Delhi Violence Quotes

Assamese life has more meaning than the violence, than its relationship with Delhi. Assam may not be sovereign politically, or economically, but the Assamese imagination has to remain sovereign.

It must be said here that ‘Bharat Mata ki Jai’ is not an attribute of patriotism, but of deep patriarchy. Extreme mother-love is a camouflage for extreme misogyny. Over the past few years in India, the nature of the violence inflicted on women during rapes, riots and caste retributions is of an order seldom witnessed before in any part of the world, except perhaps, in Bosnia during the civil war, or in the Congo, or in Sri Lanka during the final moments of the pogrom against the civilian Tamil population there. From the barbarity of the jawans of the Assam Rifles on Manorama Devi, to incessant mass rapes by soldiers in Kashmir, to the graphic and horrific brutalities (that were videotaped) on even pregnant women in Gujarat in 2002, to the Nirbhaya case in Delhi, there is no evidence to prove that devotion towards an abstract ‘Bharat Mata’ translates into even a semblance of affection or respect for real flesh-and-blood women. Indeed, here it is only literally the flesh and blood that seems to matter. Add

It isn't a coincidence that the massacre of Muslims in Gujarat happened after September 11. Gujarat is also one place where the toxic waste of the World Trade Center is being dumped right now. This waste is being dumped in Gujarat, and then taken of to Ludhiana and places like that to be recycled. I think it's quite a metaphor. The demonization of Muslims has also been given legitimacy by the world's superpower, by the emperor himself. We are at a stage where democracy - this corrupted, scandalous version of democracy - is the problem. So much of what politicians do is with an eye on elections. Wars are fought as election campaigns. In India, Muslims are killed as part of election campaigns. In 1984, after the massacre of Sikhs in Delhi, the Congress Party won, hands down. We must ask ourselves very serious questions about this particular brand of democracy.

Tutto cambiò in un pomeriggio di primavera, in una giornata come tante, in una Nuova Delhi brulicante di anime. Kajal e Kiran avevano deciso di allontanarsi per qualche ora da quelle strade trafficate, dagli odori forti, dal frastuono del mondo. Volevano prendere le distanze da tutto quel caos e godersi il silenzio di un abbraccio, sicuri di non essere disturbati da chi forse non avrebbe accettato il sentimento che aveva finalmente dato un senso ai loro giorni. Nessuno dei due aveva osato raccontare dell'altro alla propria famiglia; convennero che per il momento sarebbe stato meglio evitare qualsiasi turbamento. Decisero di andare a fare una gita nelle campagne fuori città; avrebbero preso un solo autobus e il viaggio non sarebbe stato neppure troppo lungo. Con l'euforia e l'impazienza tipica di due innamorati che non attendono altro che il momento in cui poter stare insieme, Kajal e Kiran si ritrovarono, puntualissimi, alla fermata del bus, che arrivò dopo qualche minuto di attesa.

For instance, while the women sat in the tent, the men stood outside in ‘solidarity’. It was a strategic move to give people the impression that the movement was led by women in order to provide the media with fodder for the emotional melodrama they were aiming to create.

Merely two days ahead of Delhi polls, the Enforcement Directorate made an explosive revelation exposing the close nexus between PFI and the Aam Aadmi Party, Congress, Bhim Army and other groups. According to documents accessed by OpIndia, the Shaheen Bagh anti-CAA protests were funded by Popular Front of India (PFI) and leaders of the Aam Aadmi Party and Congress were in constant touch with the PFI chief.

Most importantly, it divulged that Md Parvez, the PFI chief was regularly in touch with Aam Aadmi Party leader Sanjay Singh through WhatsApp chats, phone calls and also by way of direct meetings. Further, Parvez had also been in touch with many Congress leaders including Udit Raj.

After the death of the infant, in a video that emerged, small kids were seen holding posters of four-month-old kid Mohammed Jahan. Shockingly, one of the protests of the event can be heard in the background claiming that the death of the four-month-old kid was nothing but a ‘Qurbani’ or sacrifice for the anti-CAA movement.

As to the technique employed at Ahmedabad Girish Mathur gave the following description: “What happened in Ahmedabad was not a communal riot in the ordinary sense. Rachi, Rourkela, Calcutta were put to shame by Ahmedabad. There more people were burnt alive than died of stabbings or as a result of clashes, and they were burnt alive not because they were caught in the fire. The technique was to set fire to a group of houses belonging to the minorities and, as men and women and children rushed out they were caught hold of, their hands and feet were tied and then they were thrown into the fire. This could not have been the spontaneous action of an angry mob. And the largest number of cases of arson and this type of murder took place during the curfew hours, which can mean only one thing, that the curfew was ineffective.” Prime Minister Indira Gandhi’s shock with pain over what she saw and heard in Ahmedabad could be seen on her face as she stepped out of her plane at Palam on her return to Delhi. A dog feeding on a half-burnt corpse in the midst of the ruins of buildings razed to the ground; five thousand refugees confined without food or even drinking water in a small chawl stinking with human excreta, there being no lavatories nearby; scores of young and old men, women and children rushing towards her crying, some with folded hands–“Indraben, I have lost all my children, I have lost my parents, my wife was cut to pieces, they caught hold of my son and threw him into the burning house; now at least save us, for God’s sake, save us, may you live long.

On 8 March, pressed by Punjab’s Sikh and Hindu leaders and shaken by the violence in Amritsar and Multan (apparently it had not yet learnt about Rawalpindi district), the Congress working committee, meeting in New Delhi, asked for ‘a division of the Punjab into two Provinces, so that the predominantly Muslim part may be separated from the predominantly non-Muslim part’.58