β
When I give food to the poor, they call me a saint. When I ask why the poor have no food, they call me a communist.
β
β
HΓ©lder CΓ’mara (Dom Helder Camara: Essential Writings)
β
The first duty of a man is to think for himself
β
β
JosΓ© MartΓ
β
Nothing was ever in tune. People just blindly grabbed at whatever there was: communism, health foods, zen, surfing, ballet, hypnotism, group encounters, orgies, biking, herbs, Catholicism, weight-lifting, travel, withdrawal, vegetarianism, India, painting, writing, sculpting, composing, conducting, backpacking, yoga, copulating, gambling, drinking, hanging around, frozen yogurt, Beethoven, Back, Buddha, Christ, TM, H, carrot juice, suicide, handmade suits, jet travel, New York City, and then it all evaporated and fell apart. People had to find things to do while waiting to die. I guess it was nice to have a choice.
β
β
Charles Bukowski (Women)
β
You show me a capitalist, and I'll show you a bloodsucker
β
β
Malcolm X
β
Freedom in capitalist society always remains about the same as it was in ancient Greek republics: Freedom for slave owners.
β
β
Vladimir Lenin
β
How do you tell a Communist? Well, itβs someone who reads Marx and Lenin. And how do you tell an anti-Communist? Itβs someone who understands Marx and Lenin.
β
β
Ronald Reagan
β
Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communistic revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win.
Workingmen of all countries unite!
β
β
Karl Marx (The Communist Manifesto)
β
Our great democracies still tend to think that a stupid man is more likely to be honest than a clever man, and our politicians take advantage of this prejudice by pretending to be even more stupid than nature made them.
β
β
Bertrand Russell (New Hopes for a Changing World)
β
The end may justify the means as long as there is something that justifies the end.
β
β
Leon Trotsky (Their Morals and Ours)
β
The Revolution introduced me to art, and in turn, art introduced me to the Revolution!
β
β
Albert Einstein
β
Communism doesn't work because people like to own stuff.
β
β
Frank Zappa
β
The ideal subject of totalitarian rule is not the convinced Nazi or the convinced Communist, but people for whom the distinction between fact and fiction (i.e., the reality of experience) and the distinction between true and false (i.e., the standards of thought) no longer exist.
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β
Hannah Arendt (The Origins of Totalitarianism)
β
Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.
β
β
Martin Luther King Jr.
β
Despair is typical of those who do not understand the causes of evil, see no way out, and are incapable of struggle.
β
β
Vladimir Lenin
β
The only way we'll get freedom for ourselves is to identify ourselves with every oppressed people in the world. We are blood brothers to the people of Brazil, Venezuela, Haiti, Cuba -- yes Cuba too.
β
β
Malcolm X
β
Everything is relative in this world, where change alone endures.
β
β
Leon Trotsky
β
Civil government, so far as it is instituted for the security of property, is in reality instituted for the defense of the rich against the poor, or of those who have some property against those who have none at all.
β
β
Adam Smith
β
Fascism is the stage reached after communism has proved an illusion.
β
β
Friedrich A. Hayek
β
Because the horror of Communism, Stalinism, is not that bad people do bad things β they always do. It's that good people do horrible things thinking they are doing something great."
[Six Questions for Slavoj Ε½iΕΎek, Harper's Magazine, November 11, 2011]
β
β
Slavoj Ε½iΕΎek
β
The real struggle is not between East and West, or capitalism and communism, but between education and propaganda.
β
β
Martin Buber
β
The greatest purveyor of violence in the world : My own Government, I can not be Silent.
β
β
Martin Luther King Jr.
β
The trouble with Communism is the Communists, just as the trouble with Christianity is the Christians.
β
β
H.L. Mencken
β
Patriotism is just an idea, so is capitalism or communism. But ideas can make men forget their own interests. And the guys in charge will exploit men who believe in ideas too much.
β
β
Min Jin Lee (Pachinko)
β
Are you a communist?"
"No I am an anti-fascist"
"For a long time?"
"Since I have understood fascism.
β
β
Ernest Hemingway (For Whom the Bell Tolls)
β
The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles.
Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guildmaster and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, that each time ended, either in the revolutionary reconstitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes.
β
β
Karl Marx (The Communist Manifesto)
β
Without Revolutionary theory, there can be no Revolutionary Movement.
β
β
Vladimir Lenin
β
All the governments on our planet are failing because theyβre run by people who donβt have the best intentions in mind for the population, not because theyβre capitalistic, socialistic, etc. At some point people will realize that these labels stand for nothing, and it will be like waking up from a dream. A bad dream where label-maker devices are running after people like monsters.
β
β
Jasun Ether (The Beasts of Success)
β
Any war that requires the suspension of reason as a necessity for support is a bad war.
β
β
Norman Mailer
β
Karl Marx got a bum rap. All he was trying to do was figure out how to take care of a whole lot of people. Of course, socialism is just βevilβ now. Itβs completely discredited, supposedly, by the collapse of the Soviet Union. I canβt help noticing that my grandchildren are heavily in hock to communist China now, which is evidently a whole lot better at business than we are. You talk about the collapse of communism or the Soviet Union. My goodness, this country collapsed in 1929. I mean it crashed, big time, and capitalism looked like a very poor idea.
β
β
Kurt Vonnegut Jr.
β
Capitalism has survived communism. Now, it eats away at itself.
β
β
Charles Bukowski (The Captain is Out to Lunch and the Sailors Have Taken Over the Ship)
β
Democracy has nothing to do with freedom. Democracy is a soft variant of communism, and rarely in the history of ideas has it been taken for anything else.
β
β
Hans-Hermann Hoppe
β
Communism is the riddle of history solved, and it knows itself to be this solution.
β
β
Karl Marx (Economic & Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844)
β
Genuine equality means not treating everyone the same, but attending equally to everyoneβs different needs.
β
β
Terry Eagleton (Why Marx Was Right)
β
Someone that you have deprived of everything is no longer in your power. He is once again entirely free.
β
β
Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn (The First Circle)
β
A specter is haunting Europeβthe specter of Communism. All the powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this specter; Pope and Czar, Metternich and Guizot, French radicals and German police spies.
Where is the party in opposition that has not been decried as Communistic by its opponents in power? Where the opposition that has not hurled back the branding reproach of Communism, against the more advanced opposition parties, as well as against its reactionary adversaries?
Two things result from this fact.
I. Communism is already acknowledged by all European powers to be in itself a power.
II. It is high time that Communists should openly, in the face of the whole world, publish their views, their aims, their tendencies, and meet this nursery tale of the Specter of Communism with a Manifesto of the party itself.
β
β
Karl Marx (The Communist Manifesto)
β
It is not what you can do for your country, but what you can do for all of mankind.
β
β
Mike Norton
β
Paradise: If communism is Paradise, why do we need barriers, walls, and laws to keep people from escaping?
β
β
Ruta Sepetys (I Must Betray You)
β
In a higher phase of communist society, after the enslaving subordination of the individual to the division of labor, and therewith also the antithesis between mental and physical labor, has vanished; after labor has become not only a means of life but life's prime want; after the productive forces have also increased with the all-around development of the individual, and all the springs of co-operative wealth flow more abundantlyβonly then can the narrow horizon of bourgeois right be crossed in its entirety and society inscribe on its banners: From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs!
β
β
Karl Marx (Critique of the Gotha Program)
β
The fact that so many successful politicians are such shameless liars is not only a reflection on them, it is also a reflection on us. When the people want the impossible, only liars can satisfy.
β
β
Thomas Sowell
β
Today we are fighting Communism. Okay. If I'd been alive fifty years ago, the brand of Conservatism we have today would have been damn near called Communism and we should have been told to go and fight that. History is moving pretty quickly these days and the heroes and villains keep on changing parts.
β
β
Ian Fleming (Casino Royale (James Bond, #1))
β
[ ] manic sex isn't really intercourse. It's dicourse, just another way to ease the insatiable need for contact and communication. In place of words, I simply spoke with my skin.
β
β
Terri Cheney (Manic: A Memoir)
β
If you took the most ardent revolutionary, vested him in absolute power, within a year he would be worse than the Tsar himself.
β
β
Mikhail Bakunin
β
The greatest question of our time is not communism vs. individualism, not Europe vs. America, not even the East vs. the West; it is whether men can bear to live without God.
β
β
Will Durant
β
You Americans, always peering under people's beds to look for communism.
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β
Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie (Half of a Yellow Sun)
β
Weβre taught at such an early age to be against the communists, yet most of us donβt have the faintest idea what communism is. Only a fool lets somebody else tell him who his enemy is.
β
β
Assata Shakur (Assata: An Autobiography)
β
It is only when we have renounced our preoccupation with "I," "me," "mine," that we can truly possess the world in which we live. Everything, provided that we regard nothing as property. And not only is everything ours; it is also everybody else's.
β
β
Aldous Huxley (The Perennial Philosophy)
β
There were people who believed their opportunities to live a fulfilled life were hampered by the number of Asians in England, by the existance of a royal family, by the volume of traffic that passed by their house, by the malice of trade unions, by the power of callous employers, by the refusal of the health service to take their condition seriously, by communism, by capitalism, by atheism, by anything, in fact, but their own futile, weak-minded failure to get a fucking grip.
β
β
Stephen Fry (Revenge (aka The Starsβ Tennis Balls))
β
Soviet-style communism failed, not because it was intrinsically evil, but because it was flawed. It allowed too few people to usurp too much power. Twenty-first century market capitalism, American-style, will fail for the same reasons. Both are edifices constructed by human intelligence, undone by human nature.
β
β
Arundhati Roy
β
Vietnam was a country where America was trying to make people stop being communists by dropping things on them from airplanes.
β
β
Kurt Vonnegut Jr. (Breakfast of Champions)
β
It's not an endlessly expanding list of rights β the 'right' to education, the 'right' to health care, the 'right' to food and housing. That's not freedom, that's dependency. Those aren't rights, those are the rations of slavery β hay and a barn for human cattle.
β
β
Alexis de Tocqueville
β
A child who does not think about what happens around him and is content with living without wondering whether he lives honestly is like a man who lives from a scoundrel's work and is on the road to being a scoundrel.
β
β
JosΓ© MartΓ
β
It is easy to be conspicuously 'compassionate' if others are being forced to pay the cost.
β
β
Murray N. Rothbard
β
Unity is a great thing and a great slogan. But what the workersβ cause needs is the unity of Marxists, not unity between Marxists, and opponents and distorters of Marxism.
β
β
Vladimir Lenin
β
The goal of Socialism is Communism.
β
β
Vladimir Lenin
β
One sometimes gets the impression that the mere words βSocialismβ and βCommunismβ draw towards them with magnetic force every fruit-juice drinker, nudist, sandal-wearer, sex-maniac, Quaker, βNature Cureβ quack, pacifist, and feminist in England.
β
β
George Orwell (The Road to Wigan Pier)
β
It was patriotism, not communism, that inspired me.
β
β
Hα» ChΓ Minh
β
Communism is for us not a state of affairs which is to be established, an ideal to which reality [will] have to adjust itself. We call communism the real movement which abolishes the present state of things. The conditions of this movement result from the premises now in existence.
β
β
Karl Marx (German Ideology)
β
Capitalism did not defeat communism because capitalism was more ethical, because individual liberties are sacred or because God was angry with the heathen communists. Rather, capitalism won the Cold War because distributed data processing works better than centralised data processing, at least in periods of accelerating technological change.
β
β
Yuval Noah Harari (Homo Deus: A History of Tomorrow)
β
His family could not understand the attraction to Marxism. It offered nothing and demanded everything, including your soul.
β
β
Rafael Polo (Growing Up American)
β
The world would not be in such a snarl, had Marx been Groucho instead of Karl.
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β
Irving Berlin
β
Socialism is an alternative to capitalism as potassium cyanide is an alternative to water.
β
β
Ludwig von Mises (Human Action: A Treatise on Economics)
β
Every socialist is a disguised dictator.
β
β
Ludwig von Mises
β
In a way, the worldβview of the Party imposed itself most successfully on people incapable of understanding it. They could be made to accept the most flagrant violations of reality, because they never fully grasped the enormity of what was demanded of them, and were not sufficiently interested in public events to notice what was happening. By lack of understanding they remained sane. They simply swallowed everything, and what they swallowed did them no harm, because it left no residue behind, just as a grain of corn will pass undigested through the body of a bird.
β
β
George Orwell (1984)
β
The American press exists for one purpose only, and that is to convince Americans that they are living in the greatest and most envied country in the history of the world. The Press tells the American people how awful every other country is and how wonderful the United States is and how evil communism is and how happy they should be to have freedom to buy seven different sorts of detergent.
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β
Gore Vidal
β
An army of the people is invincible!
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β
Mao Zedong (Quotations from Chairman Mao Tse-Tung)
β
Caution in handling generally accepted opinions that claim to explain whole trends of history is especially important for the historian of modern times, because the last century has produced an abundance of ideologies that pretend to be keys to history but are actually nothing but desperate efforts to escape responsibility.
β
β
Hannah Arendt (The Origins of Totalitarianism)
β
The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of production, by the immensely facilitated means of communication, draws all, even the most barbarian, nations into civilization. The cheap prices of its commodities are the heavy artillery with which it batters down all Chinese walls, with which it forces the barbarians' intensely obstinate hatred of foreigners to capitulate. It compels all nations, on pain of extinction, to adopt the bourgeois mode of production; it compels them to introduce what it calls civilization into their midst, i.e., to become bourgeois themselves. In one word, it creates a world after its own image.
β
β
Karl Marx (The Communist Manifesto)
β
Communism forgets that life is individual. Capitalism forgets that life is social, and the kingdom of brotherhood is found neither in the thesis of communism nor the antithesis of capitalism but in a higher synthesis. It is found in a higher synthesis that combines the truths of both.
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β
Martin Luther King Jr.
β
Labor in the white skin can never free itself as long as labor in the black skin is branded.
β
β
Karl Marx (Das Kapital/Das kommunistische Manifest)
β
I knew I was alone in a way that no earthling has ever been before.
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β
Michael Collins
β
The world, viewed philosophically, remains a series of slave camps, where citizens β tax livestock β labor under the chains of illusion in the service of their masters.
β
β
Stefan Molyneux
β
In a country where the sole employer is the State, opposition means death by slow starvation. The old principle: who does not work shall not eat, has been replaced by a new one: who does not obey shall not eat.
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β
Leon Trotsky
β
The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It has pitilessly torn asunder the motley feudal ties that bound man to his 'natural superiors,' and has left remaining no other nexus between man and man than naked self-interest, callous 'cash payment.' It has drowned the most heavenly ecstasies of religious fervor, of chivalrous enthusiasm, of philistine sentimentalism, in the icy water of egotistical calculation. It has resolved personal worth into exchange value, and in place of the numberless indefeasible chartered freedoms, has set up that single, unconscionable freedomβFree Trade. In one word, for exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, it has substituted naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation.
The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupation hitherto honored and looked up to with reverent awe. It has converted the physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the man of science, into its paid wage laborers.
The bourgeoisie has torn away from the family its sentimental veil, and has reduced the family relation to a mere money relation.
β
β
Karl Marx (The Communist Manifesto)
β
But love, like the sun that it is, sets afire and melts everything. what greed and privilege to build up over whole centuries the indignation of a pious spirit, with its natural following of oppressed souls, will cast down with a single shove.
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β
JosΓ© MartΓ
β
Then the world will be for the common people, and the sounds of happiness will reach the deepest springs. Ah! Come! People of every land, how can you not be roused.
β
β
Karl Marx (The Communist Manifesto)
β
The only difference between a cult and a religion is the amount of real estate they ownβ
βStupidity has a certain charm - ignorance does notβ
βMy best advice to anyone who wants to raise a happy, mentally healthy child is: Keep him or her as far away from a church as you canβ
βIt would be easier to pay off the national debt overnight than to neutralize the long-range effects of our national stupidityβ
βCommunism doesn't work because people like to own stuff.
β
β
Frank Zappa
β
Communism deprives no man of the power to appropriate the products of society: all that it does is to deprive him of the power to subjugate the labor of others by means of such appropriation.
It has been objected, that upon the abolition of private property all work will cease, and universal laziness will overtake us.
According to this, bourgeois society ought long ago to have gone to the dogs through sheer idleness; for those of its members who work, acquire nothing, and those who acquire anything, do not work.
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β
Karl Marx (The Communist Manifesto)
β
Crowned heads, wealth and privilege may well tremble should ever again the Black and Red unite!"
-after the split between Anarchists and Marxists in 1872
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β
Otto von Bismarck
β
Money is the alienated essence of man's labor and life; and this alien essence dominates him as he worships it.
β
β
Karl Marx (Capital: A Critique of Political Economy Volume 1)
β
Freedom is indivisible. As soon as one starts to restrict it, one enters upon a decline on which it is difficult to stop.
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β
Ludwig von Mises
β
The truth is, one who seeks to achieve freedom by petitioning those in power to give it to him has already failed, regardless of the response.
To beg for the blessing of βauthorityβ is to accept that the choice is the masterβs alone to make, which means that the person is already, by definition, a slave.
β
β
Larken Rose
β
We find that at present the human race is divided into one wise man, nine knaves, and ninety fools out of every hundred. That is, by an optimistic observer. The nine knaves assemble themselves under the banner of the most knavish among them, and become 'politicians'; the wise man stands out, because he knows himself to be hopelessly outnumbered, and devotes himself to poetry, mathematics, or philosophy; while the ninety fools plod off under the banners of the nine villains, according to fancy, into the labyrinths of chicanery, malice and warfare. It is pleasant to have command, observes Sancho Panza, even over a flock of sheep, and that is why the politicians raise their banners. It is, moreover, the same thing for the sheep whatever the banner. If it is democracy, then the nine knaves will become members of parliament; if fascism, they will become party leaders; if communism, commissars. Nothing will be different, except the name. The fools will be still fools, the knaves still leaders, the results still exploitation. As for the wise man, his lot will be much the same under any ideology. Under democracy he will be encouraged to starve to death in a garret, under fascism he will be put in a concentration camp, under communism he will be liquidated.
β
β
T.H. White (The Book of Merlyn: The Unpublished Conclusion to The Once & Future King)
β
It is interesting to note that the "sexual revolution" was sometimes portrayed as a communal utopia, whereas in fact it was simply another stage in the historical rise of individualism. As the lovely word "household" suggests, the couple and the family would be the last bastion of primitive communism in liberal society. The sexual revolution was to destroy these intermediary communities, the last to separate the individual from the market. The destruction continues to this day.
β
β
Michel Houellebecq (The Elementary Particles)
β
The worship of the state is the worship of force. There is no more dangerous menace to civilization than a government of incompetent, corrupt, or vile men. The worst evils which mankind ever had to endure were inο¬icted by bad governments. The state can be and has often been in the course of history the main source of mischief and disaster.
β
β
Ludwig von Mises
β
Yes, alone we are, deeply alone, and always, in store for us, a layer of loneliness even deeper. There is nothing we can do to dispose of that. No, loneliness shouldnβt surprise us, as astonishing to experience as it may be. You can try yourself inside out, but all you are then is inside out and lonely instead of inside in and lonely. My stupid, stupid Merry dear, stupider even that your stupid father, not even blowing up buildings helps. Itβs lonely if there are buildings and itβs lonely if there are buildings and itβs lonely if there are no buildings. There is no protest to be lodged against lonelinessβ―not all the bombing campaigns in history have made a dent in it. The most lethal of manmade explosives canβt touch it. Stand in awe not of Communism, my idiot child, but of ordinary, everyday loneliness.
β
β
Philip Roth (American Pastoral)
β
The central problem of our age is not liberalism or modernism, nor the old Roman Catholicism or the new Roman Catholicism, nor the threat of communism, nor even the threat of rationalism and the monolithic consensus which surrounds us. All these are dangerous but not the primary threat. The real problem is this: the church of the Lord Jesus Christ, individually corporately, tending to do the Lordβs work in the power of the flesh rather than of the Spirit. The central problem is always in the midst of the people of God, not in the circumstances surrounding them.
β
β
Francis A. Schaeffer (No Little People)
β
There is often talk of human rights, but it is also necessary to talk of the rights of humanity. Why should some people walk barefoot, so that others can travel in luxurious cars? Why should some live for thirty-five years, so that others can live for seventy years? Why should some be miserably poor, so that others can be hugely rich? I speak on behalf of the children in the world who do not have a piece of bread. I speak on the behalf of the sick who have no medicine, of those whose rights to life and human dignity have been denied.
β
β
Fidel Castro
β
It is difficult for me to imagine what "personal liberty" is enjoyed by an unemployed person, who goes about hungry, and cannot find employment.
Real liberty can exist only where exploitation has been abolished, where there is no oppression of some by others, where there is no unemployment and poverty, where a man is not haunted by the fear of being tomorrow deprived of work, of home and of bread. Only in such a society is real, and not paper, personal and every other liberty possible.
β
β
Joseph Stalin
β
You are horrified at our intending to do away with private property. But in your existing society private property is already done away with for nine-tenths of the population; its existence for the few is solely due to its non-existence in the hands of those nine-tenths. You reproach us, therefore, with intending to do away with a form of property, the necessary condition for whose existence is the non-existence of any property for the immense majority of society.
In one word, you reproach us with intending to do away with your property. Precisely so: that is just what we intend.
β
β
Karl Marx (The Communist Manifesto)
β
Fear of the mob is a superstitious fear. It is based on the idea that there is some mysterious, fundamental difference between rich and poor, as though they were two different races, like Negroes and white men. But in reality there is no such difference. The mass of the rich and the poor are differentiated by their incomes and nothing else, and the average millionaire is only the average dishwasher dressed in a new suit. Change places, and handy dandy, which is the justice, which is the thief? Everyone who has mixed on equal terms with the poor knows this quite well. But the trouble is that intelligent, cultivated people, the very people who might be expected to have liberal opinions, never do mix with the poor. For what do the majority of educated people know about poverty?
β
β
George Orwell (Down and Out in Paris and London)
β
[T]he useful idiots, the leftists who are idealistically believing in the beauty of the Soviet socialist or Communist or whatever system, when they get disillusioned, they become the worst enemies. Thatβs why my KGB instructors specifically made the point: never bother with leftists. Forget about these political prostitutes. Aim higher. [...] They serve a purpose only at the stage of destabilization of a nation. For example, your leftists in the United States: all these professors and all these beautiful civil rights defenders. They are instrumental in the process of the subversion only to destabilize a nation. When their job is completed, they are not needed any more. They know too much. Some of them, when they get disillusioned, when they see that Marxist-Leninists come to powerβobviously they get offendedβthey think that they will come to power. That will never happen, of course. They will be lined up against the wall and shot.
β
β
Tomas Schuman
β
Give a man a fish, and you feed him for a day.
Teach a man to fish, and you feed him for a lifetime.
Steal a fish from one guy and give it to another--and keep doing that on a daily basis--and you'll make the first guy pissed off, but you'll make the second guy lazy and dependent on you. Then you can tell the second guy that the first guy is greedy for wanting to keep the fish he caught. Then the second guy will cheer for you to steal more fish. Then you can prohibit anyone from fishing without getting permission from you. Then you can expand the racket, stealing fish from more people and buying the loyalty of others. Then you can get the recipients of the stolen fish to act as your hired thugs. Then you can ... well, you know the rest.
β
β
Larken Rose
β
And now please note that I have raised my right hand. And that means that I'm not kidding, that whatever I say next I believe to be true. So here it goes: The most spiritually splendid American phenomenon of my lifetime wasn't our contribution to the defeat of the Nazis, in which I played such a large part, or Ronald Reagan's overthrow of Godless Communism, in Russia at least.
The most spiritually splendid American phenomenon of my lifetime is how African-American citizens have maintained their dignity and self-respect, despite their having been treated by white Americans, both in and out of government, and simply because of their skin color, as though they were contemptible and loathsome, and even diseased."
"If this isnβt nice, I donβt know what is.
β
β
Kurt Vonnegut Jr.
β
A year or two after emigrating, she happened to be in Paris on the anniversary of the Russian invasion of her country. A protest march had been scheduled, and she felt driven to take part. Fists raised high, the young Frenchmen shouted out slogans condemning Soviet imperialism. She liked the slogans, but to her surprise she found herself unable to shout along with them. She lasted only a few minutes in the parade.
When she told her French friends about it, they were amazed. βYou mean you don't want to fight the occupation of your country?β She would have liked to tell them that behind Communism, Fascism, behind all occupations and invasions lurks a more basic, pervasive evil and that the image of that evil was a parade of people marching with raised fists and shouting identical syllables in unison. But she knew she would never be able to make them understand. Embarrassed, she changed the subject.
β
β
Milan Kundera (The Unbearable Lightness of Being)
β
Darwin did not know what a bitter satire he wrote on mankind ... when he showed that free competition, the struggle for existence, which the economists celebrate as the highest historical achievement, is the normal state of the animal kingdom. Only conscious organization of social production, in which production and distribution are carried on in a planned way, can lift mankind above the rest of the animal.
β
β
Friedrich Engels
β
The very concept of "revolutionary violence" is somewhat falsely cast, since most of the violence comes from those who attempt to prevent reform, not from those struggling for reform. By focusing on the violent rebellions of the downtrodden, we overlook the much greater repressive force and violence utilized by the ruling oligarchs to maintain the status quo, including armed attacks against peaceful demonstrations, mass arrests, torture, destruction of opposition organizations, suppression of dissident publications, death squad assassinations, the extermination of whole villages, and the like.
β
β
Michael Parenti (Blackshirts and Reds: Rational Fascism and the Overthrow of Communism)
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If you personally advocate that I be caged if I don't pay for whatever "government" things YOU want, please don't pretend to be tolerant, or non-violent, or enlightened, or compassionate. Don't pretend you believe in "live and let live," and don't pretend you want peace, freedom or harmony. It's a simple truism that the only people in the world who are willing to "live and let live" are voluntaryists. So you can either PRETEND to care about and respect your fellow man while continuing to advocate widespread authoritarian violence, or you can embrace the concepts of self-ownership and peaceful coexistence, and become an anarchist.
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Larken Rose
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All conservative ideologies justify existing inequities as the natural order of things, inevitable outcomes of human nature. If the very rich are naturally so much more capable than the rest of us, why must they be provided with so many artificial privileges under the law, so many bailouts, subsidies and other special considerations - at our expense? Their "naturally superior talents" include unprincipled and illegal subterfuge such as price-fixing, stock manipulation, insider training, fraud, tax evasion, the legal enforcement of unfair competition, ecological spoliation, harmful products and unsafe work conditions. One might expect naturally superior people not to act in such rapacious and venal ways. Differences in talent and capacity as might exist between individuals do not excuse the crimes and injustices that are endemic to the corporate business system.
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Michael Parenti (Blackshirts and Reds: Rational Fascism and the Overthrow of Communism)
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During the cold war, the anticommunist ideological framework could transform any data about existing communist societies into hostile evidence. If the Soviets refused to negotiate a point, they were intransigent and belligerent; if they appeared willing to make concessions, this was but a skillful ploy to put us off our guard. By opposing arms limitations, they would have demonstrated their aggressive intent; but when in fact they supported most armament treaties, it was because they were mendacious and manipulative. If the churches in the USSR were empty, this demonstrated that religion was suppressed; but if the churches were full, this meant the people were rejecting the regime's atheistic ideology. If the workers went on strike (as happened on infrequent occasions), this was evidence of their alienation from the collectivist system; if they didn't go on strike, this was because they were intimidated and lacked freedom. A scarcity of consumer goods demonstrated the failure of the economic system; an improvement in consumer supplies meant only that the leaders were attempting to placate a restive population and so maintain a firmer hold over them.
If communists in the United States played an important role struggling for the rights of workers, the poor, African-Americans, women, and others, this was only their guileful way of gathering support among disfranchised groups and gaining power for themselves. How one gained power by fighting for the rights of powerless groups was never explained. What we are dealing with is a nonfalsifiable orthodoxy, so assiduously marketed by the ruling interests that it affected people across the entire political spectrum.
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Michael Parenti (Blackshirts and Reds: Rational Fascism and the Overthrow of Communism)
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Very often the test of one's allegiance to a cause or to a people is precisely the willingness to stay the course when things are boring, to run the risk of repeating an old argument just one more time, or of going one more round with a hostile or (much worse) indifferent audience. I first became involved with the Czech opposition in 1968 when it was an intoxicating and celebrated cause. Then, during the depressing 1970s and 1980s I was a member of a routine committee that tried with limited success to help the reduced forces of Czech dissent to stay nourished (and published). The most pregnant moment of that commitment was one that I managed to miss at the time: I passed an afternoon with Zdenek Mlynar, exiled former secretary of the Czech Communist Party, who in the bleak early 1950s in Moscow had formed a friendship with a young Russian militant with an evident sense of irony named Mikhail Sergeyevitch Gorbachev. In 1988 I was arrested in Prague for attending a meeting of one of Vaclav Havel's 'Charter 77' committees. That outwardly exciting experience was interesting precisely because of its almost Zen-like tedium. I had gone to Prague determined to be the first visiting writer not to make use of the name Franz Kafka, but the numbing bureaucracy got the better of me. When I asked why I was being detained, I was told that I had no need to know the reason! Totalitarianism is itself a clichΓ© (as well as a tundra of pulverizing boredom) and it forced the clichΓ© upon me in turn. I did have to mention Kafka in my eventual story. The regime fell not very much later, as I had slightly foreseen in that same piece that it would. (I had happened to notice that the young Czechs arrested with us were not at all frightened by the police, as their older mentors had been and still were, and also that the police themselves were almost fatigued by their job. This was totalitarianism practically yawning itself to death.) A couple of years after that I was overcome to be invited to an official reception in Prague, to thank those who had been consistent friends through the stultifying years of what 'The Party' had so perfectly termed 'normalization.' As with my tiny moment with Nelson Mandela, a whole historic stretch of nothingness and depression, combined with the long and deep insult of having to be pushed around by boring and mediocre people, could be at least partially canceled and annealed by one flash of humor and charm and generosity.
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Christopher Hitchens (Hitch 22: A Memoir)