Doha Qatar Quotes

equality. Qatar has adopted the Education City project, in which it has invited a collection of prestigious American universities to open up branches here in Doha. Some of these universities include Carnegie Mellon University, the Georgetown School of Foreign Service,

El país más rico del mundo no es el más feliz - Univision Dinero La historia de Qatar Gracias a su gas y su petróleo, Qatar se ha convertido en el país más rico del mundo, pero esa riqueza quizá no haya alcanzado para alegrar a loa cataríes. “Nos hemos vuelto urbanos. Nuestra vida social y económica ha cambiado, las familias se han separado y la cultura del consumo ha ganado terreno”, dice Kaltham Al Ghanim, profesor de sociología de la Universidad de Qatar. La web BBC Mundo afirma que la que fuera una nación extremadamente pobre hace un siglo, Qatar se ha vuelto el país más rico del mundo, con un ingreso per cápita de nada menos 100,000 dólares. Doha, la capital de Qatar, es un sitio en construcción. El país dispone de 200,000 millones de dólares para gastar en estadios e infraestructura de cara al Mundial de Fútbol de 2022. Lo que fuera una costa totalmente plana, hoy en día se encuentra en plena obra o a mitad del proceso de demolición. Según los medios locales, el 40 por ciento de los matrimonios llegan al divorcio. Más de dos terceras partes de la población –niños y adultos—son obesas. Educación y medicina gratuitas, trabajo garantizado, subvenciones para la compra de viviendas, ninguna cuota por el agua o la electricidad son algunas de las ventajas de los cataríes, aunque, resalta el medio, la abundancia les trajo problemas.

. "If our country is serious about reducing our dependency on foreign oil, we need to get serious about mobilizing the infrastructure necessary to distribute and dispense the next generation of fuels.

Unlike during the previous Gaza operation in 2012, the Iron Dome supply did not run out. After Operation Pillar of Defense I had instructed the army to accelerate production of Iron Dome projectiles and batteries. We accomplished this with our own funds and with generous American financial support. I now asked the Obama administration for an additional $225 million package to continue the production line after Protective Edge. He agreed, and with the help of Tony Blinken, the deputy national security advisor who later became Biden’s secretary of state, the funding provision sailed through both houses of Congress. I deeply appreciated this support and said so publicly. I was therefore very disappointed when the administration held back on the IDF’s request for additional Hellfire rockets for our attack helicopters. Without offensive weapons we could not bring the Gaza operation to a quick and decisive end. Furthermore, as the air war lingered, the administration issued increasingly critical statements against Israel, calling some of our actions “appalling”2 and thereby opening the moral floodgates against us. Hamas took note. As long as it believed that we couldn’t deliver more aggressive punches, and that international support was waning, it would continue to rocket our cities. Unfortunately, it was aided in this belief by an international tug-of-war. On one side: Israel and Egypt. On the other: Turkey and Qatar, which fully supported Hamas. I worked in close collaboration with Egypt’s new leader, el-Sisi, who had deposed the Islamist Morsi a few months earlier. Our common goal was to achieve an unconditional cease-fire. The last thing el-Sisi wanted was a Hamas success in Gaza that would embolden their Islamist allies in the Sinai and beyond. Hamas’s exiled leader, Khaled Mashal, who escaped the Mossad action in Jordan, was now in Qatar. Supported by his Qatari hosts and Erdogan and ensconced in his lavish villa in Doha, Mashal egged Hamas to keep on fighting. To my astonishment, Kerry urged me to accept Qatar and Turkey as mediators instead of the Egyptians, who were negotiating with Hamas representatives in Cairo for a possible cease-fire. Hamas drew much encouragement from this American position. El-Sisi and I agreed to keep the Americans out of the negotiating loop. In the meantime the IDF would have to further degrade Hamas’s fighting and crush their expectations of achieving anything in the cease-fire negotiations.

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April 2016, oil ministers representing about half of world production were converging on the Sheraton Hotel in Doha, the capital of Qatar. They had pretty much concluded a plan to freeze production—to hold output steady in order to stem the rising tide of inventories and buy some time to catch up. But one country was notably absent—Iran. Determined to ramp up its output, it would never agree to be part of a freeze. Still, Naimi had achieved the goal he had insisted on since 2014—Russian acquiescence to some kind of output restriction. But in the night, a call came in from Saudi Arabia. The message to Naimi was clear—no agreement without Iran. And Iran clearly would not participate. The deal was off. In Doha, the others were astonished by this overnight reversal, after all the effort. But facts were facts.