Fonzie Quotes

You kidding? So many preservatives in these things, I'll live forever.

Right now I am thinking of writing another cookbook. All cookbooks have a gimmick, and mine will be that it contains recipes that I have invented and named after famous people. Some of them are: Brisket of Brynner (very lean meat) Carson Casserole (it's got everything on it) Barbecued Walters Marinated Maude Roasted Rhoda King King Curry (it will feed about eight thousand people) Fricassee of Fonzi Pickled Rickles Raquel Relish Leftovers à la Gabors

How do we defeat victory?" Piper wondered. "Sounds like one of those impossible riddles." "Like making stones fly," Leo said, "or eating only one Fonzie." He popped a handful into his mouth. Hazel wrinkled her nose. "That stuff is going to kill you." "You kidding? So many preservatives in these things, I’ll live forever.

My heart beat faster because I didn’t know what I would see or read, and I knew Luke might be in there, and I didn’t want to imagine or to confirm anything bad about him. I scanned the right margin, where all the names or aliases of the room’s members were listed. Weird-looking names, most of which made no sense to me. And then I spotted Fonzie at the bottom.

Moby Dick was a helluva lot more than just a fish in the ocean.”)

I kept thinking of what Vincent Salandria had told me more than three years before: “They’ll keep you very, very busy and eventually they’ll wear you down.

after the Committee had scuttled former Chief Counsel Dick Sprague, that he’d be crazy to take the job. “I told him,” said Wolf, “that it was like the owners of the Titanic giving a guy a call and saying, ‘Hey, our ship is sinking, we need a new captain.

Her family, she said, has come to accept the fact that they must live with danger, but they have refused to live with fear. Fear is the mind killer. Her family, she said, has chosen to live with pride.

My American friends never understood the politics or the violence that comes with Latin politics,” she wrote. “To this day I have not been able to explain, but only to describe, the passion Cubans feel for the freedom that’s taken for granted in this country.

she said, and has come to accept what she termed “the aberrations from normal life.” “But fear?” she wrote. “Never. The fear we know, if it can be rightly called that, is the fear many others are not fortunate enough to experience

I fear that we may have forgotten why we are here. “I fear that we have grown complacent and smug. “I fear the satisfaction that comes from having three cars in the driveway and a chicken in every pot, and knowing we can say what we damn well please without valuing that freedom. “That’s what I fear.

Veciana showed me the bullet holes with a sense of wonderment. “It’s funny I’m still alive, isn’t it?” There was a touch of bemusement in his tone, but absolutely no note of fear.

Said G.R. to us, the guilt is Lee’s so prove it. It’s as if he always knew, and we won’t forget What he did to us, what is hid from view. Gone, truth is ever gone. As we travel on, that’s what we’ll remember. Kiss the hill goodbye and give me, please, no byline. He did what he wished to do. Won’t forget, will regret what we could not do, What was done to us, what is hid from view. Truth, truth is over wrung. As we travel on, that’s what we’ll remember. Kiss it all goodbye and give us not a mention, Bob gets the attention. So we all are shafted through. . .Won’t forget, will regret What we did for Lou, what was done to us, and they’ll kid you, too.

He never considered the Kennedy assassination as a pivotal event in American history or as a possible manifestation of the iniquities within the very institutions he was so bent on protecting.

He never considered using his position to demonstrate a loyalty to higher principles.

Yet the Committee’s decision to impeach both Veciana’s and Phillips’s testimony also impeaches its own conclusions in a key area of evidence. And that, concurrently, undermines its entire final report. And the last investigation.

To sum up. This report has serious shortcomings. It pulls its punches. It insinuates much about the Mob and JFK’s death which it then says it doesn’t really mean. It is alternately confused and dogmatic on the subject of Oswald’s motive. It tells us it could not see all the way into the heart of CIA or FBI darkness, yet assures us that we are secure.

The notion that somehow people outside of Washington can come into Washington and do great and noble things in Washington without understanding the place, is just nonsense.

Antonio Veciana reveals to Schweiker Subcommittee investigator Fonzi that a CIA masterspy named Maurice Bishop was his secret control officer, initiated the founding of Alpha 66, instigated two Castro assassination plots, and planned anti-Castro raids during the Cuban missile crisis in an attempt to embarrass President Kennedy and provoke Cuban or Russian retaliation that would spark a major U.S. reaction. Veciana also reveals he saw Bishop with Lee Harvey Oswald. After years of sworn denials by the Agency, it is the first evidence that the CIA was directly involved with Oswald.

The operative word was “definite.” There was a huge amount of circumstantial evidence which I felt proved beyond a reasonable doubt that David Atlee Phillips was Maurice Bishop.

How could the Committee reach such a conclusion without calling for a deeper and more forceful investigation of the Central Intelligence Agency?

Second, Veciana would not supply proof of the $253,000 payment from Bishop, claiming fear of the Internal Revenue Service.

The Committee had to conclude that both Veciana and Phillips were liars. Any other conclusion would have opened doors that the Committee did not want to open; would have questioned the validity of the Committee’s entire relationship with the CIA; would have raised ominous doubts about the worth of the Agency’s promise to cooperate with the Committee; would have made suspect the Agency’s veracity in responding to questions, in making documents available and in providing access to all its files; and would have challenged the Agency’s claim of having had no association with Lee Harvey Oswald and no knowledge of the circumstances of Kennedy’s assassination.

I will always remember what she said to me when I told her the Committee had changed its mind about permitting her to tell her story publicly, to the American people. Her words echo in my mind, a soft shroud covering the years of my investigative sojourn through the labyrinth of the Kennedy assassination: “We lost,” she said. “We all lost.

So, again, our Government slapped the American people in the face. We have been slapped in the face over and over again and we still deny it is happening to us. Why?

It is so important to understand that one of the primary means of immobilizing the American people politically today is to hold them in a state of confusion in which anything can be believed but nothing can be known, nothing of significance that is.

And the American people are more than willing to be held in this state because to KNOW the truth—as opposed to only BELIEVE the truth—is to face an awful terror and to be no longer able to evade

Today most Americans BELIEVE there was a conspiracy to kill President Kennedy, but they don’t KNOW it. They don’t want to KNOW it—and our Government doesn’t want to KNOW it and our elected representatives don’t want to KNOW it because KNOWING it would mean having to do something about it. That’s an awesome thought.

But perhaps we all might find it easier to come to KNOW it, and to face that awesome thought, if we constantly reminded ourselves that on November 22nd, 1963, a man’s life ended in Dallas. A man’s life ended.

It is precisely in moving from belief to knowledge that the citizen moves from irresponsibility to responsibility, from helplessness and hopelessness to action, with the ultimate aim of being empowered and confident in one’s rational powers.

As the thirtieth anniversary of the assassination of President John F. Cennedy descends on us,” she said, “I am much concerned that we are on the threshold of a failure from which there will be no forgiveness. “We must win this struggle for truth . . . and do so quickly, lest the assas—ination of President Kennedy flounder on some remote shoulder of highway, in a century whose history is on the way to the printer.

Edward Korry reveals to the Church Senate Intelligence Committee his opposition to the CIA’s role in overthrowing Allende: “The CIA is amoral. . . . It could operate behind my back, not merely with the president of the United States, but with Chileans. . . . In that sense, the CIA could be an ‘invisible’ government.

Kiss two years goodbye, the sweetness, no! the sorrow. Wish us luck, the same to you, But we will regret what we could not do, what is hid from view.

Okonomiyaki, meanwhile, is to American pancakes what Japanese wrestling is to American wrestling. The basic batter contains flour and water, grated nagaimo (that big slimy yam again), eggs, and diced cabbage. You then augment this base by ordering little bits and nibbles a la carte to be added to the batter. We could not figure out the ordering system, but we listed off ingredients we liked and ended up with two pancakes' worth of batter teeming with squid, octopus, sliced negi, and pickled ginger. The waiter dropped off a big bowl of unmixed pancake fixings and a couple of spatulas and assumed we would know how to do the rest. Every time we did something wrong, he sucked in his breath (a very common sound in Japan, at least in my presence) and intervened. Every time we did something right, he gave the thumbs-up and a Fonzie-like grunt of approval. Now that I've cooked two okonomiyaki and am certified by the Vera Okonomiyaki Napoletana Association, I can tell you how it's done. If your okonomiyaki has a large featured ingredient like strips of pork belly, set it aside to go on top; don't mix it in. Stir everything else together really well. Pour some oil onto the griddle and smooth it out into a thin film with a spatula. Dump the batter onto the griddle and shape it into a pancake about 1/2 to 3/4 inch thick. If you have pork strips, lay them over the top now like you're making bacon-wrapped meatloaf. Now wait. And wait. And wait. If little bits of egg seep out around the edge of your pancake, coax them back in. It takes at least five minutes to cook the first side of an okonomiyaki. Maybe ten. Maybe thirty. If you're not hungry enough to drink a tureen of raw batter, it's not ready. Finally, when it's brown on the bottom, slide two spatulas underneath and flip with confidence. Now wait again. When the center is set and the meat is crispy, cut it into wedges and serve with okonomiyaki sauce, mayo, nori, and fish flakes. If you haven't had okonomiyaki sauce, it's a lot like takoyaki sauce. Sorry, just kidding around. It's a lot like tonkatsu sauce.

Eleanor didn't know the first thing about kissing. Of course, she'd watched a million kisses on TV (thank you, Fonzie), but TV never showed you the mechanics of it. If Eleanor tired to kiss Park it would be like a realise version of some little girl making her Barbie kiss Ken. Just smashing their faces together.

The security team there was unprepared and Henry and Donny were trapped at one point, separated from their limousine by an unregulated mass of humanity. Crisis was averted only when Henry put on his Fonzie voice to address the crowd, "I want to tell you something now." He said, "You're going to part like the red sea." He snapped his fingers, the same way he did on the show to summon chicks. The crowd obediently opened up a pathway to the car. When all four of us met up in Philadelphia, Hansen and I got a sense of how intense Fonzie-mania had already become.

Congressional public hearings are not for the public but for Congress. They are designed to provide the Committee members with as much exposure as possible, and give the public the impression that its Congressmen are serious about what they’re doing and that they have not been squandering the taxpayer’s money. Hearings are primarily designed, in other words, to be politically rewarding.

It has been suggested that Nixon’s antidrug campaign was, in actuality, a bid to establish his own intelligence network. It has also been suggested that it was exactly that bid which brought the sucker setup that was Watergate and Nixon’s political assassination.

Aren’t you proud that you know how to use a dial phone? That you lived a whole, full life without a digital device in your pocket? You remember who Gilligan is! You watched Fonzie jump the shark! You remember when coming in second place was still awesome. You know how to use a phone book and roll down a window manually. You probably drove a stick shift. As a kid, you played outside all day until dinner. You lived in a time when you could walk your loved ones all the way to the gate in an airport. The guy who sang your favorite song on the radio wasn’t also a model. You know what “Where’s the beef?” means and remember when everyone ate Hamburger Helper. You watched Jaws at the drive-in. We have seen a lot. We survived Aqua Net. We were the last generation of children to ride in a car without seat belts! And there’s nothing shameful in saying that.

The low point occurred in July, during Romney’s junior week abroad, in which the press became increasingly frustrated over Romney’s refusal to talk to them. It came to a head in Warsaw during a visit by Romney to the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier there. As the former governor walked to his car, reporters shouted questions at him about his earlier mishaps. “Kiss my ass,” admonished Romney’s traveling press aide, Rick Gorka. “Show some respect. This is a holy site for the Polish people.” Channeling Fonzie, Gorka also instructed Jonathan Martin of Politico to “shove it.” Some in the political echo-system treated this as a major international incident, a skirmish between weary but still potent superpowers—the press, the Romney campaign—that conjured Cold War–like tensions. After Gorka’s unsacred words raced around the world, the jackals rechristened the Polish holy site “Gorka Park.” Ryan, on the other

I’m mildly lactose intolerant, so a milkshake isn’t a great idea. Although I did once have a really intense sex dream about sharing a milkshake with Chachi after my mom made me binge watch Happy Days with her. So consequently, milkshakes have the potential to give me both diarrhea and orgasms. Which is the worst combination imaginable.” Shit. Maybe he didn’t hear anything I said just now. After staring at me for about infinity seconds, he finally deadpans, “Well, I’m more of a Fonzie, so it doesn’t sound like you could handle it.

the rise of dictatorships always corresponded to the abdication of interest in governmental function and that free access to information about its function was necessary to maintain that interest.

Thus, before an objective evaluation of the facts concerning the assassination of President Kennedy ever got under way, it was decided that four of the six areas of investigation should concern themselves with Lee Harvey Oswald.

The Commission decided that the order of the hits and the miss was irrelevant and made no determination of the sequence.

Specter and the Commission had a fixed mission: to prove that a lone gunman committed the assassination.

Don’t you think that the men who killed Kennedy had the means to do it in the most sophisticated and subtle way? They chose not to. Instead, they picked the shooting gallery that was Dealey Plaza and did it in the most barbarous and openly arrogant manner.

The forces that killed Kennedy wanted the message clear: ‘We are in control and no one—not the President, nor Congress, nor any elected official—no one can do anything about it.’ It was a message to the people that their Government was powerless. And the people eventually got the message. Consider what has happened since the Kennedy assassination. People see government today as unresponsive to their needs, yet the budget and power of the military and intelligence establishment have increased tremendously.

The tyranny of power is here. Current events tell us that those who killed Kennedy can only perpetuate their power by promoting social upheaval both at home and abroad. And that will lead not to revolution but to repression.

how the FBI abused its power by harassing dissident political groups and conducting illegal investigations; how the CIA, Army Intelligence and the National Security Agency were involved in domestic snooping; and how the intelligence agencies had planned assassination attempts on foreign leaders.

Castro had told a reporter just several weeks before Kennedy’s assassination that if the United States tried to eliminate Cuban leaders, then the U.S. leaders themselves would be in danger.

Dulles bluntly told his fellow members that J. Edgar Hoover would probably lie if called to testify.

And if the reasons for the collapse at the Bay of Pigs had not been covered up . . . the CIA might perhaps have been curbed, and the country could have been spared the intelligence scandals of the 1970s, the revelations of a government agency routinely, daily, committing unconstitutional acts against its own citizens in its own country.

What the Bay of Pigs plan provided was the historic opportunity for the CIA to begin domestic field operations on an unprecedented scale. For instance, the CIA’s presence in Miami grew to overwhelming dimensions. The Agency’s officers, contract agents, informants and contacts reached into almost every area of the community.

One factor that led the Central Intelligence Agency to believe it could topple Castro was its success in Guatemala in 1954. Using a force of only 150 exiles and a handful of World War II P-47 fighters flown by American contract pilots, the CIA brought down the legally elected government of Socialist President Jacobo Arbenz in less than a week, firing hardly a shot, and installed the Agency’s handpicked leader, Carlos Castillo Armas.

in those days, it was hard to tell where the CIA left off and Life began

why I called the Bay of Pigs a failure,” St. George wrote in Harper’s, “I would have said something like this: It was a military formula applied to an essentially political problem. It was an inevitable failure.

The discredited approach of applying military solutions to political problems, this failed formula we expected President Kennedy to junk with contempt, was instead polished up and adopted as the . . . essential strategy of the Kennedy Administration

Within a year of the Bay of Pigs, the CIA curiously and inexplicably began to grow, to branch out, to gather more and more responsibility for the ‘Cuban problem

President Kennedy set up, under the guidance of his brother Robert, a multiagency coordinating panel called Special Group Augmented (SGA) to supervise a massive covert program to overthrow Castro’s government.

With the CIA providing financing and lessons in sabotage, explosives, weapons, survival, ambushes, communications and logistics, the missions to Cuba began escalating in both frequency and scale.

It needed the Agency to make special arrangements with U.S. Customs, Immigration and the Coast Guard because the missions were technically illegal under the Neutrality Act.

Whether the exile leaders acknowledged it or not, the Agency was pulling all the strings.

In giving the CIA new life, immense funding, and incredible power and influence to conduct effective large-scale secret operations, Kennedy had created a force over which he could not maintain control.

As long as I was working for Congress, I could never again ask for anyone’s implicit trust. A hell of a way to have to work.

he called together his closest associates on the staff and gave us these final words of advice: “The one thing you have to remember about this town is to stick together and watch your ass.

You want to hear something ironic?” he said. “My last meeting with Bobby Kennedy was on November 22nd, 1963. He was running late for a luncheon appointment and had to hurry off. He said we’d finish up when he returned. He never returned. At lunch he got word of his brother’s death in Dallas.

It was obvious that he knew how to take over an operation because the first thing he did when he arrived was nothing. That, as they tell you in the military, is exactly what a new commander should do when he is assigned a unit: Do nothing but walk around, look around, listen carefully and ask questions.

It was obvious that he knew how to take over an operation because the first thing he did when he arrived was nothing. That, as they tell you in the military, is exactly what a new commander should do when he is assigned a unit: Do nothing but walk around, look around, listen carefully and ask questions. Then you’ll know how to move for control quickly and firmly.

Questioned by investigator Fonzi, he admitted there was conflicting evidence that “gave us a lot of concern.” Specter’s inability to resolve the contradictions led Fonzi to his initial surmise of a conspiracy.

he called for an unrestricted investigation and refused to play the Washington political game. Within six months, he was forced to resign. “But when I looked back at what happened,” he later said, “it suddenly became very clear that the problems began only after I ran up against the CIA.

Citizens Committee to F Cuba,

Attached hereto is copy of House Resolution 222. Please familiarize yourself with this document.

Although I recognized that there was a point to this and, in fact, felt the staff was in dire need of organizational control, it bothered me.

On my official first day I sent to Washington a list of witnesses I planned to interview and noted those I thought should testify under oath. William Pawley was near the top of that list. Exactly one week later, William Pawley, in bed in his mansion on Miami Beach with a nervous ailment, put a gun to his chest and committed suicide.

Sometime in the early Fifties, St. George points out, assassination became an instrument of U.S. national policy: “It also became an important branch of our invisible government, a sizable business, and a separate technology involving weapons and devices the ordinary taxpayer paid billions for but was never permitted to see, except perhaps in the technicolor fantasies of James Bond flicks.

bombers were being withdrawn by the Soviets and that progress was being made on the withdrawal of offensive missiles. In return, Kennedy said, he gave the Soviets and the Cubans a “no invasion” pledge.

Bringuier later debated Oswald on a local radio program where, led on by the right—wing talk show host, Oswald admitted he had lived in Russia and declared he was a Marxist. A recording of that program was nationally disseminated immediately after the Kennedy assassination.

Also in the files were fake passports, diaries and notes which would be planted in one of the assassin’s hotel rooms to prove his contacts with the agents.

Later, when Kennedy went to a special conference in Central America to rally support for his Cuba policy, Alpha 66 deliberately created an international incident by attacking a Soviet freighter in the Cuban port of Isabela de Sagua.

What I didn’t realize then was that once something is thrown into the political hopper that is the Federal bureaucracy, its ultimate use is dictated by political ends.)

the President stumbled when responding to a question about whether or not the United States was still aiding the exiles: “We may well be . . . well, none that I am familiar with. . . . I don’t think as of today that we are.

Clare Boothe Luce was on the Board of Directors of the Association of Former Intelligence Officers. Interestingly, that organization was formed in 1975 as an “independent” voice to defend the CIA against its critics.

So, especially in the beginning, he had the rough job of keeping his men busy in Washington. Accustomed to being on the street, they got itchy inside. But since only one or two had any background familiarity with the Kennedy case, Fenton suggested they spend their time reading the shelves of books that had been written on the subject, mostly by Warren Commission critics. It was, however, a case of the blind leading the blind. One of the more popular books circulating around the office was a large, softcover volume by Texans Gary Shaw and Larry Harris called Cover-Up. It had a lot of pictures in it.

Our Government governs by the consent of all the people, not by a small group with the power and resources to impose

If we are truly living in the land of the free and the home of the brave, we’d better damn well prove it now.

all the other issues, cannot eclipse the ultimate violation of the rights of citizens in a democracy designed for the people. . . . If we are truly living in the land of the free and the home of the brave, we’d better damn well prove it now. . . .

It does make a difference. A President of the United States was assassinated three decades ago and our Government still tells us it doesn’t know what really happened.

The assassination of President Kennedy was a blatant affront to each and every one of us who believes that we, as individuals, should have some control over who governs us and how we are governed.

The fact is, we know an effective democracy demands a populace ready, willing and able to get riled enough to pressure its elected officials into doing their duty in spite of themselves.

Sylvia Meagher, writing in a small magazine called Minority of One, had this to say about the Warren Commission: “There are no heroes in this piece, only men who collaborated actively or passively—willfully or self-deludedly—in dirty work that does violence to the elementary concept of justice and affronts normal intelligence

Yet when they were written in 1967—more than three years after the Warren Commission Report was released—most Americans still had no idea what she was talking about.

the Warren Commission’s work exhibited “a high degree of negligence,” and that its performance was “inept and undeserving of public confidence.

When Martino was released, he wrote a book titled I Was Castro’s Prisoner, published in August, 1963. His collaborator on the book was Nathaniel Weyl, author of Red Star Over Cuba, who worked with Frank Sturgis after the Kennedy assassination pushing stories about Oswald in Miami. Weyl was also a member of the Citizens Committee to Free Cuba.

Phillips was handling the propaganda desk for the Bay of Pigs operation and, as such,was in constant contact with friendly media types, there was a reporter on the Miami News named Hal Hendrix, whose coverage of the invasion seemed to be deeper and more detailed than any other journalist’s, local or national.

coup that toppled Juan Bosch, the leftist president of the Dominican Republic. If Hendrix’s report didn’t come from inside sources, it was an amazing display of clairvoyance—the coup didn’t take place until the following day. Hendrix’s close ties with the CIA were so apparent that, according to one staffer, he was sometimes referred to in Scripps-Howard’s Washington office as “The Spook.

the Warren Commission, eager to squelch any evidence that Ruby’s shooting of Oswald wasn’t spontaneous, concluded that Kantor was mistaken.)

Kantor was too busy with what he was hastily scribbling to bother asking Hendrix where he had gotten the information—or how he had gotten it so soon after Oswald had been arrested and connected to the assassination.

When the Warren Commission published its volumes of evidence it included a document listing the FBI’s checks of telephone calls Kantor had made that day. The document, however, was based on an FBI report that was not released. Listed in the original FBI report, but not in the document published in the Warren Commission’s volumes of evidence, was Kantor’s call to Hal Hendrix. Why had that call to Hendrix been purged?

Phillips loved being on the operational end of the dirty-tricks business, playing the covert-action games, surreptitiously spinning hidden wheels to orchestrate the series of “coincidences” which would bring about a particular counterintelligence objective

so successfully setting up a top Cuban intelligence officer in Mexico City that Castro was led to believe that the man was involved in private illegal activity and recalled him to Cuba.