Julius Nyerere Quotes

Mwalimu Julius Nyerere was a father to his family. To Tanzania he was a defender of a dream.

Hay quienes quieren llegar a la luna, mientras nosotros aún estamos tratando de llegar a la aldea

No nation has the right to make decisions for another nation; no people for another people.

The education provided must therefore encourage the development in each citizen of three things; an inquiring mind; and ability to learn from what others do, and reject or adapt it to his own needs; and a basic confidence in his own position as a free and equal member of the society, who values others and is valued by them for what he does and not for what he obtains.

Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere alikuwa baba kwa familia yake. Kwa Tanzania alikuwa mlezi; wa ndoto ya haki, amani, uzalendo, ujamaa, na uhuru.

In Tanganyika we believe that only evil, Godless men would make the color of a man's skin the criteria for granting him civil rights.

We are the children of Nelson Mandela; we are the children of Kwame Nkrumah; we are the children of Haile Selassie; we are the children of Samora Machel; we are the children of Robert Mugabe; we are the children of Patrice Lumumba; we are the children of Julius Kambarage Nyerere. We know who we are.

And just as, in the First Scramble for Africa, one tribe was divided against another tribe to make the division of Africa easier, in the Second Scramble for Africa one nation is going to be divided against another nation to make it easier to control Africa by making her weak and divided against herself

Sans unité, les peuples d'Afrique n'ont pas de futur, sauf comme perpétuelles et faibles victimes de l'impérialisme et de l'exploitation

Moyo kabla ya silaha

A nation which refuses to learn from foreign culture is nothing but a nation of idiots and lunatics... But to learn from other cultures does not mean we should abandon our own.

We, in Africa, have no more need of being 'converted' to socialism than we have of being 'taught' democracy. Both are rooted in our past -- in the traditional society which produced us.

Consequently, in 1958 the Chinese government was informed that annual grain production was 50 per cent more than it actually was. Believing the reports, the government sold millions of tons of rice to foreign countries in exchange for weapons and heavy machinery, assuming that enough was left to feed the Chinese population. The result was the worst famine in history and the death of tens of millions of Chinese.3 Meanwhile, enthusiastic reports of China’s farming miracle reached audiences throughout the world. Julius Nyerere, the idealistic president of Tanzania, was deeply impressed by the Chinese success. In order to modernise Tanzanian agriculture, Nyerere resolved to establish collective farms on the Chinese model. When peasants objected to the plan, Nyerere sent the army and police to destroy traditional villages and forcibly relocate hundreds of thousands of peasants onto the new collective farms. Government propaganda depicted the farms as miniature paradises, but many of them existed only in government documents. The protocols and reports written in the capital Dar es Salaam said that on such-and-such a date the inhabitants of such-and-such village were relocated to such-and-such farm. In reality, when the villagers reached their destination, they found absolutely nothing there. No houses, no fields, no tools. Officials nevertheless reported great successes to themselves and to President Nyerere. In fact, within less than ten years Tanzania was transformed from Africa’s biggest food exporter into a net food importer that could not feed itself without external assistance. In 1979, 90 per cent of Tanzanian farmers lived on collective farms, but they generated only 5 per cent of the country’s agricultural output.4

As President of Tanzania, Julius Nyerere became known internationally for his lofty goals and humanitarian statements that caused him to be called "the conscience of Africa." At home, he tried to impose his vision of an egalitarian, socialist society by authoritarian methods. By government edict, a majority of Tanzania's population was grouped into villages, whether they wanted to be or not.231 As with so many other communal agricultural schemes in various nations and eras, those in Tanzania led to people's doing as little work as possible on the communal crop and as much as possible on their own individual plots.

Your secret behavior will be inherited by your children! If Nelson Mandela was a symbol of reconciliation; then reconciliation is our character. If Kwame Nkrumah was a symbol of unity; then unity is our character. If Patrice Lumumba was a symbol of patriotism; then patriotism is our character. If Robert Mugabe is a symbol of dictatorship; then dictatorship is our character. If Haile Selassie was a symbol of heroism; then heroism is our character. If Samora Machel was a symbol of socialism; then socialism is our character. If Julius Kambarage Nyerere was a symbol of justice; then justice is our character. We are the children of the African patriarchs! They are the fathers of the African nations! We have inherited their secret behaviors.

Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere alikuwa na sehemu ya upendo wa AGAPE. Alijitahidi kuwapenda wengine kuliko yeye na familia yake.

Kuna tetesi kuwa Julius Nyerere alipewa tuzo ya MBE na malkia wa Uingereza akiwa rais wa Tanzania! Lakini aliikataa! Kwa nini? Kwa sababu angeonekana Mwingereza zaidi kuliko Mtanzania! Januari 26, 1996 akapewa Tuzo ya Kimataifa ya Amani ya Mahatma Gandhi ya mwaka 1995, ya kwanza kabisa, iliyotolewa na Serikali ya India. Lakini hiyo pia akaikataa! Kwa sababu Mahatma Gandhi alimwaga damu katika harakati zake za kuwang'oa wakoloni barani Afrika! Kama ni kweli, hakuna kujitolea kuliko huko.

I believe that many of the most tragic episodes of state development in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries originate in a particularly pernicious combination of three elements. The first is the aspiration to the administrative ordering of nature and society, an aspiration that we have already seen at work in scientific forestry, but one raised to a far more comprehensive and ambitious level. “High modernism” seems an appropriate term for this aspiration.3 As a faith, it was shared by many across a wide spectrum of political ideologies. Its main carriers and exponents were the avant-garde among engineers, planners, technocrats, high-level administrators, architects, scientists, and visionaries. If one were to imagine a pantheon or Hall of Fame of high-modernist figures, it would almost certainly include such names as Henri Comte de Saint-Simon, Le Corbusier, Walther Rathenau, Robert McNamara, Robert Moses, Jean Monnet, the Shah of Iran, David Lilienthal, Vladimir I. Lenin, Leon Trotsky, and Julius Nyerere.4 They envisioned a sweeping, rational engineering of all aspects of social life in order to improve the human condition. As a conviction, high modernism was not the exclusive property of any political tendency; it had both right- and left-wing variants, as we shall see. The second element is the unrestrained use of the power of the modern state as an instrument for achieving these designs. The third element is a weakened or prostrate civil society that lacks the capacity to resist these plans. The ideology of high modernism provides, as it were, the desire; the modern state provides the means of acting on that desire; and the incapacitated civil society provides the leveled terrain on which to build (dis)utopias.

In Africa, there are still more men, if you’re looking for courage. There, a few years back, the colonial powers were the ones who owned the government, who owned the guns—the ones who were responsible for whether you ate, had a job, whether your children got an education, or whether you lived or died. But that colonial system was challenged by, in addition to Nelson Mandela, men like Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya, Julius Nyerere of Tanzania, Nnamdi Azikiwe of Nigeria, Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia, and men in others places. They knew that the authorities would try to eliminate them.

Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere alikuwa bendera ya taifa letu! Alikuwa alama ya amani, haki, uhuru, ujamaa, uzalendo, na Tanzania.

The candle is the light of life that is constantly thriving to hang on and light up the darkness of life. Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere was a candle in the wind. He was a fighter fighting the odds to survive. And he did so with incredible power to change the world. Whether your life is long or short upon the earth, it is remarkable that our little flames burns on in spite of the wind, or the challenges of life.

Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere alikuwa mtetezi wa uafrika. Kwa sababu yake tunajua sisi ni nani.

Sisi ni watoto wa Nelson Mandela; sisi ni watoto wa Kwame Nkrumah; sisi ni watoto wa Haile Selassie; sisi ni watoto wa Samora Machel; sisi ni watoto wa Robert Mugabe; sisi ni watoto wa Patrice Lumumba; sisi ni watoto wa Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere. Tunajua sisi ni nani.

Tabia yako ya siri mwanao atakuwa nayo! Kama Nelson Mandela alikuwa alama ya msamaha, msamaha ni tabia yetu. Kama Kwame Nkrumah alikuwa alama ya umoja, umoja ni tabia yetu. Kama Patrice Lumumba alikuwa alama ya uzalendo, uzalendo ni tabia yetu. Kama Robert Mugabe ni alama ya udikteta, udikteta ni tabia yetu. Kama Haile Selassie alikuwa alama ya ushujaa, ushujaa ni tabia yetu. Kama Samora Machel alikuwa alama ya ujamaa, ujamaa ni tabia yetu. Kama Julius Kambarage Nyerere alikuwa alama ya haki, haki ni tabia yetu. Sisi ni watoto wa wazalendo wa Afrika! Wao ni baba wa mataifa ya Afrika! Tumerithi tabia zao za siri.

After landing in Julius Nyerere International Airport, he’d browsed the Internet for all the safari companies in Dar es Salaam that serviced Tanzania’s northern safari circuit. There had been several dozen. The addition of the keyword “luxury” narrowed the search significantly. He wrote down the telephone numbers and addresses of the ten most expensive companies. He didn’t think Salvador Brazza would settle for anything less. It turned out he was right. He hit the money on the third outfit he called. Yes, Salvador Brazza and Scarlett Cox had booked a safari with them, the woman on the phone had said. But no, she could not provide any details. It was prohibited by management.

Europeans believed Africans belonged to tribes, Africans built the tribes to belong to

If you are forced to be really nasty, don't shout; use ridicule instead. Ridicule is argument; and it requires knowledge.!

There is no last word in history. It is always work in progress

And often we find that some of those who had accepted our leadership get tired of the struggle forward and succumb to the temptations of those who promise benefits for not struggling - or short cuts such as religious fundamentalism, nationalism or fascism

The progress of mankind ebbs and flows like the tides, but we are further forward in decency and civilization than when Homo sapiens first emerged, despite the horrors at any one time - including the present.

The simplicity of President Magufuli with regard to savings and protecting the national economy is that of the Father of the Nation, Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere. His responsibilities (to him) appear to be simple assignable to the gift of authority, given to him by God.

Power was not a zero-sum game; rather it was a terrain of contestation between contradictory interests; a field of political warriors, not armchair philosophers. One has to constantly fight to keep it

In history, great individuals do count; but they act in the circumstances given by history. They cannot choose them

The development of the peoples means a rebellion

Socialism, like democracy, is an attitude of mind

Our need is not for brakes to social change... -our lack of trained manpower and capital resources, and even our climate, act too effectively already

If you want to know one of my most fundamental convictions, it is that I am completely non-racialist. I do not understand racialism at all.

Will before weapons

Give them the education which will train their heads to refuse the wretchedness of mind and skill their hands to develop the resources of Africa.

One does not judge one's state of health by comparing it to that of a sick person

I am an individual and I respect my own individuality. But I am an individual and a member of a community. And a community has conditions. All the commandments - Thou Shalt Not - are about community

Peace is born of hope, when hope is gone there will be social upheavals

You're not successful until your successor succeeds.