Is Charlie Kirk Quotes

Never give up, never surrender, and always go for the win.

Greatness, on the other hand, requires the liberty and the drive to make the most of yourself.

Only in America could a President achieve the lowest ever black and Hispanic unemployment, have black business startups skyrocket 400%, see wages go up for black workers, advocate for prison reform, pardon wrongfully convicted people of color, and still be called a racist

Death penalties should be public, should be quick, it should be televised. I think at a certain age, its an initiation...What age should you start to see public executions?

Socialism cannot survive when people are free to think for themselves, and America will never be a socialist country.

I can’t stand the word empathy actually. I think empathy is a made-up, New Age term that — it does a lot of damage, but it is very effective when it comes to politics. Sympathy I prefer more than empathy.

I am writing this book as a young man who quite deliberately has chosen to commit my still early life to fighting to restore, perhaps finish building, an America that was envisioned by our Founding Fathers.

Somebody said President Obama is much more popular in Germany than President Trump—he should be,” added Trump in his TPUSA speech. “If I start getting higher poll numbers in Europe, I’m doing something wrong.

I can't stand empathy. I think empathy is a made-up, New Age term that — it does a lot of damage, but it is very effective when it comes to politics.

I think it’s worth it to have a cost; unfortunately, some gun deaths every single year. So that we can have our Second Amendment to protect our other God given rights.

Never give up. Never surrender. Always go for the win.

Charlie Kirk says, “What you see on the college campuses, you will soon see on the streets.

Oppression is not an excuse to lose your humanity.

Colorblind theology (and culture) is dangerous, not just because of the obvious social harm, but because, at its core, it suggests that God made a mistake.

You will never live in a society, when you have an armed citizenry, and you won't have a single gun death. That's nonsense, it's drivel. But I -I -I think it's worth it. I think it's worth to have a cost of unfortunately some gun deaths every single year, so that we can have 2nd amendment to protect our other God given rights. That is a prudent deal. It is rational.

Protecting individual liberty from the tyrannical forces of government is the idea our nation was built upon. It is the only way to protect the individual’s rights, the family, local churches and schools, and other groups who can’t fight back themselves. Be skeptical of everything, especially your government. Ask questions, fight for your rights, and never surrender.

I can’t stand the word empathy, actually. I think empathy is a made-up, New Age term that—it does a lot of damage. But it is very effective when it comes to politics. When Bill Clinton said, 'I feel your pain,' that was a brilliant political move. It was total nonsense, but it worked. I prefer sympathy. Sympathy is a much better word. Sympathy is saying, 'I’m sorry for what you’re going through, I’m going to try to help you.' Empathy is like, 'I’m going to become you, I’m going to feel exactly what you’re feeling.' It’s impossible, it’s narcissistic, and it’s destructive.

That viciousness—the sense of a revolution as a sort of purifying fire—is a zeal rarely seen in US history or British history, unless one counts the current fervor of the left’s so-called social justice warriors, who do sometimes beat, egg, or Molotov-cocktail their political enemies, though for now they more often just strive to purge their enemies from social media platforms and campus speaking engagements.

This was not a political assassination; it was a religious strike. War is at the gates. And unless you serve the Almighty, Living God, you will not discern it— and it will overtake you. “Vengeance is Mine,” saith the Lord. And Charlie Kirk was His son.

I can’t stand the word empathy, actually. I think empathy is a made-up, new-age term, and it does a lot of damage. I much prefer the word compassion, and I much prefer the word sympathy. Empathy is where you try to feel someone’s pain and sorrows as if they’re your own. Compassion allows for understanding. I prefer the word sympathy, because politics has weaponized empathy.

Charlie Pop is 15 years old. He has 2 dogs: Bruno and Rex. He lives with his parents Kath and Ron. Today is the 22nd April 2025. Charlie and his friends have been going to the Landfawcett space bowling club all their lives. Charlie’s friends are called Harry Em, Eric Tweet, Paul Key, Robert Storm, Chris Leaf, Jay Laugh, Darren Rain and Tom Breeze. They all have short hair and dress casually especially Ben Steps and George Sing. Jake Train is the cleverest of them all. He has invented a secret waterproof wireless finger camera that takes photographs; it is attached to Charlie and his friend’s fingers. Rex and Bruno have a camera attached to the fur on their heads. Images are shared with each other from the app recording onto their phones and laptops. It is their space bowling tournament today.

and favored an obscure French perfume that reminded Kirk of dead chanteuses. Madlyn still saw the ghosts,

The smallest minority on earth is the individual. Those who deny individual rights cannot claim to be defenders of minorities.” —AYN RAND

Charlie Kirk was not killed for what he said, he was k*lled because people all over the world were listening to him. Somebody decided Charlie was a danger to the status quo.

Two hundred years ago, 84% of the world lived in extreme poverty. Today, 90% don’t. 83% didn’t have a basic education. Today, 86% do. 1% lived in a democracy. Today just 44% don’t. The child mortality rate was 43%. Today, it’s 4%.

Kamala Harris, by contrast, has brought about fewer changes in her role in the Senate. Her opposition to unreasonable bail requirements is an admirable exception—and, to her credit, she has argued in favor of laws allowing prisoners to get high school diplomas—but she was an extremely aggressive drug warrior and prosecutor during her time before that as California’s state attorney general, even allowing the state attorneys working under her to fight to keep people in prison after they were proven innocent, if they had missed filing deadlines for relevant legal forms.

She also defended law enforcement officials who got convictions by withholding evidence or falsifying confessions. It is terrifying to think that about an eighth of the US prison population lives in a state with such a coldly bureaucratic conception of justice. (She may have had coldly careerist notions about sex back in the ’90s as well, since she notoriously slept with San Francisco assembly speaker Willie Brown, who was still married at the time, as he appointed her to a series of well-paid city positions.)

It is hard to imagine someone like Harris becoming a merciful president, if American citizens find themselves running afoul of overly harsh regulations. As for Biden, he’ll shift with the political winds as he always has, talking like a champion of desegregation today but opposing busing of students to integrate racially homogeneous school districts four decades ago.

Harris flip-flops as well, sometimes making it difficult to determine what her position is on a given law. She at times opposed California’s three-strikes-you’re-out (for life) laws—but then again, she wanted to jail parents if their kids skipped school. She’s not shy about coming down on people with the hammer of government.

Trump’s approach to healthcare may be the best example of the new conservative approach. In the past, the parties have had to decide whether to side with big businesses, the insurance companies, the hospitals, or the American Medical Association if they wanted to get anything done. Instead, Trump has repeatedly sided with individuals and small businesses.

There’s no reason an activity that could be run like any other free-market business—with competition to provide better service and lower prices—should be forced to operate like this. Even if we conclude that the government must subsidize poorer customers, let everyone make their healthcare purchases as individuals on the open market as they please. Then we can help pick up the tab for the very poorest among us, whether through charity or, if absolutely necessary, government.

Ask yourself whether you can distinguish between the foreign policies of Hillary Clinton and the late John McCain. Both advocated toppling governments around the world. Both backed the Iraq War. Both were aghast at the election of Donald Trump, who had said for decades that wars are a terrible waste of lives and money.

Trump sees that these issues—sound economics and a nationalist foreign policy orientation—go together for reasons much more logical than knee-jerk opposition to all interaction with foreigners. His instinctual wariness of deadbeats and moochers leads him to be skeptical of both Europe’s socialist redistributionist tendencies in economics and its post–World War II tendency to let

Obama thinks apology is statesmanship, and Bush thinks looking for criminals to fight is. Trump admires strength and tough talk to a degree Obama probably considers uncouth, but he does not believe in using it as indiscriminately as the Bush clan traditionally has. Trump, unlike virtually every political figure in Washington, is goal-oriented.

It is unconscionable that for decades we’ve expected heroes maimed by American involvement in unresolved conflicts overseas, and the families of those killed in those fights, to accept “We tried” as the best assessment of what was achieved by the fighting. Surveys now show most American soldiers think our recent wars have been unproductive. Maybe they, away from the spin machines of the Washington policy establishment, know what they’re talking about.

The willingness of, for example, generations of the elite to fight those devastating wars over oil-rich regions is a perverse side effect of the mingling of private interests and public power. Just as government subsidies for pharmaceutical purchases start looking like a great idea if your family is in the pharmaceutical industry (or, like Medicare Part D architect and former senate majority leader Bill Frist, the hospital management industry), your family being in the oil business just might make you more willing, on a subconscious level, to tolerate great sacrifices (on the part of others, including taxpayers) in the name of keeping the black lifeblood of industry flowing.

Despite all the efforts to terrify us about global warming, by the way, the fact remains that the Earth’s temperature, to the extent it can even be reliably measured, has gone up only about one degree Celsius over the past hundred years, and sea levels have risen about three inches, which appears to be about the same amount they rose the previous century despite increasing industrial activity since then—and in any case, leaving people plenty of time to move a few inches farther away from the shore if necessary.

The Obamas don’t seem too worried about the problem now that they’re out of the White House and in mid-2019 bought a $15 million mansion right on the edge of a very flat stretch of Martha’s Vineyard beachfront.

If the left sometimes show their hypocrisy and indifference to the masses on the energy and climate issue by doing things like flying private jets all the time or living right next to oceans they claim will rise to kill us all any minute, we should not become complacent about hypocrisy on the right, either.

It’s not so crazy—it just isn’t necessarily as objective an accounting of the costs as would be made in a pure free market, where you had to pay for the land where pipelines sit with your own money, defend pipelines in trouble spots with your own gun, and fight foreign dictators with your own mercenary army. If you’re willing to do all that—without violating human rights in those countries—more power to you, no pun intended.

The philosophy of America First means that we no longer have to look outside our shores to fuel our ambitions or make strategic decisions.

America became the land to which people from the Old World could flee to ply their trades without answering to guilds, farm land without answering to the lord of the manor, pray without permission from the government’s bishops, and talk about the affairs of the day without fearing reprisals from the king.

offer these stats (some of the many such facts I like to share on my Twitter feed and podcast): Two hundred years ago, 84% of the world lived in extreme poverty. Today, 90% don’t. 83% didn’t have a basic education. Today, 86% do. 1% lived in a democracy. Today just 44% don’t. The child mortality rate was 43%. Today, it’s 4%. All thanks to the free market socialists want to destroy. If anything, economic growth rates and progress have slowed in the past few decades as the welfare state, to which the socialists give all the credit for such advances, grew. The new socialists and Democrats steadfastly ignore these facts. And it is this delusion that makes the MAGA Doctrine more important than ever.

Once those two parties get comfortable, resigned to the fact that neither is ever going to completely destroy the other, they can get down to furthering shared interests—“horse trading for votes,” as the saying goes. You give my district something big at the taxpayers’ expense in the next appropriations bill, which my district will thank me for, and I’ll give your district something expensive that they’ll thank you for.

A two-party cartel, entrenched and self-serving, soon looks like the most natural manifestation of democracy imaginable. The heads of those two parties argue when they must, each party hoping to differentiate itself from the other just enough to eke out a victory in the next election—but neither wants to argue for, or if elected institute, change so fundamental that it would destroy all the stuff that the leaders of the two parties have in common with each other and not with you, the general public: unearned use of $4 trillion a year, the power to regulate, and the endless attention of fawning lobbyists and Washington powerbrokers.

But the two parties were never quite literally opposites in their philosophies. The old Democrat formula, ideally stated, was something like: a big welfare and regulatory state combined with an American military subordinated to big international alliances and treaty organizations. The old Republican formula, ideally stated, was something like: free trade, big business, opposition to welfare, legislation defending traditional morality (such as pushing for pro-life measures when possible), plus never-ending military engagements overseas, with every dictator around the world due to become our fighting foe eventually.

The MAGA Doctrine is not a threat to other nations but an invitation to deal with each other out of practical self-interest instead of ultimatums, displays of might, reckless adventures, and big crusades against small-bore enemies such as Afghan villagers or Latin American coca farmers.

Republican senator Chuck Grassley of Iowa put it well in the New York Times when he wrote, “Over the past few months alone, the Defense Department has had to explain why it’s been paying $14,000 for individual 3-D-printed toilet seat lids and purchasing cups for $1,280 each. These are just the latest examples on a long list of unacceptable purchases made by the department, including $436 for hammers in the 1980s, and $117 soap dish covers and $999 pliers in the 1990s.

It’s not that everything America does in the name of defense is evil or imperialist, but this is a system that has taken on a life of its own. If Making America Great Again means asking whether government spending is benefiting our nation, even the military defense of that nation must be open to critical scrutiny. At some point, waste becomes as toxic as hostile outside forces, and potentially provocative in itself. Military excursions that ought to make us think twice seem deceptively simple if the war planners have a trillion dollars to blow and the lives ended are not their own.

Donald Trump has always been a builder, from hotels to casinos to golf courses—Barack Obama was a community organizer who gave impressive speeches. However, one of the least eloquent points that President Obama made during a speech was his infamous line “You didn’t build that.” It’s no surprise that President Trump understands that businesses and growth are good for the economy and create jobs, while President Obama focused on the government as the solution.

When Trump resists constant calls for more military intervention around the world—when he says no to putting more troops in Syria and publicly contemplates pulling troops out of Afghanistan—he is not only pointing the way to peace but implicitly taking on a system of defense contractors and sometimes-opportunistic allies that has reshaped American thinking in a profoundly unhealthy way.

If he often sounds dismissive or impatient, it is not because he can brook no opposition but because, just like many of us, he is tired of seeing American ideals torn down. Unlike so many of his foes on the left, he’s very grateful to this country for making possible all of his success. He’s not a barbarian at the gates, to be fended off by the New York Times or the Ivy League. Trump is a man already comfortably at home in America, at home with its people and its institutions. And the people sense that. They know he is one of them, not just another Washingtonian like all the ones he defeated and defied to become president.

Cicero came from a wealthy family, and through his oratory became what we might now dub a major media star in ancient Rome. He could have enjoyed a life of luxury and avoided conflict but regarded his foray into politics, necessitated by his sense of civic duty, as his greatest achievement. He spent much of that political career combating conspiracies to overthrow the republic, in a fashion that might well be dismissed as paranoid by the complacent elitists of our own day. His fears were proven tragically correct, though, as Julius Caesar (sometimes talked about now as if he were the very pinnacle of Roman achievement but in truth a dictator who was the death knell of the Republic) pushed Rome in the direction of empire. Cicero himself ended up executed by government soldiers, his head and hands later displayed on Rome’s central public speaking platform, a final taunt to Mark Antony—one of Caesar’s allies, and after Caesar’s assassination, part of Rome’s ruling triumvirate.

Trump’s battle, then, is not just a squabble with a few well-meaning, present-day liberal critics. He represents a centuries-long struggle within Western civilization between the hope of freedom and self-rule by the common people and the continual assertion of aristocratic privilege by those who think they know better and thus should have power. As long as Trump opposes those deeply entrenched forces, who not so secretly view America’s Founding Fathers with almost as much suspicion and contempt as they view Trump, it will not matter how impressive his practical achievements in the economic or foreign policy realms are: They will still be denigrated and cast in a bad light because he is a threat to their own rule.

When Trump-hating media star and CNN hostess/comedienne/filth-purveyor Kathy Griffin held up a fake bloodied Donald Trump head in a photo (subsequently being let go by CNN because of it), she may have been closer to the Rome-like truth than she realized—not because Trump is a dictator deserving death but because he, like Cicero, is targeted by powerful forces who mistake themselves for the Republic’s protectors but are in fact in the process of destroying it.

He is guided by a faith that most Americans seemed to share until very recently. Our forefathers founded this country on sound principles, including standing up for the freedom of the individual. These principles with ancient roots have made something wonderful and new possible upon the face of the Earth, a freedom and prosperity never before known.

The smallest units of society—the individual, the family, the small business, the little towns, the local church and PTA—need to be protected with everything we’ve got.

As Politico put it, describing their own 2014 review of Trump’s predecessor, “The Obama administration has hired more than 70 previously registered lobbyists . . . and watched many officials circle through that revolving door, as Obama’s lobbying policy was weakened by major loopholes and a loss of focus over time. What’s more, the current laws around lobbying, which the administration measures were built on, simply ignore many instances observers would regard as lobbying—and the White House never pressed for changes to those laws.” Now look at the panic once an outsider—who did not regard the culture of Washington with cautious respect—came along. You’d think Trump was a horde of invading Vandals from the way the media, politicians, and D.C. interest groups reacted to his election.

Hanson sees a similar desire to boost national morale while also getting the biggest bang for your cautiously spent buck (or your solidus, in the case of the Byzantine Empire) in many great leaders of the past, including Pericles, Alexander the Great, Justinian’s predecessors Augustus and Constantine, the later Holy Roman Emperors Charlemagne and Joseph II, Queen Elizabeth I and Churchill of England, Catherine the Great of Russia, and Abraham Lincoln. They were important not just because of military victories, argues Hanson. They shared a similar nationalist conviction: “They have a historical sense that decline is not a matter of exhaustion of natural resources, or it’s not predicated on enemies over the next hill. Usually, it’s internal.

The simplest explanation is that the protestors, like Soviet teens listening to rock and roll on the sly decades earlier, recognize symbols of Western-style freedom when they see them. And they should: Hong Kong was by some measures freer than the West when it was populated by refugees from the mainland’s communist rule for decades but not yet governed by the mainland (the United Kingdom handed it over to Beijing in 1997 after a century and a half of colonial rule). Let’s hope its freedom and love of the free market endure any crackdowns from Beijing. Trump isn’t up against domestic foes as totalitarian as the Communists in Beijing, a few extremists notwithstanding, but, like the Hong Kong protestors, he faces the daunting task of transforming a stubborn, inflexible, corrupt, big-government system.

But Trump’s instincts did not arise in a vacuum. Like all Americans, he inherited a tradition that conveys the norms that have enabled us to flourish. A lifetime as an entrepreneur taught him more about economics—and about the threat posed by an intrusive regulatory state—than is known by a fashionable socialist such as Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, despite the pride she takes in her economics degree. He has lived in New York City at times of comfort and times of rampant crime, and he understands the importance of preventing violence, whether from Latin American drug cartels or radical Muslim terrorists. Most Americans understand that it is those profoundly decent impulses, not xenophobia, that inspire his sometimes harsh-sounding rhetoric about the need to protect our borders and crack down on real threats. He understands the failings of the media because he was a media star. He understands the evil nature of some CEOs because he went to Wharton and has rubbed elbows with those people ever since. The scariest thing about him to the elite is that he has been inside with them, and he’s exposing their secrets to the outside.

The belief that the bad conditions are “inevitable” and unchangeable is a dangerous, self-fulfilling prophecy. We’d been told ISIS and the Paris Climate Agreement were inevitable—just as pre-Reagan America was told by Jimmy Carter that America needed to get over its “inordinate fear of communism” and accept the permanence of the Soviet Union. But these things aren’t unchangeable. Believing that they are beatable can help make them so. One must dare to believe greatness can come again.

No More Accepting Decline Trump’s critics may not see in the MAGA Doctrine principles that span beyond Trump’s own lifetime and beyond our own shores—but some people overseas do. Just as the United States was an inspiration to people resisting monarchies around the world at the time of the American Revolution and an inspiration to people resisting communist tyranny during the Cold War, the distinctive red Make America Great Again hats of Trump supporters have found their way to Hong Kong, during the 2019 protests there against some of the ways Beijing, back on the Chinese mainland, rules its less-communist “special administrative region.” Brave protestors wear Make Hong Kong Great Again hats—and borrow other American symbols, including the American flag.

If old Democrat was something like civil liberties/welfare/internationalism and new Democrat is something like censorship/socialism/internationalism, while old Republican was something like theocratic/corporate/warlike, then the new Republican formula is roughly free speech/entrepreneurial/pro-peace.

Trump has probably become the greatest living exemplar of free speech in the twenty-first century. As he put it, we can’t improve if political correctness prevents us from even talking honestly about what our problems are.

It’s not that those of us on Team Trump long to be rude. It’s not that we look down on any subsets of American society. All individuals are created equal—but not all cultures and ideas are equal, and we need to be able to compare and contrast intelligently.

Obviously and thankfully, Hillary Clinton never became president, but all of the achievements described above are real—and are the handiwork of the person who became president on January 20, 2017: Donald J. Trump. (Many of these items come from the Washington Examiner’s tally of Trump successes.)

Most of Washington can’t comprehend how this could have happened. They’re as perplexed by his achievements as they are by his giant crowds. They think they know what competence looks like: a four-hundred-dollar haircut and consultants telling you how not to make news. Never be funny. Take yourself too seriously for that. Meet as often as possible with other leaders who also have spent their careers trying not to generate headlines. Where average Americans see in Trump an effort to restore greatness through opportunity and prosperity, the elite see someone alarming. If you can succeed in politics without the help of hundreds of lawyers, lobbyists, and reporters propping you up, an awful lot of members of the elite could be on the verge of losing their jobs.

do not go out of my way to make enemies—and I have great respect for the long line of conservative thinkers who have made my tentative contribution to politics possible—but sometimes the most vicious opposition to me, to Turning Point USA, and to Trump himself has come from the right, not the left. The left, after all, has an exciting new enemy to fight in the Trump era. Many on the pre-Trump right need to rethink their lives and ask if they still have a purpose. Most do, but some have to confess they were going about things entirely the wrong way, maybe even enjoying the endless stalemate between right and left, not really holding out any realistic hope of winning or causing change.

Next, just for the sake of argument, imagine if, during the first two years of her administration, she achieved stunning successes: The Dow rises 7,000 points after being nearly flat around 18,000 the two prior years. Consumer confidence surges to an eighteen-year high. Black unemployment hits 5.9%, the lowest level ever recorded. Hispanic and Asian-American unemployment also hit record lows of 4.5% and 2%, respectively. Female unemployment is at the lowest rate since 1953 (3.6%). Unemployment among the young is at its lowest in five decades (9.2%), among veterans the lowest in two (3%). Economic growth for the year nears 3% in 2018, for the first time since the 2008 financial crisis. There is a freeze on new regulations, to the relief of American businesses. For every new regulation, about twenty-two are repealed. Jobless claims are at their lowest level in five decades. Job openings outnumber people looking for jobs for the first time on record. The positive job-growth streak is the longest on record. Job satisfaction is at its highest level in a decade and a half, and 85% of blue-collar workers think the country is “headed in the right direction.” Some $5.5 trillion in tax cuts are instituted, with most families seeing savings as a result. The corporate tax rate is lowered as well, since it had been the highest in the developed world and was discouraging investment. The president cleared bureaucratic obstacles to constructing the Keystone XL pipeline and withdrew from the onerous Paris Climate Agreement. The president helped make the United States the world’s biggest crude oil exporter for the first time. ISIS’s Iraq arm is effectively finished off. The United States stops funding Syrian militias with terror ties, quieting that country’s civil war. Military conflicts in other parts of the world are largely avoided. NATO partner nations are successfully pressured into paying their fair share for the alliance, reducing the US burden. Sentencing reductions for nonviolent drug offenders are achieved, a big, libertarian step forward for criminal justice reform. Medical regulations are loosened to allow terminally ill patients to try experimental procedures if they so choose, approvals for affordable generic drugs are accelerated, and employers are permitted to create more flexible and varied health plans. Veterans’ medical conditions are processed faster than ever before. The president entered the Oval Office already a supporter of gay marriage, the first US president of whom that is true. Two solidly conservative new Supreme Court justices are confirmed. Over five million new jobs are created, a half million in manufacturing and over a hundred thousand in oil and natural gas transportation. 95% of manufacturers say they are optimistic the country is headed in the right direction.

America First The MAGA Doctrine, far from urging belligerence against other nations, recommends recognizing the limitations of our knowledge of other cultures and thus refraining from trying to control them. The US government can barely run our own country, so it should be very cautious about trying to run others.

We have been tirelessly fighting against the well-oiled machinery of “Team Left” and we have been taking them on aggressively at every turn. We fight them with their own tactics and we fight them with new ones they haven’t before seen. Mostly what we are trying to do is to move away from the apologies and counterpunches commonly associated with Team Right and hit preemptively and hit hard.

Language control and political correctness have become the modern-day crossbow for Team Left and they are wielding their weaponry without conscience.

When you cut through it, political correctness is nothing more than self-censorship. It is forcing people to voluntarily stop behaving or speaking in certain ways. The driver for this becomes two base emotions: guilt and fear. Political correctness causes people to self-censor because they feel guilty about what they are about to say or do and they are afraid that they will “lose” something if they say or do it. The emotions of guilt and fear are such powerful drivers of behavior that people will stop themselves without even asking the question, “Who am I actually offending?

The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing.” —EDMUND BURKE

I’m only in my early 20s and I am assuming, perhaps naïvely, that I will live an actuarially normal life. I have more than 50 years remaining. This is going to be a long game.

Evidence of this reached the level of full satire in December of 2015 when filmmaker Ami Horowitz went on the campus of Yale University and asked students if they would sign a petition to repeal the First Amendment. The video, which is available on YouTube (another product of the free market), shows students enthusiastically wanting to sign and demonstrates just how Orwellian modern-day America has become.

Our liberty is once again under attack, only this time from an insidious infestation of people who want us to lay down our liberty at the feet of some ill-defined, always corrosive, “greater good.

I can’t help thinking of the famous words shouted by General La Rochejaquelein fighting against the first French Revolution: “Friends, if I advance, follow me! If I retreat, kill me! If I die, avenge me!