Hobart Quotes

I don't know what you two are up to," Hobart said. "But you be careful now, you hear? Don't do anything I wouldn't do." "Well now, that doesn't restrict us very much, does it?" Mark teased back.

Martha Ballard is the great-aunt of Clara Barton, founder of the American Red Cross. She is also the great-great-grandmother of Mary Hobart, one of the first female physicians in the United States.

I didn't mind what she called me, what anybody called me. But this was the room I had to live in. It was all I had in the way of a home. In it was everything that was mine, that had any association for me, any past, anything that took the place of a family. Not much: a few books, pictures, radio, chessmen, old letters, stuff like that. Nothing. Such as they were, they had all my memories.

Blodgett and Hobart are named for and oven and a mixer?” Justin asked. “Huh. And all this time I thought they were named for some unfortunate relatives.

A few months later Miss Mitten was killed by a milk van in Hobart, across the road from a cricket oval. To the twins there was hidden justice in the fact that the milk van had been reversing.

The next day, William Lanney's much abused remains were carried in a coffin to the cemetery. The crowd of mourners was large. It included many of Lanney's shipmates, suggesting that the whaling profession in late-nineteenth-century Hobart was graced with a higher level of humanistic sensibility than the surgical profession.

He would teach himself to dislike what he actually liked, to approve of what he did not totally understand, in the hopes that he would come out the other side with something that resembled inspiration, something that would make him more famous than Chris Burden or even Hobart Waxman.

Ramona, I hear the mission bells above, Ramona, they’re ringing out our song of love.” Ramona stared at her book as she thought mean, dark thoughts about Uncle Hobart.

The emotions do not deserve being put into opposition with “intelligence.” The emotions are themselves a higher order of intelligence. —O. Hobart Mowrer

As Hobart19 says, “the past cannot determine the event, except through the present. And no past moment determined it any more truly than does the present moment

She thinks of her former job in a Hobart law firm. Right now, the thought of being in her quiet-as-a-library, air-conditioned, plush-carpeted city office, with a takeout coffee on the desk next to her and a tricky clause to unravel, is like remembering a glorious tropical holiday. She sees now that she didn’t just enjoy work, she loved it. She is a person whose brain requires certainty and control, rules and procedures, perhaps more than the average person, but motherhood has none of that and some days she is bored out of her freaking mind.

They’re only the record of one woman’s meticulous daily life. But those pages were preserved and passed to Dolly (Ballard) Lambard. She gave them to her daughter Sarah, who passed them on to Dr. Mary Hobart, who donated them to the Maine State Library, where they sat until they were organized and bound by Lucy (Lambard) Fessenden. Many years later, law librarian Edith L. Hary made those pages available to the public. And finally, Cynthia McCausland translated all six million bytes of text so that the full transcript could be published by Picton Press.

of the American Red Cross. She is also the great-great-grandmother of Mary Hobart, one of the first female physicians in the United States. She left a medical legacy in this country that is unmatched.

His parents ran a jewelry store in Hobart for forty years, and although neither Leo nor any of his sisters had any interest in carrying on the business, everyone in the family automatically clocks jewelry.

She showed it to Hobart, who also loved it, and it made me feel, for the first time, that maybe it was dumb to be embarrassed about weird things if you were really good at them. Or not good. If they made vou happy.

It was one of those Hobart spring nights, cold as charity, snow coming down hard on the mountain, the harbour a lather, sleet slapping and scratching at windows and tin roofs like a wild drunk who's been locked out.

That day, on the flight from Hobart to Sydney, I was the butterfly. Actually, I was the less poetic seagull. That seems more apt. I walked through that plane squawking my predictions, flapping my wings, and my actions had consequences, which had consequences, which had consequences. I was an agent of chaos.

So Hobart and Harriett get their house burned down? What's next--a lynching?" Mrs. Bates jerked the bucket from the woman next to her. "I've seen a body swingin'. Three times in my life," her husband said, his voice low. For a moment, except for the roaring of the smoky flames, everyone went quite. Stella wondered how silence could be so loud.

Like all children, you would have loved and admired her. You would have named your favorite doll after her....And then you would have poked out the doll's eyes.

Technological innovation is more driven by excess, exuberance, and irrationality than by cost-benefit analyses, rational calculation, and careful and deliberate planning.

He loves me like a monster, all teeth and talk and hiding in the dark. That’s my specialty— men with strong bodies and fragile hearts, and if you hold them too tightly they will crumble beneath you like an avalanche that’s waiting. Still, he looks at me like all things beautiful and burning and we love each other recklessly with hearts so empty our names echo against vandalized walls that say, “There was someone here before me, listen closely and you’ll hear their name.” He has matches for hands, and I, a paper heart. Gasoline will drip from our mouths and we will call that holy. We will burn at the stake and pollute the sky with smoke and selfishness, and we will say it was in the name of a crooked love. We will burn our own bodies to the ground and we will call that sacrifice. We will tear ourselves open like there’s something left inside. Nobody ever taught us how to love. ―Lindsey Hobart

Mijn vrouw is ziek en dat verandert mijn leven drastisch. Ik beheers namelijk slechts drie keukenhuishoudelijkheden: ei bakken, thee zetten, brood bakken. Om thee te zetten breng ik water in een fluitketel aan de kook. Bij de fluittoon kookt het water en zet ik het gas af. Ik giet het water in een theepot waarin ik een theezakje heb gehangen. De theepot zet ik op een warmhoudplaatje. Als ik een ei ga bakken, zet ik een koekenpan op het vuur, doe er een scheut olijfolie in, wacht even op de hitte, tik het ei met een mes open en laat het in de pan vallen. Als het er als een glimmend tijdschriftplaatje uitziet, leg ik het op een boterham. Brood bak ik al vijfentwintig jaar dagelijks. Dat komt omdat ik een Hobart bezit, een professionele, ontilbare deegkneedmachine. Ik doe een beetje lauw water in een kannetje waarin ik een klontje gist laat vallen en een schepje suiker. Daarna doe ik meel in de mengkom van de machine, en een eetlepel zout. Vervolgens roer ik het water-gist-suikermengsel en giet het op het meel. Dan zet ik de Hobart aan, die het karwei klaart. Terwijl ik naar het mechanisch kneden sta te kijken, denk ik aan de merkwaardige uitdrukking 'het karwei klaren' en neem me voor het etymologisch woordenboek te raadplegen, want ik wil nu eindelijk wel eens weten wat het woord 'klaren' betekent. Dat stel ik dan uit tot de volgende dag, zodat ik al vijfentwintig jaar onwetend op deze drempel sta. Als de Hobart klaar is, doe ik het brood in vormen die ik ingevet heb met alweer olijfolie. Daarna laat ik ze een uurtje rijzen en bak ik ze in de gasoven.

He undid the lock and pulled open the cover to reveal a large stack of envelopes, each one labeled with a different name: Franklin Hobart, Brian Yancey, Everett Singer, Larry Steczynski…it was this last one he grabbed and pulled open, emptying its contents into his wallet and pockets. “Larry Steczynski?” I asked incredulously. Sage smiled. “You don’t think it suits me?” “Oh, I think you suits you perfectly. How many aliases do you have?” “I’m a bit of a collector.” I placed a hand on his wrist, stopping him as he transferred something into his wallet. “Does Larry Steczynski carry a black AmEx?” “He might.” “My mom doesn’t even carry a black AmEx.” “Apparently your mom doesn’t move in the same circles as Larry Steczynski.” “Sage,” Ben called from across the room. He had knelt down to gaze closely at a sculpted figurine that sat on an end table, and his voice broke with awe. “This...this is a real Michelangelo, isn’t it?” “Yeah, yeah it is.” “But it’s a Michelangelo!” “Yep.” “And that painting,” Ben said, nodding to a piece on the wall featuring a sketch of what looked like a somewhat cherubic version of Sage himself. “That’s a real Rubens?” “It is.” “It looks like you.” “Strong genetics in the family line,” Sage explained.

bags and boxes across the hot parking lot to the van. On the way back to the mall, Willa Jean, who spotted the ice-cream store that sold fifty-two flavors, told her uncle she needed an ice-cream cone. Uncle Hobart agreed that ice-cream cones were needed by all. Inside the busy shop, customers had to take numbers and wait turns. Ramona, responsible for Willa Jean, who could not read, was faced with the embarrassing task of reading aloud the list of fifty-two flavors while all the customers listened. “Strawberry, German chocolate, vanilla, ginger-peachy, red-white-and-blueberry, black walnut, Mississippi mud, green bubble gum, baseball nut.

For several decades we psychologists looked upon the whole matter of sin and moral accountability as a great incubus and acclaimed our liberation from it as epoch making. But at length we have discovered that to be free in this sense, that is, to have the excuse of being sick rather than sinful, is to court the danger of also becoming lost… In becoming amoral, ethically neutral and free, we have cut the very roots of our being, lost our deepest sense of selfhood and identity, and with neurotics, themselves, we find ourselves asking: Who am I, what is my deepest destiny, what does living mean?

Our patients predict the culture by living out consciously what the masses of people are able to keep unconscious for the time being. The neurotic is cast by destiny into a Cassandra role. In vain does Cassandra, sitting on the steps of the palace at Mycenae when Agamemnon brings her back from Troy, cry, “Oh for the nightingale’s pure song and a fate like hers!” She knows, in her ill-starred life, that “the pain flooding the song of sorrow is [hers] alone,” and that she must predict the doom she sees will occur there. The Mycenaeans speak of her as mad, but they also believe she does speak the truth, and that she has a special power to anticipate events. Today, the person with psychological problems bears the burdens of the conflicts of the times in his blood, and is fated to predict in his actions and struggles the issues which will later erupt on all sides in the society. The first and clearest demonstration of this thesis is seen in the sexual problems which Freud found in his Victorian patients in the two decades before World War I. These sexual topics‒even down to the words‒were entirely denied and repressed by the accepted society at the time. But the problems burst violently forth into endemic form two decades later after World War II. In the 1920's, everybody was preoccupied with sex and its functions. Not by the furthest stretch of the imagination can anyone argue that Freud "caused" this emergence. He rather reflected and interpreted, through the data revealed by his patients, the underlying conflicts of the society, which the “normal” members could and did succeed in repressing for the time being. Neurotic problems are the language of the unconscious emerging into social awareness. A second, more minor example is seen in the great amount of hostility which was found in patients in the 1930's. This was written about by Horney, among others, and it emerged more broadly and openly as a conscious phenomenon in our society a decade later. A third major example may be seen in the problem of anxiety. In the late 1930's and early 1940's, some therapists, including myself, were impressed by the fact that in many of our patients anxiety was appearing not merely as a symptom of repression or pathology, but as a generalized character state. My research on anxiety, and that of Hobart Mowrer and others, began in the early 1940's. In those days very little concern had been shown in this country for anxiety other than as a symptom of pathology. I recall arguing in the late 1940's, in my doctoral orals, for the concept of normal anxiety, and my professors heard me with respectful silence but with considerable frowning. Predictive as the artists are, the poet W. H. Auden published his Age of Anxiety in 1947, and just after that Bernstein wrote his symphony on that theme. Camus was then writing (1947) about this “century of fear,” and Kafka already had created powerful vignettes of the coming age of anxiety in his novels, most of them as yet untranslated. The formulations of the scientific establishment, as is normal, lagged behind what our patients were trying to tell us. Thus, at the annual convention of the American Psychopathological Association in 1949 on the theme “Anxiety,” the concept of normal anxiety, presented in a paper by me, was still denied by most of the psychiatrists and psychologists present. But in the 1950's a radical change became evident; everyone was talking about anxiety and there were conferences on the problem on every hand. Now the concept of "normal" anxiety gradually became accepted in the psychiatric literature. Everybody, normal as well as neurotic, seemed aware that he was living in the “age of anxiety.” What had been presented by the artists and had appeared in our patients in the late 30's and 40's was now endemic in the land.

Olli punched in with the cymbal-whack of her typewriter by the alley-side window while a happy neon sign six stories down flashing Hobart and Sons' Fine Smokables got its purple light all tangled up in her eyelashes.

Hobart. Many of the crew have friends waiting and know this place. But not me. This is a new place. “You will love it,” they say, excited to be back. The Red Lion, the Dog House, the Hope and Anchor, the Ship Hotel—places I will be taken, live music and dancing and beer on tap.

(according to the rules of NPC, one must not refer to the right-wing disrupters as radicals, whether they are in Hobart Town Hall or outside Parliament House in Canberra under banners reading ‘Julia Gillard: Bob Brown’s Bitch’)

The Confessor laughed gently. “How very sweet. But you’re not quite one of them, are you, Cass? You’re worth more than any of them. This Piper, at least, must have realized what you could be worth to them, or he’d have killed you as soon as he got hold of you, to be rid of Zach.” She cocked her head slightly as she stared at me. “Though I’m beginning to wonder whether I didn’t overestimate you. Whether we all didn’t. I’m sure you have your moments. I’m guessing we have you to thank for the evacuation of most of the islanders; probably the fire at New Hobart, too. But I’m surprised at your blind spots. You still haven’t harnessed what you’re capable of, it seems.” She’d drawn even closer to us, but as always it was her mental presence that was most confronting. The calculation behind her still eyes; the probing that made me want to wince. “You’re disappointing, Cass. Like these machines. It turns out they’re not everything we might have hoped. Oh, they’re great for storing the information. It’s all in there.” She waved vaguely at the stacks of machines below. “You should have seen the record chambers at Wyndham, before Zach and I had it moved into the computers here. They had the information, but it was so unwieldy. Now, if I need to find something straightforward, it’s phenomenally good. Think of the thousands of clerks we’d need, all scuttling about with millions of files, just to keep track of the basic details. With the computer, it’s all synthesized, in one system. Like a live thing. So I can tap into it, interact with it, use the information as fluently as thinking. If we’d stayed with paper records, we’d never have been able to do what we’ve done.” “And what a tragic loss that would be.

famous modern art gallery in Hobart.

The Four Horsemen and the Zombies of Tasmania The voters complacent the politician now leads He’s just a cog in the business of greed He does not protect; he exploits and devours He serves not the people, but money and power The religious turn the message of love to hate Their arrogance that only they can see Heaven’s gate They oppress women and those they deem strange But the abuse of the children shows just how deranged The general orders a soldier’s fate To kill his brother and sister, he must not hesitate For the politician and the religious, he must always serve From blind obedience, he must not swerve The Power of Money is king over all it surveys You are a slave of debt till the end of your days It’s a way of control; you would wake up if you knew That the sweat of your labour benefits only the few Be free, young ones; show us a bright new way Let not the four horsemen bring your life to decay But be careful, young ones, for they are easy to find They are waiting there, lurking in the back of your mind Lily Dayton, Hobart Mayor, year 2090

technical trouble?

Errol Flynn was a film actor whose performances gave pleasure to many millions. On June 20, 1909, he was born in Hobart, Tasmania, and on October 14, 1959, he died in Vancouver, British Columbia. When he was seventeen he was expelled from school in Sydney, and in the next 33 years he lived a life which was full, lusty, restless and colourful. In his career, in his three marriages, in his friendships, in his quarrels, and in bed with the many women he took there, he lived with zest and irregularity. The lives of film stars are not cast in the ordinary mould, and in some respects Errol Flynn’s was more stellar than most. When he died, he posed the only question that I have to decide: where was he domiciled at the date of his death?

I love you as only a man with a whole hide can love the woman who saved it for him

She showed it to Hobart, who also loved it, and it made me feel, for the first time, that maybe it was dumb to be embarrassed about weird things if you were really good at them. Or not good. If they made you happy.

Like walking into a strange house alone, with no idea who’s in there. This isn’t Hobart, Theo. People here have guns, and if you wander into their house, a lot of them would be quite happy to shoot you.

She had tried for months now to think of her own performance, some unique revelation of the absurdity of life, but she had no capacity for new ideas. She could see an existing artwork and understand why it was or was not successful. But she could not take that knowledge and arrange it into something wholly original, or even a reinterpretation of that existing piece. She was, as Hobart had explained to her, as kindly as possible, simply a critic.

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Camille paused. She loved art, even if she wasn’t always sure what it was. She loved her husband. She loved her baby. Was it so strange to put all of these things together and see what would happen? Hobart had said that kids kill art, but what did he know? They would prove him wrong. Kids could make art. Their kid was capable of making the most amazing art. “Okay,” she said. “It’s going to be beautiful,” Caleb said, squeezing one of her hands so hard it tingled when he released his grip on her. They stood, a family, and walked out of the mall, into the sunlight, seeking to rearrange the shape of their surroundings, to blow something up and watch all the tiny pieces resettle around them like falling snow.

You don’t have to follow your parents all over the country, hiding in plain sight, putting your lives on hold until their latest action can be revealed to the world. They forgot to keep you tied to them, and now you don’t have to follow them. Does that not seem like a good thing?” “It’s hard to think like that,” Annie admitted. “I imagine that’s true,” Hobart said, “after a lifetime of living otherwise.” “I don’t know if I want to think like that,” Buster said. “What do you two really want if you do find your parents? What would be achieved?” Annie, who had surprisingly never spent a single session with a psychiatrist, began to get the intense feeling that she was in therapy. She did not care for it in the least. And there went her fingers, long and slender, transforming themselves once again into tiny sledgehammer fists. She struggled for an answer to Hobart’s question and, no acceptable reply forthcoming, she leaned back against the sofa, stumped. And then Buster said, “We want to find them and show them that they can’t do whatever they want, just because they think it’s beautiful.” “That is not worth the effort,” Hobart replied.

Where are our parents?” the Fang children asked in unison, inching closer to Hobart. Hobart sighed deeply and then pointed toward the living room and said, “Let’s sit down and talk.” Hobart took nearly five minutes to find a comfortable sitting position on his George Nelson–designed Kangaroo chair. Buster and Annie sat side by side opposite Hobart on a black leather sling sofa, feeling as though they were waiting for a bus that was very, very late.

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Why, I wondered, did the teasers continue to come back? They must have been fascinated by the Hobarts. Otherwise they wouldn’t keep egging them on. Maybe they liked hearing new words and phrases and names for things. But the teasers were so mean. If they wanted to hear Johnny ask for “fairy floss,” or Ben call someone a “rev head,” or Mathew talk about “brecky,” they could just ask the boys to tell them about Australia. Most teasers, I had found out, tease because they feel inferior and need to feel superior like a bully who beats up the runt of the school because the runt is easy to beat. However, I knew this, but it didn’t help the Hobarts much.

Il denaro non fa la felicità. Chi ha dieci milioni di dollari non è più felice di chi ne ha solo nove.

In stark contrast to our visionless age, and against the common-sense conception of technology as intrinsically soulless and devoid of any higher meaning, Chapter 10 shows that the majority of the techno-scientific breakthroughs of the last hundred years—including nuclear energy, the space program, AI, genetic engineering, and Bitcoin—were, to a large extent, driven and shaped by deeply ideological, spiritual, and religious beliefs. Unless and until we recapture that transcendent dimension, we will never escape stagnation.

An aging workforce also makes it harder for ambitious younger workers to get promoted, a phenomenon that has been dubbed the “gray ceiling.” In the US, aging baby boomers have already driven the proportion of workers over the age of 55 above 18 percent. 30 These population dynamics put pressure on capital that might otherwise have funded innovation; it’s hard to spend money on promising but risky ideas when the ever-expanding social security system requires substantial investment. 31 What’s more, while seniors who don’t depend on pensions and health care subsidies can now accumulate wealth for much longer than people were historically able to, their marginal propensity to spend is low, suppressing demand. Someone who makes a billion dollars in a single year and spends $50 million of it on a new mansion is still saving 95 percent of their resources. Population aging thus contributes to concentrations of wealth. As a result, capital is less likely to fund novel ideas simply because so much of it lies dormant.

The history of business is littered with examples that refute the “myth of the objective.” 37 It took Nintendo almost a century to invent the iconic Super Mario Brothers; YouTube was initially envisioned as a video dating site; Slack started as an internal communication tool for programmers developing an online game. Greatness often doesn’t follow predefined milestones. Given that markets and technological systems are too complex and dynamic to fully quantify, top-down centralization is often doomed to fail, because information is more often distributed from the bottom up and at the edges of the system, as the canonical example of the free market demonstrates.

My central thesis may be baldly and succinctly stated: the shift between two distinct information technologies—literacy and numeracy—resides at the source of how science and religion went their separate ways, producing the Great Rift between them.

For example, consider how Paul Graham explained Yahoo’s valuation in 1999: By 1998, Yahoo was the beneficiary of a de facto Ponzi scheme. Investors were excited about the internet. One reason they were excited was Yahoo’s revenue growth. So they invested in new internet startups. The startups then used the money to buy ads on Yahoo to get traffic. Which caused yet more revenue growth for Yahoo, and further convinced investors the internet was worth investing in. When I realized this one day, sitting in my cubicle, I jumped up like Archimedes in his bathtub, except instead of “Eureka!” I was shouting “Sell!” 146

When investors debated the merits of Uber, the question was whether the company would be a niche taxi service worth perhaps a billion dollars or a transportation revolution that would create and capture trillions in value. Because these visions of the future are so radically different, there is no middle ground.

By contrast, inflection-driven bubbles have fewer harmful side effects and more beneficial long-term effects. In an inflection-driven bubble, investors decide that the future will be meaningfully different from the past and trade accordingly. Amazon was not a better Barnes & Noble; it was a store with unlimited shelf space and the data necessary to make personalized recommendations to every reader. Yahoo wasn’t a bigger library; it was a directory and search engine that made online information accessible to anyone. Priceline didn’t want to be a travel agent; it aspired to change the way people bought everything, starting with plane tickets. 140 If a mean-reversion bubble is about the numbers after the decimal point, an inflection bubble is about orders of magnitude. A website, a PC, a car, a smartphone—these aren’t 5 percent better than the nearest alternative. On some dimensions, they’re incomparably better. A smartphone is a slightly more convenient tool than a PC for taking a photo and quickly uploading it to the internet, but it’s infinitely better at navigation. A car is not just slightly faster and more reliable than a horse (although in the early days of the automobile industry, it was apparently common for pedestrians to yell “Get a horse!” at passing motorists); cars transformed American cities. Modern-day Los Angeles is inconceivable on horseback.

By contrast, inflection-driven bubbles have fewer harmful side effects and more beneficial long-term effects. In an inflection-driven bubble, investors decide that the future will be meaningfully different from the past and trade accordingly. Amazon was not a better Barnes & Noble; it was a store with unlimited shelf space and the data necessary to make personalized recommendations to every reader. Yahoo wasn’t a bigger library; it was a directory and search engine that made online information accessible to anyone. Priceline didn’t want to be a travel agent; it aspired to change the way people bought everything, starting with plane tickets. 140 If a mean-reversion bubble is about the numbers after the decimal point, an inflection bubble is about orders of magnitude. A website, a PC, a car, a smartphone—these aren’t 5 percent better than the nearest alternative. On some dimensions, they’re incomparably better. A smartphone is a slightly more convenient tool than a PC for taking a photo and quickly uploading it to the internet, but it’s infinitely better at navigation.

What’s especially powerful about these bubbles is that they literally change how we see the world.

Optimism can be a self-fulfilling prophecy. Speculation provides the massive financing needed to fund highly risky and exploratory projects; what appears in the short term to be excessive enthusiasm or just bad investing turns out to be essential for bootstrapping social and technological innovations. If we examine how progress has unfolded over the course of the past century, we find that in both hardware and software, from the Apollo program to Bitcoin, some of our greatest technological achievements are the product of bubbles.

To be sure, technological, economic, and cultural stagnation and decline are highly complex and causally overdetermined phenomena. While there’s not one single cause that explains why the West started to stagnate across many dimensions or why we as a society have become more risk intolerant, we can trace the intertwined manifestations of stagnation, risk aversion, and hyper-bureaucratization to at least one common source: financial markets and the current monetary regime that resulted in an age of artificial growth.

All of this financial chaos can be traced back to the termination of Bretton Woods. Hyper-financialization and interventionist monetary policies are not just expressions of risk aversion, they reinforce it. Superficially, there seems to be no issue here given that the past five decades have seen enormous gains in stock values. But these stock gains haven’t translated into productivity gains. After 1971, the divergence between hyper-financialized markets and the real economy accelerated, ushering in an age of artificial wealth and value fueled by exploding debt and leverage. For example, the United States’ national debt increased from $427 million in 1972 to more than $32 trillion in mid-2023. If interest rates and deficits don’t decline, it’s estimated that the cost of servicing America’s existing debt could reach $1 trillion by 2029, or 3.1 percent of projected GDP—more than will be spent on defense. And this is one of the more optimistic forecasts. 40

While “creative destruction” has become another empty buzzword, Schumpeter’s term refers not to an incrementally upgraded chatbot or social media app, as is commonly assumed, but to the violent destruction of entire industries, infrastructures, occupational categories, and financial systems. Creative destruction can render industrial capital instantly obsolete. These disruptive events of massive capital destruction, which are characteristic of technological revolutions, register as episodes of drastic destruction and social turmoil. They can’t be quantified as “growth,” or other homogeneous quantitative aggregates or high-level abstractions, such as “demand,” “GDP,” “land,” “labor,” and “capital,” that tend to dominate standard economic theory and macroeconomic policy. On the contrary, policies designed to preserve or optimize abstract macroeconomic aggregates, such as “wealth” or “employment,” tend to inhibit the vital process of constant industrial revolution—which, according to Schumpeter, involves the perpetual creation and destruction of concrete, machines, material infrastructures, and industries. Consequently, “creative destruction without destruction,” “capitalism without bankruptcy,” and “risk without consequences” essentially amount to Christianity without Hell.

The outcome of such hyper-subjective interiority is an elimination of the need to take risks or make sacrifices. 69 It is a condition much like that of Nietzsche’s “last man” in Thus Spoke Zarathustra. An incarnation of complacency, risk aversion, and comfort, the last man’s drive for self-preservation overrides any thymotic desire, the “spiritedness” that gives rise to idealistic selflessness, moralistic self-sacrifice, courage, and honor. 70 In the last man, the desire for excellence or achievement dissolves. So do the concepts of sacrifice, glory, and courage. (“Real are we entirely, and without belief or superstition. Thus you stick out your chests—but alas, they are hollow!” 71) For Nietzsche, the last man is the primary product of the secularizing, mechanizing, and rationalizing forces of modernity, which are “crushing, stifling, and ruining” the human spirit. 72 Modernity is characterized by an inexorable, accelerating descent into nihilism, an inescapable “horizonlessness.” Without a horizon defined by a system of values, transcendent rules, or an ethical program, modernity is suspended within an abyss of meaninglessness. 73

While meditation and yoga certainly have their benefits, this retreat into the sanctum of the self reflects a scaling down of our ambitions. With no definitive vision to guide and structure action on an individual or societal level—with perpetual self-optimization replacing the hope for transcendent redemption and the promise of salvation—this shift toward interiority means there is no exit from an “eternal present.” 66 The return to more individualized modes of spirituality and therapeutics may even be a symptom of a broader cultural form of collective depression: A large-scale study of 14 million works of literature published over the past 125 years in English, Spanish, and German found that over the last two decades, textual analogs of cognitive distortions, including disorders such as depression and anxiety, have surged well above historical levels—including during World Wars I and II—after declining or stabilizing for most of the 20th century. 67 It is perhaps unsurprising, then, that the use of antidepressants and the practice of self-medicating via hallucinogens and pacifying drugs like cannabis are steadily on the rise.

The “eternal present” is a phrase borrowed from Guy Debord, who used it to describe what he called “the society of spectacle,” referring to the phantasmagoric state of late-stage capitalism. The philosopher Giorgio Agamben radicalizes this critique even further. Agamben argues that the eternal present is characterized by an infinite deferral of eschatological redemption, perpetuated by an infinite government and economy—the economization of everything. He traces the permanence of the current secular political theology of management and administration, which expresses itself in a variety of secular ceremonies, liturgies, and acclamations, back to the Christian doctrine of providence. This infinite deferral of eschatological redemption results in a “model of contemporary politics… which pretends to be an infinite economy of the world,” which is “thus truly infernal.” In other words, the present—characterized by an abandonment of eschatology—doesn’t simply resemble the Catholic conception of purgatory; even more radically, our contemporary predicament equates to Hell itself. Debord, Society of the Spectacle (London: Rebel Press: Black & Red, 1983); Giorgio Agamben, The Church and the Kingdom (London, New York, Calcutta: Seagull Books, 2012), 41.

But this is quite separate from the politically charged cultural perception that science has a monopoly on truth—one either believes reflexively or is accused of being a denier. 126 The cult of the scientific method demands the suspension of critical thought and the suppression of non-consensus ideas. At its core, this quasi-religious faith in science assumes that nature can be reduced and subjected to standardized procedures defined by the scientific method, a process that results in permanent progress. This dogmatic view of the scientific method, which has been referred to as “scientism,” is at odds with a conception of science as an activity geared toward the radical unknown and the truly novel, which cannot be routinized, rationalized, or ritualized.

As Feyerabend shows, a careful study of the history of science reveals that science, by rejecting non-standard modes of knowledge as heretical, has become uncritical and mired in orthodoxy. Instead of systematically studying the occult or obscure, the standard scientific reflex is to “simply curse them, insinuating that their curses are based on strong and straightforward arguments.

Radical scientific novelty—which is uncertain and probabilistic, and as such lacks validation—is incompatible with bureaucratic rationality, which is geared toward repeatability, control, and procedure.

The reproducibility crisis again has its roots in bureaucracy. The field’s obsession with citation-based metrics to measure scientific productivity has spawned a plethora of peer-reviewed journals, some of which are of low quality. The scientific method itself has become a metaphysical abstraction that figures as an almost mystical source of epistemic authority—a process that is believed to automatically generate truth, understanding, and control.

In sum, systematic evidence showing the decline of scientific progress doesn’t imply that we have unlocked all of nature’s mysteries. Rather, it shows that the causes of scientific stagnation are institutional. Science’s bureaucratic and administrative systems, which are optimized for incremental research, don’t incentivize high-risk research. These systems don’t allow scientists to try, fail, and try again.

As the number of scientific publications explodes, cognitively overloaded researchers and reviewers need to resort to citations to assess the constant flow of information and data. The result is that the papers that get published are the ones that cite more existing research, particularly research that forms a canonical point of view that a reader can easily recognize. Novel ideas, which don’t fit within a well-established canon, are significantly less likely to be produced, published, and widely read. This self-reinforcing dynamic fuels the logic of preferential attachment that controls scientific research, as each newly published paper disproportionately adds citations to papers that are already well cited.

Higher education is now the site of an irresistible drive to moralize and politicize everything, which in turn imposes self-censorship and a risk-averse culture. The polarization and partisanship that characterize politics today renders every dimension of existence, from science to education to sexuality, into a zone of irresolvable ideological conflict, subjecting society to constant moralizing resentment. These domains are important, and just about everyone has an opinion on them. But social media makes it simultaneously easier to be exposed to the dumbest version of any opinion one disagrees with and harder to find reasonable arguments.

As the number of scientific publications explodes, cognitively overloaded researchers and reviewers need to resort to citations to assess the constant flow of information and data. The result is that the papers that get published are the ones that cite more existing research, particularly research that forms a canonical point of view that a reader can easily recognize. Novel ideas, which don’t fit within a well-established canon, are significantly less likely to be produced, published, and widely read. This self-reinforcing dynamic fuels the logic of preferential attachment that controls scientific research, as each newly published paper disproportionately adds citations to papers that are already well cited. And as the arrival rates of papers and ideas increase, it becomes harder for new ideas to penetrate the canon. Consequently, truly disruptive research remains on the fringes of scientific paradigms, which ossify as fields grow larger. Science starts out as a discovery problem, but as fields mature it turns into an information-organization problem.

Coordinating the efforts of researchers is always a tricky matter, since discoveries can’t be predicted. It’s hard to create an “insight factory” that can produce a certain quantity of good ideas every shift. But steady progress across multiple fronts was necessary to produce the bomb by a deadline, which meant researchers had to split the task into constituent parts and then attack them individually while sharing notes. This fairly horizontal process was then complemented by the more vertical process of converting complex simulations into a series of operations that could be performed on a mechanical calculator.

To return to Plato’s model of the soul, mentioned in Chapter 1, what was required wasn’t just logos (reason) but also thymos (spirit). 182 Apollo was, for many, the peak of human accomplishment—a triumphant symbol of the drive to conquer infinite frontiers. It was a radical but concrete vision that inspired and reinforced the enthusiasm, commitment, and risk tolerance of all involved. The goal was straightforward: to put a man on the Moon.

Eventually, as some fear and others hope, the super-exponential growth in compute could result in the Singularity, or the moment when machines transcend human intelligence. 199 If the Singularity does arrive, it will be traceable back to the Eagle, the lunar landing module’s onboard computer. In the mid-1960s, the only demand for integrated circuits that Moore identified in his paper was “Apollo, for manned Moon flight.” 200 By 1969, however, the year Neil Armstrong and Buzz Aldrin walked on the lunar surface, the market for computer chips was 80 times larger than it had been in 1962.

writer Robert Heinlein put it shortly after the Moon landing, Apollo’s success was “the greatest event in all the history of the human race up to this time.” 203 The symbolic meaning of the program’s end shouldn’t be underestimated. Apollo was nothing less than an instance of the technological sublime. The Apollo 11 mission, and the technological mastery a successful Moon landing represented, elicited a cross-cultural spiritual reaction. Images from the mission were “surrounded with the aura of religion,” 204 from the silvery Saturn V rocket, which towered against the darkness of space before it lifted off and sent the first humans to another world, to the Apollo 8 crew’s reading from the Book of Genesis on Christmas Eve 1968, to Armstrong’s footprints on the lunar surface. In the 20th century, the experience of the technological sublime was a recurrent phenomenon in America—think of the interstate highway system, the Hoover Dam, the Manhattan skyline, the atomic bomb, the jet airplane, or the Golden Gate Bridge.

In the late 1960s, visionaries like von Braun predicted that Apollo would promptly usher in reusable spacecrafts, lunar colonies, manned missions to Mars, and space-based industries. 205 Today, Apollo has become an icon of nostalgic futurism—an artifact of a past in which the future was expected to be radically different from the present. If we want to understand and recover the symbolic meaning of Apollo, and the Promethean ethos that underlies it, we shouldn’t focus on its minor material spillovers, like the popularization of Teflon, Tang, and Velcro.

Instead, we need to compare the Saturn V rocket, which carried the first humans to another heavenly body, to the monuments of past civilizations.

The Allies did not just race Germany to develop a bomb. They also sabotaged German efforts by, for instance, raiding the Vemork hydroelectric facility in Nazi-occupied Norway. The power plant was Europe’s largest source of so-called heavy water, a necessary input to atomic weapons research. (Heavy water is rich in deuterium, a hydrogen ion containing a neutron that doubles the mass of an ordinary hydrogen atom.) The Allies even sent Moe Berg, a professional baseball player turned spy, to Switzerland to listen to a lecture by German physicist Werner Heisenberg to determine whether it sounded like Germany would be able to develop the bomb before the end of the war. If the answer was yes, he was to assassinate Heisenberg.

The same holds true when applied to organizations, academic fields, and industries. When an organization or field is growing fast, young people join, the average age remains low, and the pace of advancement is high. When organizations and fields peak in importance and popularity, recruiting slows substantially, pushing the average age—as well as organizational risk aversion—upward. This is another bubble dynamic, and physics was in the early stages of that bubble when the Manhattan Project ramped up. The youthful, hungry team took numerous risks, from testing out entirely new bomb designs to performing their first test detonation before they’d definitively concluded that the bomb would not ignite a fire in the upper atmosphere.

Charles Dickens has a nice line about the importance of having a long financial runway: “Annual income twenty pounds, annual expenditure nineteen and six, result happiness. Annual income twenty pounds, annual expenditure twenty pounds ought and six, result misery.” The same dynamic applies to companies and governments when it comes to growth.

Borgias, and other ruthless types can satisfy their ambition by participating in positive-sum games. Indeed, there is a strong, empirically documented relationship between a zero-sum mindset and the economic environment: The more adverse the economic environment, the less positive-sum the thinking becomes. 151 Scarcity thinking kicks off a self-reinforcing doom loop, which results in more scarcity.

Initially, Moore and Noyce wanted to name the company after themselves and flipped a coin to decide whose name would go first. However, realizing that “Moore-Noyce” sounded like “more noise”—a poor omen for a business that would sell components for precision instruments—they opted for the vaguer “Intel.

By the mid-1970s, chips were revolutionizing existing products and enabling unique use cases for NASA and the military. Jay Last, a member of the traitorous eight, called them “the vitamins of the entire industrial system,” 225 while commentators in Japan referred to them as “the rice of industry.” 226 But the true impact of the chip would only occur with the arrival of a new Intel product that would set the industry’s course for the next five decades.

Texas Instruments partnered with a company called Industrial Development Engineering Associates (IDEA) to produce the first commercial transistor radio in 1954. Soon after, Sony persuaded Japan’s powerful Ministry of Trade and Industry to let it invest $25,000 in a transistor license so the company could build its own transistor radios. First-year sales for the Texas Instruments/IDEA transistor radio were a disappointment. As a result, neither company was anxious to pursue the project further. However, because Sony faced a greater amount of existential risk—it had the attention of Japan’s powerful industrial planners, who would be anxious to see a return on the investment in a license—the company worked harder to sell the radios, which became a breakout export product. Although Texas Instruments didn’t directly profit from the radio, the product was a gateway to a much larger payoff.

This is a common feature of new technologies. The initial killer app may have little to do with the ultimate use case, but it provides enough demand to scale production (and convince the creators they’re on to something). The first use case for the steam engine, for example, was pumping water out of flooded mines, not transportation. The early model for the automobile and personal computer industries was hobbyists, who weren’t looking for a practical device but something that was fun to use. Airlines in the 1920s made their money hauling mail for the US government, not passengers or other forms of freight.

But even if its long-predicted demise finally comes to pass—if the computing advancements of the future are instead the result of novel hardware architectures and paradigms—the legacy of Moore’s law will endure. In a very real sense, Moore’s prediction helped create the future it imagined.

In the summer of 1958, Jack Kilby, a talented engineer at Texas Instruments, embarked on a one-man mission to reliably produce transistorized components at scale. He had joined Texas Instruments in May and hadn’t earned many vacation days, so instead of taking August off like the rest of his colleagues, he researched the problem. He hit upon his solution while reading about a failed dental appliance that used sand to blast away decayed teeth.

The Limits to Growth, a report commissioned by the Club of Rome in 1972, ran a more complicated set of extrapolations, projecting sudden declines in industrial output in the early 2000s, followed—again—by poverty and starvation. But one shining exception to the general rule against graphing recent historical data into the future is Gordon Moore’s 1965 paper, “Cramming More Components Onto Integrated Circuits.” Moore looked at the transistor density of four recent chips released in the prior three years and observed that it had doubled every year. He argued that this trend could continue for at least the next 10 years. A decade later, he revised his prediction, speculating that chip density would continue to double every two years.

TSMC’s approach borrowed some elements from the Fairchild model. While TSMC didn’t design chips, it did recognize that making chip design easier would be a competitive advantage, so TSMC worked closely with chip designers to ensure there was plenty of demand for its foundries. The company also strove to commoditize the design business—if there were more companies inventing new chips and fewer companies manufacturing them, they reasoned, the manufacturers would be able to set their own price. TSMC’s strategy effectively redefined the market, creating a separation between the capital-intensive business of fabricating chips and the more asset-light business of designing them, a model that was ultimately embraced even by Intel. Today, the industry comprises a complex supply chain, in which multiple companies at multiple steps operate at the frontier of what’s physically possible.

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