Class Of 09 Quotes

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The number of working-class whites in high-poverty neighborhoods is growing. In 1970, 25 percent of white children lived in a neighborhood with poverty rates above 10 percent. In 2000, that number was 40 percent. It’s almost certainly even higher today. As a 2011 Brookings Institution study found, “compared to 2000, residents of extreme-poverty neighborhoods in 2005–09 were more likely to be white, native-born, high school or college graduates, homeowners, and not receiving public assistance.”12 In other words, bad neighborhoods no longer plague only urban ghettos; the bad neighborhoods have spread to the suburbs. This
J.D. Vance (Hillbilly Elegy: A Memoir of a Family and Culture in Crisis)
The new economy also generated a bloated bureaucratic class. The number of state functionaries employed by the government rose from 720,000 in 1949, to 3.3 million in 1952, to 8.09 million in 1957.21 In Shanghai, the number of workers of all kinds grew by 1.2 percent from 1949 to 1957, while government staff grew by 16 percent.
Elliott Liu (Maoism and the Chinese Revolution: A Critical Introduction (Revolutionary Pocketbooks Book 6))
The number of working-class whites in high-poverty neighborhoods is growing. In 1970, 25 percent of white children lived in a neighborhood with poverty rates above 10 percent. In 2000, that number was 40 percent. It’s almost certainly even higher today. As a 2011 Brookings Institution study found, “compared to 2000, residents of extreme-poverty neighborhoods in 2005–09 were more likely to be white, native-born, high
J.D. Vance (Hillbilly Elegy: A Memoir of a Family and Culture in Crisis)
What are the implications of ethnic identity for multi-racial and multi-ethnic societies? Tatu Vanhanen of the University of Tampere, Finland, has probably researched the effects of ethnic diversity more systematically than anyone else. In a massive, book-length study, he measured ethnic diversity and levels of conflict in 148 countries, and found correlations in the 0.5 to 0.9 range for the two variables, depending on how the variables were defined and measured. Homogeneous countries like Japan and Iceland show very low levels of conflict, while highly diverse countries like Lebanon and Sudan are wracked with strife. Prof. Vanhanen found tension in all multi-ethnic societies: “Interest conflicts between ethnic groups are inevitable because ethnic groups are genetic kinship groups and because the struggle for existence concerns the survival of our own genes through our own and our relatives’ descendants.” Prof. Vanhanen also found that economic and political institutions make no difference; wealthy, democratic countries suffer from sectarian strife as much as poor, authoritarian ones: “Ethnic nepotism belongs to human nature and . . . it is independent from the level of socioeconomic development (modernization) and also from the degree of democratization.” Others have argued that democracy is particularly vulnerable to ethnic tensions while authoritarian regimes like Saddam Hussein’s Iraq or Tito’s Yugoslavia can give the impression of holding it in check. One expert writing in Foreign Affairs explained that for democracy to work “the party or group that loses has to trust the new majority and believe that its basic interests will still be protected and that there is nothing to fear from a change in power.” He wrote that this was much less likely when opposing parties represent different races or ethnicities. The United Nations found that from 1989 to 1992 there were 82 conflicts that had resulted in at least 1,000 deaths each. Of these, no fewer than 79, or 96 percent, were ethnic or religious conflicts that took place within the borders of recognized states. Only three were cross-border conflicts. Wars between nations are usually ethnic conflicts as well. Internal ethnic conflict has very serious consequences. As J. Philippe Rushton has argued, “The politics of ethnic identity are increasingly replacing the politics of class as the major threat to the stability of nations.” One must question the wisdom of then-president Bill Clinton’s explanation for the 1999 NATO bombing of Serbia: “[T]he principle we and our allies have been fighting for in the Balkans is the principle of multi-ethnic, tolerant, inclusive democracy. We have been fighting against the idea that statehood must be based entirely on ethnicity.” That same year, the American supreme commander of NATO, Wesley Clark, was even more direct: “There is no place in modern Europe for ethnically pure states. That’s a 19th century idea and we are trying to transition into the 21st century, and we are going to do it with multi-ethnic states.
Jared Taylor (White Identity: Racial Consciousness in the 21st Century)
Sienna Rivers, ex-nerd, undisputed reigning chess champion of the class of 09 and the proverbial all round wise-ass degenerate pain in your backside.
Ali Harper (Beautiful Bedlam (Beautiful Bedlam #1))
Minha condição humana me fascina. Conheço o limite de minha existência e ignoro por que estou nesta terra, mas às vezes o pressinto. Pela experiência cotidiana, concreta e intuitiva, eu me descubro vivo para alguns homens, porque o sorriso e a felicidade deles me condicionam inteiramente, mas ainda para outros que, por acaso, descobri terem emoções semelhantes às minhas. E cada dia, milhares de vezes, sinto minha vida — corpo e alma — integralmente tributária do trabalho dos vivos e dos mortos. Gostaria de dar tanto quanto recebo e não paro de receber. Mas depois experimento o sentimento satisfeito de minha solidão e quase demonstro má consciência ao exigir ainda alguma coisa de outrem. Vejo os homens se diferenciarem pelas classes sociais e sei que nada as justifica a não ser pela violência. Sonho ser acessível e desejável para todos uma vida simples e natural, de corpo e de espírito. Recuso-me a crer na liberdade e neste conceito filosófico. Eu não sou livre, e sim às vezes constrangido por pressões estranhas a mim, outras vezes por convicções íntimas. Ainda jovem, fiquei impressionado pela máxima de Schopenhauer: “O homem pode, é certo, fazer o que quer, mas não pode querer o que quer”; e hoje, diante do espetáculo aterrador das injustiças humanas, esta moral me tranquiliza e me educa. Aprendo a tolerar aquilo que me faz sofrer. Suporto então melhor meu sentimento de responsabilidade. ========== Filhos Do Fim Do Mundo (Fábio M. Barreto) - Seu destaque na página 61 | Posição 932-932 | Adicionado na data quarta-feira, 29 de janeiro de 2014, 09:47:22
Anonymous
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Rana (Asian Diplomacy (09) by Rana, Kishan S [Paperback (2008)])