Marcos Regime Quotes

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the United States helps topple the dictator Bashar al-Assad on Wednesday, then what will it do on Thursday, when it finds that it has helped midwife to power a Sunni jihadist regime, or on Friday, when ethnic cleansing of the Shia-trending Alawites commences?
Robert D. Kaplan (The Return of Marco Polo's World: War, Strategy, and American Interests in the Twenty-first Century)
We assume, without too much thinking, that any regime change in these places will be for the better. But it easily could be for the worse. Both Putin and Xi Jinping are rational actors, holding back more extreme elements. They are bold, but not crazy. The idea that more liberal regimes might replace them is an illusion.
Robert D. Kaplan (The Return of Marco Polo's World: War, Strategy, and American Interests in the Twenty-first Century)
both Russia and China are dictatorships, not democracies. Therefore, losing face for them would be much more catastrophic than it would be for an American president. Politically speaking, they may be unable to give up the fight. And so we, too, might have to fight on, until there is some form of a regime change, or a substantial reduction in Moscow’s or Beijing’s military capacity
Robert D. Kaplan (The Return of Marco Polo's World: War, Strategy, and American Interests in the Twenty-first Century)
If the United States helps topple the dictator Bashar al-Assad on Wednesday, then what will it do on Thursday, when it finds that it has helped midwife to power a Sunni jihadist regime, or on Friday, when ethnic cleansing of the Shia-trending Alawites commences?
Robert D. Kaplan (The Return of Marco Polo's World: War, Strategy, and American Interests in the Twenty-first Century)
In the anti-Communist atmosphere of the Cold War, U.S. support of right-wing military dictatorships -Anastasio Somoza in Nicaragua, Rafael Trujillo in the Dominican Republic, Manuel Odria in Peru, and Marcos Pérez Jiménez in Venezuela - at the expense of outspoken nationalists or left-wing regimes, was rationalized in the name of national security.
Jon Lee Anderson (Che Guevara: A Revolutionary Life)
The current Chinese regime’s proposed land-and-maritime Silk Road duplicates exactly the one Marco Polo traveled. This is no coincidence. The Mongols, whose Yuan Dynasty ruled China in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, were, in fact, “early practitioners of globalization,” seeking to connect the whole of habitable Eurasia in a truly multicultural empire.
Robert D. Kaplan (The Return of Marco Polo's World: War, Strategy, and American Interests in the Twenty-first Century)
Leading the propaganda blitz was Marco Rubio, the Florida senator born into Miami's notoriously reactionary Cuban expat community. A middle-aged career politician with boyish looks and cowlick-y hair, Rubio was once considered a rising Republican star — despite a questionable past. In 2011, the Washington Post revealed that Rubio had based his entire political coming-of-age story on a lie. Though he repeatedly spouted a clichéd south Florida tale of his parents' escape from Fidel Castro's socialist hellscape, immigration records demonstrated that the Rubios had in fact gained permanent US residency nearly three years before Cuba's 1959 revolution — meaning they had actually fled the regime of the country's US-backed military dictator, Fulgencio Batista. Aside from pathetic dishonesty, Rubio's character was tarnished by revelations that throughout the 1980s, his brother-in-law, Orlando Cicilia, directed a $75 million cocaine smuggling ring out of his home in West Kendall, Florida. Cicilia was convicted of drug trafficking and sentenced to thirty-five years in prison in 1989, but released early in the year 2000. In his 2013 memoir, Rubio — who by then had featured Cicilia at numerous campaign events — claimed that he was unaware of his brother-in-law's criminal activity and had been "stunned" by news of his arrest. Yet a 2016 investigation by the Miami New Times cast doubt on the senator's account, revealing that as a teenager, Rubio had actually lived in the home at the center of Cicilia's drug operation. "For anyone to argue that teens or adults living at this time in Miami didn't know their family members were in the coke business is total horseshit," a former Miami-Dade detective told the publication in response to Rubio's claims of ignorance. Though Rubio declined to comment on the story, it earned him the nickname "Narco Rubio" among Venezuelans, including government officials whom the senator repeatedly accused of trafficking drugs. The senator's most well-known moniker, however, was "Little Marco," an alias bestowed upon him by then candidate Trump during the 2016 Republican primary, when the future president publicly mocked Rubio's affinity for high-heeled boots — an apparent product of his dearth of height.
Anya Parampil (Corporate Coup: Venezuela and the End of US Empire)
When President Aquino addressed the US Congress in 1986, she missed a historic opportunity to ask the American government to write off the $26.3 billion indebtedness that the Marcos regime bequeathed to her administration, as was the case of Poland, Egypt, and other economically distressed countries.
Cecilio T. Arillo (Greed & Betrayal: The Sequel To The 1986 Edsa Revolution)
Quando si può dire che un regime è tale? Che un regime è fascista? Lo si può dire quando esso non ha più bisogno della violenza perché i suoi valori siano accolti "da tutti".
Marco Pannella (La rosa nel pugno. Interviste e interventi, 1959-2015)
Il problema vero è di "radicalizzare" questa sinistra italiana, così "socialdemocratizzata"; rinnovandola per costituire una grande alternativa laica e democratica al regime clericale e paternalista, profondamente corruttore e corrotto, in cui viviamo.
Marco Pannella (La rosa nel pugno. Interviste e interventi, 1959-2015)
The leading clans (mostly natives of Fukien Province on the mainland opposite Taiwan) were traditional and conservative, and maintained close ties over the decades to the Chiang regime in Nanking and later in Taipei.
Sterling Seagrave (The Marcos Dynasty)