Fonzie Quotes

You kidding? So many preservatives in these things, I'll live forever.

Right now I am thinking of writing another cookbook. All cookbooks have a gimmick, and mine will be that it contains recipes that I have invented and named after famous people. Some of them are: Brisket of Brynner (very lean meat) Carson Casserole (it's got everything on it) Barbecued Walters Marinated Maude Roasted Rhoda King King Curry (it will feed about eight thousand people) Fricassee of Fonzi Pickled Rickles Raquel Relish Leftovers à la Gabors

How do we defeat victory?" Piper wondered. "Sounds like one of those impossible riddles." "Like making stones fly," Leo said, "or eating only one Fonzie." He popped a handful into his mouth. Hazel wrinkled her nose. "That stuff is going to kill you." "You kidding? So many preservatives in these things, I’ll live forever.

My heart beat faster because I didn’t know what I would see or read, and I knew Luke might be in there, and I didn’t want to imagine or to confirm anything bad about him. I scanned the right margin, where all the names or aliases of the room’s members were listed. Weird-looking names, most of which made no sense to me. And then I spotted Fonzie at the bottom.

Moby Dick was a helluva lot more than just a fish in the ocean.”)

The low point occurred in July, during Romney’s junior week abroad, in which the press became increasingly frustrated over Romney’s refusal to talk to them. It came to a head in Warsaw during a visit by Romney to the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier there. As the former governor walked to his car, reporters shouted questions at him about his earlier mishaps. “Kiss my ass,” admonished Romney’s traveling press aide, Rick Gorka. “Show some respect. This is a holy site for the Polish people.” Channeling Fonzie, Gorka also instructed Jonathan Martin of Politico to “shove it.” Some in the political echo-system treated this as a major international incident, a skirmish between weary but still potent superpowers—the press, the Romney campaign—that conjured Cold War–like tensions. After Gorka’s unsacred words raced around the world, the jackals rechristened the Polish holy site “Gorka Park.” Ryan, on the other

Under such a propaganda barrage, the Arbenz government fled the country before many real bullets could fly. Phillips later termed the technique, which he would use again, “the big lie.

How do we defeat victory?’ Piper wondered. ‘Sounds like one of those impossible riddles.’ ‘Like making stones fly,’ Leo said, ‘or eating only one Fonzie.’ He popped a handful into his mouth. Hazel wrinkled her nose. ‘That stuff is going to kill you.’ ‘You kidding? So many preservatives in these things, I’ll live forever.

Congressional public hearings are not for the public but for Congress. They are designed to provide the Committee members with as much exposure as possible, and give the public the impression that its Congressmen are serious about what they’re doing and that they have not been squandering the taxpayer’s money. Hearings are primarily designed, in other words, to be politically rewarding.

It has been suggested that Nixon’s antidrug campaign was, in actuality, a bid to establish his own intelligence network. It has also been suggested that it was exactly that bid which brought the sucker setup that was Watergate and Nixon’s political assassination.

I’m mildly lactose intolerant, so a milkshake isn’t a great idea. Although I did once have a really intense sex dream about sharing a milkshake with Chachi after my mom made me binge watch Happy Days with her. So consequently, milkshakes have the potential to give me both diarrhea and orgasms. Which is the worst combination imaginable.” Shit. Maybe he didn’t hear anything I said just now. After staring at me for about infinity seconds, he finally deadpans, “Well, I’m more of a Fonzie, so it doesn’t sound like you could handle it.

The security team there was unprepared and Henry and Donny were trapped at one point, separated from their limousine by an unregulated mass of humanity. Crisis was averted only when Henry put on his Fonzie voice to address the crowd, "I want to tell you something now." He said, "You're going to part like the red sea." He snapped his fingers, the same way he did on the show to summon chicks. The crowd obediently opened up a pathway to the car. When all four of us met up in Philadelphia, Hansen and I got a sense of how intense Fonzie-mania had already become.

Eleanor didn't know the first thing about kissing. Of course, she'd watched a million kisses on TV (thank you, Fonzie), but TV never showed you the mechanics of it. If Eleanor tired to kiss Park it would be like a realise version of some little girl making her Barbie kiss Ken. Just smashing their faces together.

Okonomiyaki, meanwhile, is to American pancakes what Japanese wrestling is to American wrestling. The basic batter contains flour and water, grated nagaimo (that big slimy yam again), eggs, and diced cabbage. You then augment this base by ordering little bits and nibbles a la carte to be added to the batter. We could not figure out the ordering system, but we listed off ingredients we liked and ended up with two pancakes' worth of batter teeming with squid, octopus, sliced negi, and pickled ginger. The waiter dropped off a big bowl of unmixed pancake fixings and a couple of spatulas and assumed we would know how to do the rest. Every time we did something wrong, he sucked in his breath (a very common sound in Japan, at least in my presence) and intervened. Every time we did something right, he gave the thumbs-up and a Fonzie-like grunt of approval. Now that I've cooked two okonomiyaki and am certified by the Vera Okonomiyaki Napoletana Association, I can tell you how it's done. If your okonomiyaki has a large featured ingredient like strips of pork belly, set it aside to go on top; don't mix it in. Stir everything else together really well. Pour some oil onto the griddle and smooth it out into a thin film with a spatula. Dump the batter onto the griddle and shape it into a pancake about 1/2 to 3/4 inch thick. If you have pork strips, lay them over the top now like you're making bacon-wrapped meatloaf. Now wait. And wait. And wait. If little bits of egg seep out around the edge of your pancake, coax them back in. It takes at least five minutes to cook the first side of an okonomiyaki. Maybe ten. Maybe thirty. If you're not hungry enough to drink a tureen of raw batter, it's not ready. Finally, when it's brown on the bottom, slide two spatulas underneath and flip with confidence. Now wait again. When the center is set and the meat is crispy, cut it into wedges and serve with okonomiyaki sauce, mayo, nori, and fish flakes. If you haven't had okonomiyaki sauce, it's a lot like takoyaki sauce. Sorry, just kidding around. It's a lot like tonkatsu sauce.

When Martino was released, he wrote a book titled I Was Castro’s Prisoner, published in August, 1963. His collaborator on the book was Nathaniel Weyl, author of Red Star Over Cuba, who worked with Frank Sturgis after the Kennedy assassination pushing stories about Oswald in Miami. Weyl was also a member of the Citizens Committee to Free Cuba.

Phillips was handling the propaganda desk for the Bay of Pigs operation and, as such,was in constant contact with friendly media types, there was a reporter on the Miami News named Hal Hendrix, whose coverage of the invasion seemed to be deeper and more detailed than any other journalist’s, local or national.

coup that toppled Juan Bosch, the leftist president of the Dominican Republic. If Hendrix’s report didn’t come from inside sources, it was an amazing display of clairvoyance—the coup didn’t take place until the following day. Hendrix’s close ties with the CIA were so apparent that, according to one staffer, he was sometimes referred to in Scripps-Howard’s Washington office as “The Spook.

the Warren Commission, eager to squelch any evidence that Ruby’s shooting of Oswald wasn’t spontaneous, concluded that Kantor was mistaken.)

Kantor was too busy with what he was hastily scribbling to bother asking Hendrix where he had gotten the information—or how he had gotten it so soon after Oswald had been arrested and connected to the assassination.

When the Warren Commission published its volumes of evidence it included a document listing the FBI’s checks of telephone calls Kantor had made that day. The document, however, was based on an FBI report that was not released. Listed in the original FBI report, but not in the document published in the Warren Commission’s volumes of evidence, was Kantor’s call to Hal Hendrix. Why had that call to Hendrix been purged?

Phillips loved being on the operational end of the dirty-tricks business, playing the covert-action games, surreptitiously spinning hidden wheels to orchestrate the series of “coincidences” which would bring about a particular counterintelligence objective

so successfully setting up a top Cuban intelligence officer in Mexico City that Castro was led to believe that the man was involved in private illegal activity and recalled him to Cuba.

Although he was in key positions of responsibility at the time, Phillips claims he wasn’t in the loop on a couple of the Agency’s most infamous operations. This former Chief of Cuban Operations says, for instance, that he was never told about the CIA’s relationship with the Mafia or their partnership in Castro assassination attempts.

Phillips was the supreme adventurer, one of a crowd of grandstanders who got into this goddamn CIA and once they got in they found out that in America, the grandstanding country, they could actually play to the galleries. And they’ve got away with it.

David Phillips should have been dropped off the line in Mexico but he got under the protection of Des FitzGerald *and reached that certain point. Now once you reach that certain point, you can almost do no wrong because you’ve got too much guilty knowledge inside your head.

the CIA, having held the operation very close to its vest and, therefore, having been totally responsible for its failure, was, retroactively, trying to cover its ass by attempting to diffuse the blame among all the military services

I had no personal day-to-day open relationship with him. Phillips, yes; Bishop, no. I knew them both.

In answering questions about Maurice Bishop, he repeatedly mentioned David Phillips’s name in the same sentence. Henry wanted us very much to know that, yes, he knew Maurice Bishop and he knew David Phillips and they were two different individuals.

Do you know or did you know Maurice Bishop? A: Yes. Q: Was he an Agency employee? A: I believe so. Q: Do you know what his duties were in 1963? A: No. Q: For instance, do you know whether Maurice Bishop worked in the Western Hemisphere Division or whether he worked in some other division of the CIA? A: I do not know. I do not recall. I knew at the time but I do not recall. Q: Do you know whether Maurice Bishop used any pseudonyms? A: No, I do not know that.

I got the impression he just somehow recalled the name from his days at the Agency and that was about it. I believed him.” Initially, I found it difficult to fit McCone’s recollection of the name of Maurice Bishop—and that was basically all he really remembered—into the model of the evidentiary structure which was emerging. Then, as I dug deeper, the role of John McCone himself appeared to provide a perspective. David Phillips obviously didn’t appreciate the appointment of McCone as CIA Director, describing McCone as an “outsider” without experience in clandestine operations. “In his first appearances at Langley,” Phillips wrote in his autobiography, “he left an impression of austerity, remoteness and implacability

McCone was appointed after Kennedy had fired Allen Dulles, the dean of the Old Boys network, and McCone immediately put a greater emphasis on intelligence analysis and estimates and placed more stringent controls on covert operations.

the Agency kept McCone in the dark about the CIA’s most sensitive operations. Later, for instance, Richard Helms, who was McCone’s Deputy Director of Plans and head of the dirty tricks department, admitted he never told McCone about any of the Agency’s plans to kill Castro, or about the CIA’s working relationship with the Mafia.

The CIA has admitted participating in some plots to assassinate Fidel Castro. While there is nothing in the Agency’s own records to support the contention, there is plenty of independent evidence to suggest that the CIA—or some of its operatives acting “unofficially”—was also involved in “off-the-book” plots to kill Castro.

the initial raison d’être of Maurice Bishop’s relationship with Antonio Veciana, for instance, was to assassinate Castro.

Having gotten the surprising confirmation of the existence of a Maurice Bishop from both John McCone and Bart Henry, the Assassinations Committee asked the CIA to once again search its files for any references to a Maurice Bishop.

David Atlee Phillips, former Chief of the Western Hemisphere Division of the CIA, lied under oath to the House Select Committee on Assassinations—and he got away with it. In its final report, the Committee slipped in that fact obliquely, relegating it to a footnote. This was a devious way to cover its ass; it also illustrated the Committee’s readiness to dismiss evidence that would contradict the final report.

That it disregarded Phillips’s perjury confirms the Committee’s tacit decision not to pursue the truth wherever it might lead—especially if it headed toward the CIA.

David Phillips represented the most crucial investigative link ever developed between the Central Intelligence Agency and the assassination of President Kennedy. His seemingly “coincidental” emergence in more than one meaningful area demanded an in-depth probe. The Committee deliberately avoided doing that.

Chief Counsel Bob Blakey would later tell journalist Tony Summers that he had been privately briefed by the CIA about the issue. So, while he personally accepted the notion that David Phillips was, indeed, Maurice Bishop, he didn’t believe that Veciana ever saw Oswald.

Oswald’s name had surfaced in a totally incidental manner during my first interview with Veciana, who wasn’t then aware that I was primarily interested in the Kennedy assassination.

Blakey’s unfounded assumption that Veciana was deliberately planting misinformation was itself loaded with ramifications demanding a broader investigation. But a broader investigation was the last thing that Blakey and the Committee wanted or would permit.

Desmond FitzGerald, then Chief of the Far Eastern Division, was made head of the CIA's Cuban Task Force W after its former boss, William Harvey, the Agency's handler of the Mafia Castro assassination plots, had been caught still dealing with the Mob even after Robert Kennedy had issued a cease and desist order.

the Church Committee said that FitzGerald himself had headed at least three Castro assassination attempts. In fact, he was meeting for that purpose in Paris with Rolando Cubela, a CIA asset (code-named AMLASH) who was a major in the Cuban army, on the day President Kennedy was killed.

The Assassinations Committee had blown a pivotal opportunity in not conducting a full and complete investigation into the role of David Phillips in the Kennedy assassination. Independent research done since then, by myself and others, and without the power and resources of the Government, has gone deeper than the Committee ever wanted to go. Now the enormity of the Committee’s failure can be even more clearly documented.

The Committee had indications that Phillips was involved in more virulent operations and with more deadly associates than the Agency had revealed. Ironically, this man—anonymously referred to in the Committee’s final report as “the retired CIA officer’ ’—was enmeshed in some mysterious exploits at the very time the Committee’s investigation was in progress.

Near the back of the crowded room, someone spoke up to correct him, saying, No, it was the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. There was a big difference. The man who corrected Wade was Jack Ruby.)

Red Design for Americas, which provided a rationale for overthrowing the Arbenz government in Guatemala.)

Among his more interesting assignments: He served in Germany when William Harvey was CIA chief of station there. (Harvey would later become the Agency’s point man in Castro assassination plots with the Mob’s Johnny Rosselli, Santos Trafficante and Sam Giancana.)

Senate Internal Security Subcommittee when it held its “Communist Threat to the Caribbean” hearings, which dwelt on the alleged infiltration of Communists into the highest echelons of the State Department

CIA asset William Buckley’s National Review and was editor of Latin American Report, a monthly dealing mostly with the Communist menace south of the border.

There is no doubt,” he wrote, “that President Kennedy . . . consciously set about the business of stopping all efforts to unhorse Fidel Castro—from outside exile attacks, and from Cuba’s internal resistance movement.

in an effort to sabotage President Kennedy’s Cuban missile crisis deal with Khrushchev, Pawley provided the yacht for the Cuban raiding party that was going to bring back two Russian missile site technicians. (If the mission hadn’t failed, Luce was going to play the story big in Life in order to embarrass Kennedy.)

Our choice was denied.

It would later become one of the first pieces of “evidence” to plant the seed of suspicion of a foreign conspiracy in President Johnson’s mind,

You represent the United States Congress,” he said. “But what the hell is that to the CIA?” “But what the hell is that to the CIA?

You represent the United States Congress,” he said. “But what the hell is that to the CIA?” “But what the hell is that to the CIA?” It was hard to believe that someone from the inside was being so brutally candid. What the hell are the lawfully elected representatives of the people in a democracy?

CIA personnel testified to the Committee that a review of Agency files would not always indicate whether an individual was affiliated with the Agency in any capacity. Nor was there always an independent means of verifying that all materials requested from the Agency had, in fact, been provided.

Asked whether the CIA knew of any ties Oswald had with either the KGB or the CIA, Helms paused and with a laugh said, ‘I don’t remember.’ Pressed on the point, he told a reporter, ‘Your questions are almost as dumb as the Committee’s.

Letelier had been Chile’s Defense Minister when Salvador Allende was overthrown and murdered by the junta generals in September of 1973. The junta generals had gotten into power with the help of the CIA and David Phillips’s Track II program.* More than 10,000 were shot or tortured to death in the years following the coup. Letelier was arrested, tortured and shipped to a concentration camp on a barren island in the Straits of Magellan where he was put to work cracking rocks.

General Augusto Pinochet released Letelier and permitted him to leave the country. That was the General’s mistake. Letelier was soon speaking out and traveling widely through Europe and Latin America meeting with influential friends, labor leaders and government ministers, urging a boycott of Chile and the cancellation of loans and trade credits.

among Phillips’s network of anti—Castro Cubans, who were trained as assets while Phillips was head of psych ops at the JM/WAVE station in Miami, was a group of terrorists who would later be directly linked to the Letelier assassination.

(Just prior to Allende’s election, Henry Kissinger had told the National Security Council, “I don’t see why we need to stand by and watch a country go Communist because of the irresponsibility of its own people.”)

from Brazil he went to Venezuela—he was again recalled to Washington in June of 1973 and was made Chief of the Western Hemisphere Division just as the anti-Allende campaign was succeeding in Nixon’s goal of “making the economy scream.” That September, Allende was killed and General Augusto Pinochet and the junta took power.

when the police raided Posada’s office, they discovered a map of Washington showing Letelier’s daily route to work.

the Venezuelan government had given Bosch safe haven in Caracas while he was a fugitive from the United States Government. (He had left the country while on parole after serving time for firing a bazooka at a Polish ship that was docked in Miami Harbor while en route to Cuba.)

he wrote a pamphlet, titled The Tragedy of Cuba, accusing the United States of misleading the Cuban exiles, and sent a copy to President Kennedy. Bosch included a letter saying if he didn’t get a promise of action from Kennedy he would publish the pamphlet and close down the camp.

What could Castro gain by doing that?” Bosch asked. “It was too risky a thing and he had nothing to win. Whatever you can say about Castro, it is true, but he is not stupid.” Bosch, who has devoted his life to fighting Castro, knows that well.

We do not call it an assassination attempt,” said Bosch. “We call it a ‘justice action’.

That was the best chance we had, Castro in Chile. There were these two guys right in front of Castro with the machine gun hidden in the camera. Right in front of him with a machine gun from here to there, but these two guys, these two—I want to qualify them—bastards,were in front of him and one was scared and the other was chicken. Right in front of Castro!” Bosch

mentioned a Maurice Bishop to him. “This Bishop you ask about, I do not know,” he said. “But I believe it could be true because Veciana is an action man and to do all the things he did you have to have a lot of connections, and that’s not too easy.

All Cubans work for the CIA,” he laughed. He admitted taking the Agency’s secrecy oath after leaving Fort Benning but said he didn’t remember when he left the Agency’s employ. Didn’t remember? He laughed again.

Castro, his eye on Venezuela’s rich oil reserves, had dispatched scores of his own covert agents to organize the country’s leftist guerrillas and the CIA was tracking that activity very closely.

Orlando Garcia, besides being the head of the Venezuela secret police, was also on the CIA’s payroll.

when Orlando Bosch jumped parole and fled the U.S., DISIP chief Garcia and his deputy, Ricardo “The Monkey” Morales invited Bosch to take refuge in Caracas.

Chile would supply Bosch’s militants with arms, explosives, false passports and a safe haven from which to operate. In return, the Cuban exiles would generate pro-Pinochet propaganda and help DINA, the Chilean secret police, get rid of Pinochet’s exiled enemies, who were stirring up world opposition to his regime.

CORU took credit for more than fifty acts of violence, including bombings, kidnappings and assassinations in Miami, New York, Panama, Brazil, Mexico and Argentina. As Bosch would later boast to New Times journalist Blake Fleetwood: “Everything was planned there.” It was during this period that the Letelier assassination and the Cubana airlines bombing took place.

The Letelier assassination was not a CORU operation, although a few of the players were involved. But it was done for Chile and it was done with open arrogance. In daylight, on the streets of our nation’s capital, in sight of hundreds of people and a dozen foreign embassies, brazen terrorists dared to carry out an outrageous gangland-style execution.

Since the first suspects to pop up were the Chilean secret police and radical anti-Castro Cubans, the CIA had reason enough to be—at the least—embarrassed by the incident. The Agency’s close working relationship with Chile’s intelligence service was well known and it was a matter of record that it was responsible for training Cuban exiles in the most sophisticated techniques of terrorism.

it seemed rational that the Agency would undertake a measure of damage control, and it seemed natural that the Agency would call upon the one man who had developed the best contacts and who was its most sophisticated, subtle and successful media expert and manipulator: David Atlee Phillips. Soon a series of stories were planted in the press. Newsweek’s “Periscope” column said: “After studying FBI and other field investigations, the CIA has concluded that the Chilean secret police were not involved in the death of Orlando Letelier. . . .

The piece Prewett wrote about the Letelier bombing indicates why she was one of Phillips’s most effective media assets. Prewett’s “Special Report” was actually a diatribe against the Washington press for initially assuming that Chilean generals were involved in murdering Letelier. She, too, suggested that Letelier may have been sacrificed by leftists to turn world opinion and U.S. policy against the Pinochet regime.

The orders to kill Letelier did, indeed, come from the highest levels of the Chilean government, through the head of DINA. Two high-level DINA officers carrying false passports were sent to the U.S. and they, in turn, contacted the anti-Castro Cubans who carried out the assassination. But the designer of the plan itself, the bomb maker and bomb planter, was the DINA agent in charge, Iowa-born electronics expert Michael Townley.

Townley eventually made a deal and testified against his DINA bosses and the five anti-Castro Cubans involved. He received a ten—year sentence, served five and is now living under the Government’s witness protection plan. General Pinochet refused to let the DINA bosses be extradited and the Chilean military courts refused jurisdiction. Three of the five Cubans tried were convicted but their convictions were overturned for procedural error on appeal. (The other two had fled but were eventually caught; the last one arrested in 1991. Both pleaded guilty and each given a twelve-year sentence.)

(Townley and son had set up a corporation, called PROCIN, which imported chemicals which Michael Townley used to manufacture poison gas. Michael Townley had used the pseudonym of Kenneth Enyard on the corporation papers.)

While there are no available records which indicate that David Phillips had any operational association with Michael Townley, it’s quite likely.

(The CIA and the Washington D.C. Police Department had an established relationship through a cooperative training program.)

she was sending Letelier pamphlets documenting human rights violations by the junta generals, columnist Virginia Prewett’s “Special Report” concluded that the briefcase documents “revealed that Havana was manufacturing propaganda on ‘human rights violations’ in Chile for Letelier to use at the UN and elsewhere.

Apparently believing—or being told—that the image of Lee Harvey Oswald as the “lone nut assassin” could use repolishing, Prewett noted: “There are curious apparent similarities between Townley and Lee Harvey Oswald. Behind his drooping walrus moustache, Townley’s photographs reveal the same ’loser’ look. . . . His background of apparent ambivalence between leftist and rightist political extremes is similar to Oswald’s.” Strained as it was, that observation was clearly designed to do double duty.

Six weeks before the Letelier murder, the U.S. Ambassador in Paraguay, George W. Landau (no relation to Saul Landau), received a call from a top aide of Paraguayan President Alfredo Stroessner who said he was relaying a request directly from Chilean General Augusto Pinochet. The aide said that he needed visas immediately for two Chilean army officers using Paraguayan passports to travel to Washington on an intelligence mission.

Ambassador Landau knew it was an established practice of the CIA to cooperate with the intelligence services of “friendly” countries, including the granting of visas through the State Department for intelligence missions. Still, Landau was suspicious. Although he immediately granted the request, he took the precaution of having the Chilean officers’ false Paraguayan passports photographed.

The CIA was also aware that the Chilean secret police had formed an alliance with five other Latin American intelligence agencies, Paraguay among them, called Operation Condor. The purpose of the alliance was to assist each other in dirty missions, including assassinations

The Chilean secret intelligence officer “Juan Williams” was Michael Townley; “Romeral” was an associate named Armando Larios.

Even when the investigators later became aware of the photographs through the State Department, the CIA never volunteered that it had prior knowledge of the assassination team entering the U.S.

Today the IPS’s Saul Landau maintains that David Phillips, because of his close association with then-CIA clandestine ops director Shackley and his role in the misinformation campaign surrounding Letelier’s death, most likely had prior knowledge that the assassination was coming down. “They could have stopped it,” Landau says. “Wouldn’t you think that any decent human being would have called Letelier and said, ‘Look, you’re a target, be careful.’ Their information was solid. Chilean agents traveling under the cover of another country’s passports was the standard operational procedure of Operation Condor’s earlier assassination attempts.

I’ll tell you this,” said Phillips, “if I find out anything that I think will help solve the murder of a man in Washington, D.C., I’ll collaborate with you in seeing that the information gets where it should be.

when you consider . . . I mean it’s almost certainly a radio-controlled bomb . . . I mean, it just goes to show the kind of thuggery we’re dealing with.” “Of course, that’s not new in Latin America,” the former chief of the Western Hemisphere Division reminded him. “I mean it would be inconceivable to me,” said Marks, “that DINA could put together such an operation without, well, not necessarily liaison channels but at least penetration channels having some idea that something like this was up.

He was saying the obvious: The Agency had to have known.)

He sounded very sincere. Why would David Phillips lie about something as serious as murder?

program emanating from the highest echelons of the U.S. government to prevent Salvatore Allende from taking power. Having won the election with a plurality of the votes, Allende's presidency needed confirmation by the Chilean congress.

This program was so closely held that Phillips, who was recalled to Washington from his posting in Brazil to take the helm, was given an office in a mail room so no one at Langley would suspect the importance of his mission.

Ostensibly, the U.S. Government was calling a halt to all involvement in the Chilean election because of the botched kidnapping of Chilean armed forces chief General Rene Schneider by officers eager for a coup.