dire, nascondetemi al più presto, per gli dèi, via di qui, o uccidetemi, o precipitatemi in mare, dove non mi vedrete mai più. Venite, non disdegnate di toccare un infelice; datemi ascolto, non temete: i miei mali nessun altro mortale può portarli, tranne me. Sofocle, Edipo Re [Esodo]

Although much has been written of the exploits of Canadians who answered the call to arms in World Wars I and II, nothing has been written about the young men who flocked to join the Cold War. Thanks to Canada's menacing presence, Russia has never invaded Germany. The author menaced Russia, as a fighter pilot based in NATO Europe during the 1950s. Much of the material herein is derived from his diaries of that period. Some names have been changed to protect the guilty. Accounts have been embellished. No harm or libel is intended. The harm is to the author's self-image. The diaries reveal that he was brash and intolerant. He considers it one of life's miracles that his friends put up with him.

Such impulses have displayed themselves very widely across left and liberal opinion in recent months. Why? For some, because what the US government and its allies do, whatever they do, has to be opposed—and opposed however thuggish and benighted the forces which this threatens to put your anti-war critic into close company with. For some, because of an uncontrollable animus towards George Bush and his administration. For some, because of a one-eyed perspective on international legality and its relation to issues of international justice and morality. Whatever the case or the combination, it has produced a calamitous compromise of the core values of socialism, or liberalism or both, on the part of thousands of people who claim attachment to them. You have to go back to the apologias for, and fellow-travelling with, the crimes of Stalinism to find as shameful a moral failure of liberal and left opinion as in the wrong-headed—and too often, in the circumstances, sickeningly smug—opposition to the freeing of the Iraqi people from one of the foulest regimes on the planet.

Peacekeeping is a soldier-intensive business in which the quality of troops matters as much as the quantity. It is not just soldiering under a different color helmet; it differs in kind from anything else soldiers do. The are medals and rewards (mainly, the satisfaction of saving lives), but there are also casualties. And no victories. It is not a risk -free enterprise. In Bosnia, mines, snipers, mountainous terrain, extreme weather conditions, and possible civil disturbances were major threats that had to be dealt with from the outset of the operation. Dag Hammarskjold once remarked, "Peacekeeping is a job not suited to soldiers, but a job only soldiers can do." Humanitarianism conflicts with peacekeeping and still more with peace enforcement. The threat of force, if it is to be effective, will sooner or later involve the use of force. For example, the same UN soldiers in Bosnia under a different command and mandate essentially turned belligerence into compliance over night, demonstrating that a credible threat of force can yield results. Unlike, UNPROFOR, the NATO-led Implementation Force was a military success and helped bring stability to the region and to provide an "environment of hope" in which a nation can be reborn. It is now up to a complex array of international civil agencies to assist in putting in place lasting structures for democratic government and the will of the international community to ensure a lasting peace.

Here’s a man who single-handedly sets off a chain reaction which ultimately leads to the deaths of 80 million people. Top that, Albert Einstein! With just a couple of bullets, this terrorist starts the First World War, which destroys four monarchies, leading to a power vacuum filled by the Communists in Russia and the Nazis in Germany who then fight it out in a Second World War. . . . Some people would minimize Princip’s importance by saying that a Great Power War was inevitable sooner or later given the tensions of the times, but I say that it was no more inevitable than, say, a war between NATO and the Warsaw Pact. Left unsparked, the Great War could have been avoided, and without it, there would have been no Lenin, no Hitler, no Eisenhower.41

The “United States” does not exist as a nation, because the ruling class of the U.S./Europe exploits the world without regard to borders and nationality.  For instance, multinational or global corporations rule the world.  They make their own laws by buying politicians– Democrats and Republicans, and white politicians in England and in the rest of Europe.  We are ruled by a European power which disregards even the hypocritical U.S. Constitution.  If it doesn’t like the laws of the U.S., as they are created, interpreted and enforced, the European power simply moves its base of management and labor to some other part of the world.   Today the European power most often rules through neocolonial regimes in the so-called “Third World.”  Through political leaders who are loyal only to the European power, not to their people and the interests of their nation, the European power sets up shop in Africa, Asia, and Latin America.  By further exploiting the people and stealing the resources of these nations on every continent outside Europe, the European power enhances its domination.  Every institution and organization within the European power has the purpose of adding to its global domination: NATO, the IMF, the World Bank, the military, and the police.   The European power lies to the people within each “nation” about national pride or patriotism.  We foolishly stand with our hands over our hearts during the “National Anthem” at football games while the somber servicemen in their uniforms hold the red, white and blue flag, then a military jet flies over and we cheer.  This show obscures the real purpose of the military, which is to increase European power through intimidation and the ongoing invasion of the globe.  We are cheering for imperialist forces.  We are standing on Native land celebrating the symbols of de-humanizing terrorism.  Why would we do this unless we were being lied to?   The European imperialist power lies to us about its imperialism.  It’s safe to say, most “Americans” do not recognize that we are part of an empire.  When we think of an empire we think of ancient Rome or the British Empire.  Yet the ongoing attack against the Native peoples of “North America” is imperialism.  When we made the “Louisiana Purchase” (somehow the French thought Native land was theirs to sell, and the U.S. thought it was ours to buy) this was imperialism.  When we stole the land from Mexico, this was imperialism (the Mexican people having been previously invaded by the European imperialist power).  Imperialism is everywhere.  Only the lies of capitalism could so effectively lead us to believe that we are not part of an empire.

C'è invece una ragione perché sono tornato in questo paese, qui e non invece a Canelli, a Barbaresco o in Alba. Qui non ci sono nato, è quasi certo; dove son nato non lo so; non c'è da queste parti una casa né un pezzo di terra né delle ossa ch'io possa dire «Ecco cos'ero prima di nascere». Non so se vengo dalla collina o dalla valle, dai boschi o da una casa di balconi. La ragazza che mi ha lasciato sugli scalini del duomo di Alba, magari non veniva neanche dalla campagna, magari era la figlia dei padroni di un palazzo, oppure mi ci hanno portato in un cavagno da vendemmia due povere donne da Monticello, da Neive o perché no da Cravanzana. Chi può dire di che carne sono fatto? Ho girato abbastanza il mondo da sapere che tutte le carni sono buone e si equivalgono, ma è per questo che uno si stanca e cerca di mettere radici, di farsi terra e paese, perché la sua carne valga e duri qualcosa di più che un comune giro di stagione.

Franklin’s diplomatic triumph would help seal the course of the Revolution. It would also alter the world’s balances of power, not just between France and England, but also—though France certainly did not intend it to—between republicanism and monarchy. “Franklin had won,” writes Carl Van Doren, “a diplomatic campaign equal in results to Saratoga.” The Yale historian Edmund Morgan goes even further, calling it “the greatest diplomatic victory the United States has ever achieved.” With the possible exception of the creation of the NATO alliance, that assessment may be true, though it partly points up the paucity of American successes over the years at bargaining tables, whether in Versailles after World War I or in Paris at the end of the Vietnam War. At the very least, it can be said that Franklin’s triumph permitted America the possibility of an outright victory in its war for independence while conceding no lasting entanglements that would encumber it as a new nation.

The pro-European revolution in Ukraine, which broke out a quarter century after the end of the Cold War, took a page from the Cold War fascination with the European West shared by the dissidents of Poland, Czechoslovakia, and other countries of the region, in some cases turning that fascination into a new national religion. The Revolution of Dignity and the war brought about a geopolitical reorientation of Ukrainian society. The proportion of those with positive attitudes toward Russia decreased from 80 percent in January 2014 to under 50 percent in September of the same year. In November 2014, 64 percent of those polled supported Ukraine’s accession to the European Union (that figure had stood at 39 percent in November 2013). In April 2014, only a third of Ukrainians had wanted their country to join NATO; in November 2014, more than half supported that course. There can be little doubt that the experience of war not only united most Ukrainians but also turned the country’s sympathies westward.

On August 3, 2012, the fifteenth day of the government offensive, rebels in the city said they were desperately low on ammunition and expressed dismay that the international community had not reacted when a huge massacre could be coming. Again, Libya was the example. Gadhafi threatened to overrun Benghazi and when he tried to do it, NATO started bombing. Now in Syria, Assad was threatening to crush the opposition in Aleppo and had already started doing it, but Washington’s reaction was only hand-wringing. In my conversations with rebels it was clear they were becoming increasingly disheartened and desperate. (The rebels would usually communicate with each other on Skype, blending in with the billions of people using the Internet instead of going through cell-phone towers.) The United States was apparently still skittish about sending in arms because it feared they would end up in the hands of Islamic extremists, but that, like so many unintended consequences of US foreign policy in the Middle East, was a self-fulfilling prophecy. At this stage the rebels were numerous, strong, motivated, and moderate and I made that clear in my reports on the air.

Continuo a pensare, a pensare, e comincia a sembrarmi che le persone sensibili e intelligenti che vivranno dopo di noi, se poi ce ne saranno, faticheranno a capire come tutto ciò sia potuto accadere, stenteranno a capire la nascita dell’idea stessa dell’omicidio, e a maggior ragione dell’omicidio di massa. Uccidere. In che senso? Perché? Come può annidarsi, questa idea, negli oscuri anfratti delle circonvoluzioni cerebrali di un comune essere umano, nato da una madre, un essere che è stato un bambino che succhiava al seno, che andava a scuola?… Comune come milioni di altri, con mani e piedi sui quali crescono le unghie, mentre sulle guance - se per esempio si tratta di un uomo - cresce la barba, un essere che si affligge, sorride, si guarda allo specchio, ama teneramente una donna, si brucia con un fiammifero, e per quel che lo riguarda non ha nessuna voglia di morire - insomma, comune in tutto, tranne che per una patologica mancanza di immaginazione. Un essere umano normale capisce che non solo lui, ma anche gli altri vogliono vivere. Alla vista, o anche solo al pensiero delle altrui sofferenze, s’immedesima, in ogni caso prova almeno un dolore morale. E alla fine non riuscirà ad alzare la mano per colpire”.

These are a substantial number of “they” who once a year meet to deliberate the fate of national economies and, hence, entire populations. Many of them also believe in the mandate of eugenics, the practice of improving the human race to include reducing the population. Know that we do not have the names of every attendee. Only those who authorize the release of their names get mentioned in the public media. Daniel Estulin, author of The True Story of the Bilderberg Group, wrote that the group’s membership and meeting participants have represented a “who’s who” of the world power elite with familiar names like David Rockefeller, Henry Kissinger, Bill and Hillary Clinton, Gordon Brown, Angela Merkel, Alan Greenspan, Ben Bernanke, Larry Summers, Tim Geithner, Lloyd Blankfein, George Soros, Donald Rumsfeld, Rupert Murdoch, other heads of state, influential senators, congressmen, and parliamentarians, Pentagon and NATO brass, members of European royalty, selected media figures, and invited others. Such invitees have included President Obama along with many of his top officials. Estulin said that also represented at Bilderberg meetings are leading figures from the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), IMF, World Bank, the Trilateral Commission, EU, and powerful central bankers from the Federal Reserve, the European Central Bank (ECB), and the Bank of England. David Rockefeller, the head of the Rockefeller family financial empire, is believed to have been a leading Bilderberg attendee for years. Other wealthy elite members merely send representatives.

«Non è colpa tua» mormorò l’altro. Si prese una lunga pausa, rimuginando su cosa dire. «Ci sono delle cose che non sai, di me». «In realtà ieri notte hai detto alcune cose, anche personali, e…». «Oh, così adesso comincerai anche tu a prendermi in giro» lo interruppe Stefano. «Comunque sì, sono frocio – finocchio, chiamami come vuoi – e non posso farci niente. Non posso cambiare quel che sono, perché così ci sono nato!». Fabio lo osservò stupito, ma capì che le frasi della sera prima non era deliri nati dall’ubriachezza. Capì anche per quale motivo si era messo sulla difensiva e lo aveva aggredito in quel modo. «A dire il vero, tu hai parlato della tua famiglia» precisò, e l’altro lo guardò sconvolto. «Hai detto che ti odiano e ti considerano una delusione. Dopo la tua reazione ho creduto che fossero quel tipo di genitori estremisti che non permettono al proprio figlio di dormire a casa di amici, perché non si fidano di nessuno». Sospirò, sentendosi in colpa per averlo inconsapevolmente messo nei guai. «Il problema, in questa storia, è che ho detto loro che tu hai dormito a casa di un ragazzo, dico bene?». Stefano si chiuse a riccio e non rispose. «Senti, puoi stare tranquillo» disse Fabio. «Non ti prenderò in giro perché sei frocio, in quanto lo sono anch’io». «Eh?». «Sono gay, sì» confermò lui. «A scuola facevo lo stronzo perché temevo che qualcuno potesse scoprirlo e mi prendesse in giro per questo. Fare il bullo era il mio modo per dimostrare di essere virile. Poi sono cresciuto e ho capito che non devo rendere conto a nessuno di chi mi porto a letto e perché».

In both oral and typographic cultures, information derives its importance from the possibilities of action. Of course, in any communication environment, input (what one is informed about) always exceeds output (the possibilities of action based on information. But the situation created by telegraphy, and then exacerbated by later technologies, made the relationship between information and action both abstract and remote. For the first time in human history, people were faced with the problem of information glut, which means that simultaneously they were faced with the problem of a diminished social and political potency. You may get a sense of what this means by asking yourself another series of questions: What steps do you plan to take to reduce the conflict in the Middle East? Or the rates of inflation, crime and unemployment? What are your plans for preserving the environment or reducing the risk of nuclear war? What do you plan to do about NATO, OPEC, the CIA, affirmative action, and the monstrous treatment of the Baha'is in Iran? I shall take the liberty of answering for you: You plan to do nothing about them. You may, of course, cast a ballot for someone who claims to have some plans, as well as the power to act. But this you can do only once every two or four years by giving one hour of your time, hardly a satisfying means of expressing the broad range of opinions you hold. Voting, we might even say, is the next to last refuge of the politically impotent. The last refuge is, of course, giving your opinion to a pollster, who will get a version of it through a desiccated question, and then will submerge it in a Niagara of similar opinions, and convert them into--what else?--another piece of news. Thus, we have here a great loop of impotence: The news elicits from you a variety of opinions about which you can do nothing except to offer them as more news, about which you can do nothing.

[Magyar] had an intense dislike for terms like 'illiberal,' which focused on traits the regimes did not possess--like free media or fair elections. This he likened to trying to describe an elephant by saying that the elephant cannot fly or cannot swim--it says nothing about what the elephant actually is. Nor did he like the term 'hybrid regime,' which to him seemed like an imitation of a definition, since it failed to define what the regime was ostensibly a hybrid of. Magyar developed his own concept: the 'post-communist mafia state.' Both halves of the designation were significant: 'post-communist' because "the conditions preceding the democratic big bang have a decisive role in the formation of the system. Namely that it came about on the foundations of a communist dictatorship, as a product of the debris left by its decay." (quoting Balint Magyar) The ruling elites of post-communist states most often hail from the old nomenklatura, be it Party or secret service. But to Magyar this was not the countries' most important common feature: what mattered most was that some of these old groups evolved into structures centered around a single man who led them in wielding power. Consolidating power and resources was relatively simple because these countries had just recently had Party monopoly on power and a state monopoly on property. ... A mafia state, in Magyar's definition, was different from other states ruled by one person surrounded by a small elite. In a mafia state, the small powerful group was structured just like a family. The center of the family is the patriarch, who does not govern: "he disposes--of positions, wealth, statuses, persons." The system works like a caricature of the Communist distribution economy. The patriarch and his family have only two goals: accumulating wealth and concentrating power. The family-like structure is strictly hierarchical, and membership in it can be obtained only through birth or adoption. In Putin's case, his inner circle consisted of men with whom he grew up in the streets and judo clubs of Leningrad, the next circle included men with whom he had worked with in the KGB/FSB, and the next circle was made up of men who had worked in the St. Petersburg administration with him. Very rarely, he 'adopted' someone into the family as he did with Kholmanskikh, the head of the assembly shop, who was elevated from obscurity to a sort of third-cousin-hood. One cannot leave the family voluntarily: one can only be kicked out, disowned and disinherited. Violence and ideology, the pillars of the totalitarian state, became, in the hands of the mafia state, mere instruments. The post-communist mafia state, in Magyar's words, is an "ideology-applying regime" (while a totalitarian regime is 'ideology-driven'). A crackdown required both force and ideology. While the instruments of force---the riot police, the interior troops, and even the street-washing machines---were within arm's reach, ready to be used, ideology was less apparently available. Up until spring 2012, Putin's ideological repertoire had consisted of the word 'stability,' a lament for the loss of the Soviet empire, a steady but barely articulated restoration of the Soviet aesthetic and the myth of the Great Patriotic War, and general statements about the United States and NATO, which had cheated Russia and threatened it now. All these components had been employed during the 'preventative counter-revolution,' when the country, and especially its youth, was called upon to battle the American-inspired orange menace, which threatened stability. Putin employed the same set of images when he first responded to the protests in December. But Dugin was now arguing that this was not enough. At the end of December, Dugin published an article in which he predicted the fall of Putin if he continued to ignore the importance of ideas and history.

Over a three-month period in 1995, Holbrooke alternately cajoled and harangued the parties to the conflict. For one month, he all but imprisoned them at Wright-Patterson Air Force Base in Dayton, Ohio—a stage where he could precisely direct the diplomatic theater. At the negotiations’ opening dinner, he seated Miloševic´ under a B-2 bomber—literally in the shadow of Western might. At a low point in the negotiations, he announced that they were over, and had luggage placed outside the Americans’ doors. Miloševic´ saw the bags and asked Holbrooke to extend the talks. The showmanship worked—the parties, several of them mortal enemies, signed the Dayton Agreement. It was an imperfect document. It ceded almost half of Bosnia to Miloševic´ and the Serbian aggressors, essentially rewarding their atrocities. And some felt leaving Miloševicć in power made the agreement untenable. A few years later, he continued his aggressions in Kosovo and finally provoked NATO airstrikes and his removal from power, to face trial at The Hague. The night before the strikes, Miloševic´ had a final conversation with Holbrooke. “Don’t you have anything more to say to me?” he pleaded. To which Holbrooke replied: “Hasta la vista, baby.” (Being menaced by a tired Schwarzenegger catchphrase was not the greatest indignity Miloševic´ faced that week.) But the agreement succeeded in ending three and a half years of bloody war. In a sense, Holbrooke had been preparing for it since his days witnessing the Paris talks with the Vietnamese fall apart, and he worked hard to avoid repeating the same mistakes. Crucial to the success of the talks was his broad grant of power from Washington, free of micromanagement and insulated from domestic political whims. And with NATO strikes authorized, military force was at the ready to back up his diplomacy—not the other way around. Those were elements he would grasp at, and fail to put in place, in his next and final mission.

Mattis and Gary Cohn had several quiet conversations about The Big Problem: The president did not understand the importance of allies overseas, the value of diplomacy or the relationship between the military, the economy and intelligence partnerships with foreign governments. They met for lunch at the Pentagon to develop an action plan. One cause of the problem was the president’s fervent belief that annual trade deficits of about $500 billion harmed the American economy. He was on a crusade to impose tariffs and quotas despite Cohn’s best efforts to educate him about the benefits of free trade. How could they convince and, in their frank view, educate the president? Cohn and Mattis realized they were nowhere close to persuading him. The Groundhog Day–like meetings on trade continued and the acrimony only grew. “Let’s get him over here to the Tank,” Mattis proposed. The Tank is the Pentagon’s secure meeting room for the Joint Chiefs of Staff. It might focus him. “Great idea,” Cohn said. “Let’s get him out of the White House.” No press; no TVs; no Madeleine Westerhout, Trump’s personal secretary, who worked within shouting distance of the Oval Office. There wouldn’t even be any looking out the window, because there were no windows in the Tank. Getting Trump out of his natural environment could do the trick. The idea was straight from the corporate playbook—a retreat or off-site meeting. They would get Trump to the Tank with his key national security and economic team to discuss worldwide strategic relations. Mattis and Cohn agreed. Together they would fight Trump on this. Trade wars or disruptions in the global markets could savage and undermine the precarious stability in the world. The threat could spill over to the military and intelligence community. Mattis couldn’t understand why the U.S. would want to pick a fight with allies, whether it was NATO, or friends in the Middle East, or Japan—or particularly with South Korea.

One might pause here to wonder how it is that the United States claims to support democracy and freedom in the world when it so often backs dictators like the Shah and Somoza. As I tell my human rights class every year, the United States always supports democracy and freedom, except when it doesn’t, which is all the time…. As political analyst Stephen Gowans explains, the United States is simply not what it claims to be, and most likely never has been: The United States—which began as 13 former British colonies on the Atlantic coast of North America pursuing a “manifest destiny” of continental expansion, (the inspiration for Nazi Germany’s lebensraum policy); which fought a war with Spain for colonies; which promulgated the Monroe Doctrine asserting a sphere of influence in the Americas; which stole Panama to create a canal; whose special operations forces project US power in 81 countries; whose generals control the militaries of the combined NATO members in Europe and the military forces of South Korea; whose military command stations one hundred thousand troops on the territories of former imperialist rivals, manifestly has an empire. And yet this reality is denied, as assuredly as is the reality that the United States, built on the genocide of Native Americans and the slave labor of Africans, overtly white supremacist until the mid-1960s, and covertly white supremacist since, is unequivocally not a beacon of Enlightenment values, unless liberalism is defined as equality and liberty assigned exclusively to white men who own productive property. Indeed, so antithetical is the United States to the liberal values of the equality of all peoples and nations, freedom from exploitation and oppression, and the absence of discrimination on the bases of class, race, and sex, that it’s difficult to apprehend in what sense the United States has ever been liberal or has in any way had a legitimate claim to being the repository of the values of the Enlightenment.2

Majka liježe u krevet i odmah ustaje. Već je obukla spavaćicu i kućnu haljinu. Poput ljutite tigrice hoda od jednog do drugog zida mičući pritom ukrasne predmete s njihovih mjesta i brzo ih vraćajući. Gleda sve satove u stanu i usklađuje vrijeme. Platit će joj Erika što se ovoliko uzrujala! Ali čekaj! Evo je, stiže! U bravi se jasno čuje škljocanje i zapinjanje ključa, a zatim se otvaraju vrata što vode u sivu i strašnu zemlju majčinske ljubavi, Erika ulazi. Žmirka u jarko osvijetljenom hodniku kao da je noćna ptičica koja je malo previše popila. Po cijelom su stanu svjetla upaljena kao da se nešto slavi. No vrijeme je svete pričesti odavno, i neiskorišteno, prošlo. Tiho, ali zajapurena lica, majka izlijeće iz sobe, gdje je napokon bila ostala čekati, i pritom zabunom ruši nekoliko stvari s polica. Od siline zaleta na pod je srušila i kćer, započevši tako odmah borbu koja je trebala uslijediti nešto kasnije. Bez glasa šakama udara kćer, koja nakon početnog šoka počinje udarce uzvraćati. Iz Erikinih se potplata širi strašan smrad što podsjeća na raspadanje. Počinju se, vodeći računa o susjedima koji sutra moraju rano ustati, bez glasa hrvati. Ishod je neizvjestan. Možda iz poštovanja dijete u posljednjoj sekundi pušta majku da pobijedi. A majka, vjerojatno u brizi za Erikinih deset batića, njen alat, pušta dijete da pobijedi. Zapravo je dijete snažnije od majke, jer je mlade. Osim toga, majka se već potrošila u tučnjavama s ocem. No dijete još uvijek nije naučilo majci pokazati svoju fizičku snagu i nadmoć. Svom snagom majka cijelim dlanom udara po glavi kasni plod tijela svoga. Svilena marama s naslikanim konjskim glavama skliznula je s Erike i lepršajući se zaustavlja, kao naručeno, na svjetiljci u predsoblju te prigušuje svjetlo, što bi više odgovaralo nekom za oko ugodnijem prizoru. Kći, kojoj se zbog potplata punih govana, gline i trave, neprestano kliže, u puno je gorem položaju. Učiteljica je cijelom dužinom tijela tresnula na pod, a tanki je tepih od trstike samo neznatno ublažio pad. Podigla se poprilična buka. Sikćući, majka govori Eriki da bude tiho zbog susjeda! Erika joj uzvraća istom mjerom: Tiho! Jedna drugu grebe po licu. Kći ispušta glas sličan onom lovačkog sokola što lebdi iznad žrtve i kaže da se susjedi mirne duše ujutro mogu žaliti koliko god hoće jer će se pred njima ionako morati opravdavati majka. Majka ispušta urlik i odmah ga prigušuje. A onda ponovo napola nijemo, napola tihim glasovima popraćeno dahtanje, cviljenje, stenjanje i batrganje. Majka odlučuje zaigrati na kartu samilosti i, budući da je ishod borbe neizvjestan, poseže za nepoštenim sredstvima: upozorava na svoju starost i skoru smrt. Iznosi te argumente u pola glasa, jecavo nižući slabe izgovore kojima objašnjava zašto danas ne može pobijediti. Eriku pogađaju majčine jadikovke, jer ne želi da majka u ovom hrvanju strada. Erika kaže da je majka prva počela. Majka odgovara da je prva počela Erika. Ova je večer majci skratila život za barem mjesec dana. Erika grebe i grize majku samo s pola snage pa majka koristi naglo stečenu prednost i Eriki odjednom s čela čupa cijeli pramen kose, na koju je Erika jako ponosna jer joj se tu kovrča. Nato je Erika vrisnula prodornim glasom, koji je majku toliko preplašio da je odmah prestala čupati.