Erdogan Quotes

Bir sehir, ancak icinde sevdiginiz biri olunca yasamaya baslar.

Poetin en Erdogan vinden zichzelf ook democraten.

following the playbook of strongmen such as Viktor Orban, Vladimir Putin, and Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who silenced the press not by imposing censorship but by imposing financial pressure on independent news organizations to either force them out of business or into the hands of friendly owners.47

When Erdogan assumed control, he gave power to a wave of Islamism, strengthened by Ozal, that had been creeping back into Turkish life under the radar screen of official Kemalism.

It is not fair to call Erdogan a "political prostitute"! because prostitutes rent their bodies, unlike Erdogan who is selling all Muslims Credence to Israel by price and route of the gas pipeline to Europe.

On behalf of those you killed, imprisoned, tortured, you are not welcome, Erdogan! No, Erdogan, you’re not welcome in Algeria. We are a country which has already paid its price of blood and tears to those who wanted to impose their caliphate on us, those who put their ideas before our bodies, those who took our children hostage and who attempted to kill our hopes for a better future. The notorious family that claims to act in the name of the God and religion—you’re a member of it—you fund it, you support it, you desire to become its international leader. Islamism is your livelihood Islamism, which is your livelihood, is our misfortune. We will not forget about it, and you are a reminder of it today. You offer your shadow and your wings to those who work to make our country kneel down before your “Sublime Door.” You embody and represent what we loathe. You hate freedom, the free spirit. But you love parades. You use religion for business. You dream of a caliphate and hope to return to our lands. But you do it behind the closed doors, by supporting Islamist parties, by offering gifts through your companies, by infiltrating the life of the community, by controlling the mosques. These are the old methods of your “Muslim Brothers” in this country, who used to show us God’s Heaven with one hand while digging our graves with the other. No, Mr. Erdogan, you are not a man of help; you do not fight for freedom or principles; you do not defend the right of peoples to self-determination. You know only how to subject the Kurds to the fires of death; you know only how to subject your opponents to your dictatorship. You cry with the victims in the Middle East, yet sign contracts with their executioners. You do not dream of a dignified future for us, but of a caliphate for yourself. We are aware of your institutionalized persecution, your list of Turks to track down, your sinister prisons filled with the innocent, your dictatorial justice palaces, your insolence and boastful nature. You do not dream of a humanity that shares common values and principles, but are interested only in the remaking of the Ottoman Empire and its bloodthirsty warlords. Islam, for you, is a footstool; God is a business sign; modernity is an enemy; Palestine is a showcase; and local Islamists are your stunned courtesans. Humanity will not remember you with good deeds Humanity will remember you for your machinations, your secret coups d’état, and your manhunts. History will remember you for your bombings, your vengeful wars, and your inability to engage in constructive dialogue with others. The UN vote for Al-Quds is only an instrument in your service. Let us laugh at this with the Palestinians. We know that the Palestinian issue is your political capital, as it is for many others. You know well how to make a political fortune by exploiting others’ emotions. In Algeria, we suffered, and still suffer, from those who pretend to be God and act as takers and givers of life. They applaud your coming, but not us. You are the idol of Algerian Islamists and Populists, those who are unable to imagine a political structure beyond a caliphate for Muslim-majority societies. We aspire to become a country of freedom and dignity. This is not your ambition, nor your virtue. You are an illusion You have made beautiful Turkey an open prison and a bazaar for your business and loved ones. I hope that this beautiful nation rises above your ambitions. I hope that justice will be restored and flourish there once again, at least for those who have been imprisoned, tortured, bombed, and killed. You are an illusion, Erdogan—you know it and we know it. You play on the history of our humiliation, on our emotions, on our beliefs, and introduce yourself as a savior. However, you are a gravedigger, both for your own country and for your neighbors. Turkey is a political miracle, but it owes you nothing. The best thing you can do

Putin was a new modern “strongman,” Peskov said, an archetype who was spawning imitations across the globe. “People around the world are tired of leaders that are all similar to each other. There’s a demand in the world for special sovereign leaders, for decisive ones who do not fit into general frameworks,” the Kremlin spokesman explained. “Putin’s Russia was the starting point.” Others that fit the mold included Viktor Orban in Hungary, Xi Jinping in China, Rodrigo Duterte in the Philippines, and Recep Tayyip Erdog˘an in Turkey.

Acilarla dolu bir gecmis ve korkutucu gelecek arasinda donup kalmis, icinde bulundugu ana da bir turlu ulasamamaktadir. Kactigini sanirken asil simdi kapana kisilmistir. Gocmenlige dair soyleyebilecegim tek iyimser soz su: insana hayati bu denli iyi belleten bir baska deneyim bilmiyorum.

Nations that were great empires never forget that fact, and they often have a malleable, exaggerated sense of their glory days and a story about why they are no longer an empire – a combustible blend of pride in an idealized past, grievance over greatness lost or stolen, and readiness to be inspired (less flatteringly, vulnerability to manipulation) by effective politicians.

Net zoals Hitler de Brand van de Reichstag in de schoenen schoof van Marinus Vander Lubbe en zo een grote schoonmaak begon te houden in Duitsland, schuift Erdogan de coup geheel gratuit in de schoenen van Gülen om voortdurend mensen (het zijn er al meer dan 9.000!) te laten oppakken. Zijn zuiveringsactie, waadrbij de scheiding der machten niet langer wordt gerespecteerd, loopt geheel parallel met die van Hitler. Maar omdat Turkije lid is van de Navo kan Erdogan straks een spil slaan tussen Rusland en Amerika, genoeg voor een derde wereldoorlog. Natuurlijk wordt het prutsleger van Erdogan dan onder de zoden gelopen door het Russische leger, maar dan zal hij de hulp inroepen van zijn Navo-bondgenoot Amerika. Erdogan is met zijn dubbele agenda zowat de grootste bedreiging voor de wereldvrede en de Belgische Turken die nu achter hem staan kunnen straks gevaarlijke collaborateurs worden. Dus heren politici als het waar is dat 'gouverner c'est prévoir', begin dan maar nu met het terugsturen van al die domme Turkse oproepkraaiers in ons land naar het land van hun aanbeden Erdogan.

Nederlandse politici hebben serieus geblunderd en de woede van de Turkse president Ergogan op de hals gehaald door geen Turkse ministers toe te laten om te komen spreken voor Turkse Nederlanders. Die diplomatieke botsing had vermeden kunnen worden indien Rutte & Co een betere inschatting van Erdogan hadden gemaakt. Erdogan is uitermate bedreven in opruiende politiek. Indien Nederlandse politici iets meer bedreven waren geweest in psychologisch inzicht dan in stemmengraaierij hadden ze kunnen weten dat de weigering hen als een boomerang in het gezicht zou vliegen. Het is inderdaad ondemocratisch om iemand, ook al is die autocraat die in eigen land democratie en pevsvrijheid monddood maakt, de vrijheid van spreken te beletten. Je kan niet toestaan dat zijn tegenstanders wèl spreekrecht hebben en hij niet. Natuurlijk steven je dan af op gewelddadig protest. Hoeveel slimmer waren de Fransen om een Turkse minister wél spreekrecht te geven: geen haan die er om kraaide. En als De Roover van NVA zich uit de naad wringt om vurig het spreekverbod te bepleiten, dan bewijst hij dat hij enkel een Vlaams Belang Light is zoals Rutte een light-versie van Wilders is.

ANKARA: Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan on Sunday was on course for a crushing first-round victory in presidential elections to become a powerful head of state, amid fears his country is creeping towards one-man rule.

Last week, however, Erdogan publicly shook the hand of an Israeli official, the first time in six years he had done so.

Democracy is like a streetcar. When you come to your stop, you get off.

Turkey’s leader, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, says that the very term “moderate Islam” is “very ugly, it is offensive and an insult to our religion. There is no moderate or immoderate Islam. Islam is Islam and that’s it.” Turkey’s refusal to fight ISIS has led to the rise of that terror group as well.

Manafort’s specialty, according to Kovzhun, is running expensive campaigns and targeting the “big unwashed.” “It’s the same element who voted for Putin, supported Brexit, back Erdogan, and who like Trump. Manafort works the lowest common denominator. I find him repulsive and his message ugly. He leaves destruction in his wake.

The world is bigger than five

Manafort’s specialty, according to Kovzhun, is running expensive campaigns and targeting the “big unwashed.” “It’s the same element who voted for Putin, supported Brexit, back Erdogan, and who like Trump. Manafort works the lowest common denominator.

les Occidentaux ont aidé le pouvoir islamiste-néo-ottoman d’Erdogan à démanteler le système laïque-kémaliste turc ; ils ont concrètement agressé et renversé le régime baassiste irakien de Saddam Hussein ; ils ont favorisé la chute des dictatures anti-islamistes de Ben Ali (Tunisie) et de Moubarak (Égypte), puis détruit la Jamahiriya libyenne de Kadhafi, pourtant tous en guerre avec le salafisme pro-saoudien.

Wat momenteel in Beringen en in Heusden-Zolder (waar politie de huizen van Gülen aanhangers moet bewaken) is wraakroepend. Dat komt ervan als je Turkse fanatici, vaak niet eens in staat zich deftig uit te drukken in één van de talen van ons land, toeliet een dubbele nationaliteit te hebben. Het wordt dus hoog tijd dat er een wet wordt gestemd die Turken die rellen veroorzaken in ons land de Belgische nationaliteit afneemt en hen stante pede terugstuurt naar Istanbul, met compleet verlies van alle verworvenheden inzake sociale zekerheid.

Can Dundar, da sempre una delle firme più autorevoli del Paese e incorso nelle ire di Erdogan per avere pubblicato le prove di quello che si sospetta da tempo, ossia che i servizi segreti turchi passano armi e informazioni a gruppi jihadisti siriani anti Assad.

Die Demokratie ist nur der Zug, auf den wir aufsteigen, bis wir am Ziel sind. Die Moscheen sind unsere Kasernen, die Minarette unsere Bajonette, die Kuppeln unsere Helme und die Gläubigen unsere Soldaten.

todavía no ha pasado? ¿Cómo pueden hacer aseveraciones basadas en suposiciones, en miedos infundados? ¿Cómo pueden decir que se las obligará a taparse o que Turquía se convertirá en un Irán? —se pregunta mientras toca inconsciente y repetitivamente el velo que supedita su vida. La reforma de Erdogan vino a calentar aún más el acalorado panorama político en Turquía. Y aunque el Parlamento respaldó la iniciativa,

President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

Turkey’s deteriorating relationship with Russia after two of its F-16s shot down a Russian SU-24 fighter-bomber over Syria on November 24, 2015, gave Erdogan a new incentive to improve relations with Israel. Russia supplies more than half of Turkey’s natural gas, and Vladimir Putin has shown that he’s willing to use Russia’s energy resources as a geopolitical weapon. Israel, meanwhile, is developing a potentially huge reserve of natural gas, the appropriately named Leviathan field, in the eastern Mediterranean.

at a parliamentary symposium on Jerusalem in late November 2016, President Erdogan continued his recent criticism of Israel’s dealings with the Palestinians. Erdogan called on Muslims to embrace the Palestinian cause, saying that defense of the Al-Aqsa Mosque should not be left to children armed with nothing but stones.

F.B. «C'è ancora qualcuno che parla dei siriani? Spariti, inghiottiti dal silenzio. Tutti pensano che la guerra laggiù sia finita.» D.Q. «Invece hanno dovuto "arrangiarsi", cercare rifugio in Francia o in Germania. Oppure li abbiamo venduti a Erdogan, abbiamo pagato il sultano turco perché li trattenesse lì. Gli afghani invece li venderemo agli ayatollah iraniani, costruiremo con fondi europei dei bei campi profughi con le tende allineate, e con altri soldi pagheremo gli iraniani perché non li facciano uscire. Sì, siamo capaci di fare anche questo...»

Continuo a camminare, forse riuscirò a raggiungere la fine della mia vita sulle tracce di una parola, oppure, risvegliata d'un tratto dall'ultimo sogno in cui avrò cercato inutilmente di ricordare, cadrò senza produrre alcun suono.

libertà" è una parola che non tace mai.

Perché scrivere, alla fine e nel primo istante, non è forse un tentativo di liberazione, una ricerca ostinata di una libertà che presto o tardi avrà fine?

Erdogan’s success has been to divide the groups that oppose him, by extending an olive branch to one while persecuting or prosecuting the other. The fault of Erdogan’s detractors is that they were never unified: when Erdogan cracked down on the secularists, the liberals and the Gulenists helped him. When he beat up the liberals, the Gulenists and the Kurds stood away. When he went after the Gulenists, the Kurds looked the other way, and the secularists basked in Schadenfreude. Once Erdogan came down on the Kurds, allies were either on the run themselves or too cowed to speak up.

Unlike during the previous Gaza operation in 2012, the Iron Dome supply did not run out. After Operation Pillar of Defense I had instructed the army to accelerate production of Iron Dome projectiles and batteries. We accomplished this with our own funds and with generous American financial support. I now asked the Obama administration for an additional $225 million package to continue the production line after Protective Edge. He agreed, and with the help of Tony Blinken, the deputy national security advisor who later became Biden’s secretary of state, the funding provision sailed through both houses of Congress. I deeply appreciated this support and said so publicly. I was therefore very disappointed when the administration held back on the IDF’s request for additional Hellfire rockets for our attack helicopters. Without offensive weapons we could not bring the Gaza operation to a quick and decisive end. Furthermore, as the air war lingered, the administration issued increasingly critical statements against Israel, calling some of our actions “appalling”2 and thereby opening the moral floodgates against us. Hamas took note. As long as it believed that we couldn’t deliver more aggressive punches, and that international support was waning, it would continue to rocket our cities. Unfortunately, it was aided in this belief by an international tug-of-war. On one side: Israel and Egypt. On the other: Turkey and Qatar, which fully supported Hamas. I worked in close collaboration with Egypt’s new leader, el-Sisi, who had deposed the Islamist Morsi a few months earlier. Our common goal was to achieve an unconditional cease-fire. The last thing el-Sisi wanted was a Hamas success in Gaza that would embolden their Islamist allies in the Sinai and beyond. Hamas’s exiled leader, Khaled Mashal, who escaped the Mossad action in Jordan, was now in Qatar. Supported by his Qatari hosts and Erdogan and ensconced in his lavish villa in Doha, Mashal egged Hamas to keep on fighting. To my astonishment, Kerry urged me to accept Qatar and Turkey as mediators instead of the Egyptians, who were negotiating with Hamas representatives in Cairo for a possible cease-fire. Hamas drew much encouragement from this American position. El-Sisi and I agreed to keep the Americans out of the negotiating loop. In the meantime the IDF would have to further degrade Hamas’s fighting and crush their expectations of achieving anything in the cease-fire negotiations.

The Americans had urged us to finish the Mavi Marmara affair. We had already reached a compensation agreement with Turkey for the families of the Turks killed in the operation. What was needed now was a carefully worded script for a concluding conversation between Erdogan and me. As extra insurance against a future abandonment of the agreement by Erdogan, I asked Obama to be in on the phone conference. He did so from a special mobile cabin at the airport. “Recep, how are you, my friend?” the president said to Erdogan. “How’s the wife, how’s the family?” The genuine camaraderie in his voice tallied with what I had heard: One of Obama’s closest friends among foreign leaders was the Turkish president, possibly because in Obama’s eyes Turkey was an example of a modern, successful and democratic Islamic state. Presumably this friendship later weakened when, following an attempted coup against him on July 15, 2016, Erdogan transformed Turkey into a rigidly authoritarian regime, locked up all his political opponents, and threw more journalists in jail than almost any other ruler on earth. Erdogan and I each read our lines. I thanked Obama. The Marmara affair was finally settled.

135.000 Turken woonachtig in België, de meeste met de dubbele nationaliteit, gingen stemmen nav de Turkse verkiezingen. 2/3 stemde Erdogan. Tot zover de geslaagde integratie… Het hart in Turkije, de portefeuille hier…

Erdogan has focused on building up Turkey’s profile as a pivot state in its region, coupled with a reaffirmation of moderate Islamist views that have become much less favourable to EU membership. While he was willing to reach an agreement in 2016 with the EU on supporting refugees from Syria and on enforcing stronger border controls on movement towards the EU, this was driven by the access to funds that it provided, rather than any desire to use it as a basis to advance the stalled membership negotiations.

Conspiracy theories have been the rhetoric of choice for leaders in states moving toward (or already with) authoritarian control. Recent examples include Putin in Russia, Erdogan in Turkey, the Law and Justice Party in Poland, Nicolas Maduro in Venezuela, and Duerte in the Philippines.

At eight a.m. Thursday, Dunford called to debrief his conversation with Gerasimov late the night before. After the obligatory Russian defense of the Assad regime, Gerasimov got down to business, taking Dunford seriously when he stressed our intention was not to target Russians. Dunford characterized Gerasimov as “very professional, very measured.” Dunford and I agreed it was a positive result, which I conveyed to Trump later in the morning, along with the Erdogan-Putin phone call.

The Erdogan call turned out to be an experience. Listening to him (his remarks were always interpreted), he sounded like Mussolini speaking from his Rome balcony, except that Erdogan was talking in that tone and volume over the phone. It was as if he were lecturing us while standing on the Resolute desk. Erdogan seemed to avoid any commitment to join US strike plans but said he would be speaking to Putin imminently.18 Trump urged Erdogan to stress that we were seeking to avoid Russian casualties.

A soft barbed tongue cannot clean the bloody crooked claw hands. After a conversation with Dr.Muhsin Bilal who tried to wash the bloody hands of his party (Baʿath) in general and Bashar al-Assad in particular.

I was the product of that young man’s dreams; and as we pulled up to the makeshift holding area behind a wide stage, a part of me imagined myself not as the politician I had become but as one of those young people in the crowd, uncompromised by power, unencumbered by the need to accommodate men like Erdogan and Klaus, obliged only to make common cause with those chasing after a new and better world.

Moderate Islam is a Western fantasy. As Turkey’s then-Prime Minister and current President Recep Tayyip Erdogan said in 2007: ‘These descriptions are very ugly, it is offensive and an insult to our religion. There is no moderate or immoderate Islam. Islam is Islam and that’s it.’ And while there are moderate and more secular Muslims, I am hardly concerned with them. Nor am I compelled to applaud them. I do not have to pat on the back every Muslim who does not want to kill me. I expect that. That is my bar. The idea that one should praise them speaks to the soft bigotry of low expectations when it comes to Western dealings with Muslims. It’s just absurd.

You are either Ataturk's turk or Erdogan's turk, you cannot be both.

Birçok asker şehit oldu, bizim türkiye için - Atatürk'ün türkiye için. Atatürk'ün türkiye yani? Atatürk'ün türkiye yani vicdan, merhamet, sabır ve baris - Atatürk'ün türkiye yani insanlık. Uyan kardeşlerim, yeni fikirleri kabul et - vicdan ol, cesur ol, ve hayvanlık karşı yürü.

was hard to tell how lasting these trends would be. I told myself it was the nature of democracies—including America’s—to swing between periods of progressive change and conservative retrenchment. In fact, what was striking was how easily Klaus would have fit in with the Republican Senate caucus back home, just as I could readily picture Erdogan as a local power broker on the Chicago City Council. Whether this was a source of comfort or concern, I couldn’t decide.

Nicht der Islam bildet die Ursache für die Krise der Türkei, sondern die gesellschaftlichen Rahmenbedingungen, die einen Diskurs über Reformen der Religion, ja überhaupt einen vorurteilslosen Gedankenaustausch erschweren.

Erdogan was himself a radical Islamicist. He was busy transforming Turkey from Kemal Ataturk’s secular state into an Islamicist state.

Refugees are the best weapon of the 21st century and Erdogan a master of it!