Carlos Slim Quotes

If Jesus was a bartender, He would still only be half as cool as Carlos.

México no es el país de Andrés Manuel López Obrador o Enrique Peña Nieto o Carlos Slim o Emilio Azcárraga o Carlos Romero Deschamps o Elba Esther Gordillo o Felipe Calderón. No es el país de los diputados o los gobernadores o los burócratas o los líderes sindicales o los monopolistas. Es el país de uno. El país nuestro. Ahora y siempre.

Another scar or two won't ruin my pretty face." "Right." "Carlos, are you being polite? That's not why I came here for. I know I'm not Steve McQueen." "My lady is totally in love with him. Lucky for me he's dead or I'd be in trouble." I hold up my glas of Jack Daniel's in a toast. "Here's to all the guys better looking than us. May they all die first.

All times are good time for those who know how to work and have the tools to do so.

Imagine going to Mexico with a notebook and trying to figure out the average wealth of the population from talking to people you randomly encounter. Odds are that, without Carlos Slim in your sample, you have little information. For out of the hundred or so million Mexicans, Slim would (I estimate) be richer than the bottom seventy to ninety million all taken together. So you may sample fifty million persons and unless you include that “rare event,” you may have nothing in your sample and underestimate the total wealth.

Live the present intensely and fully, do not let the past be a burden, and let the future be an incentive. Each person forges his or her own destiny.

Murdoch also derived comfort from some of the other reputable investors he heard Theranos had lined up. They included Cox Enterprises, the Atlanta-based, family-owned conglomerate whose chairman, Jim Kennedy, he was friendly with, and the Waltons of Walmart fame. Other big-name investors he didn’t know about ranged from Bob Kraft, owner of the New England Patriots, to Mexican billionaire Carlos Slim and John Elkann, the Italian industrialist who controlled Fiat Chrysler Automobiles.

Carlos comes back with our drinks. “What should we drink to?” “To love,” says Brigitte. “To the few loyal customers I have left,” says Carlos. I have to think for a minute. “To the dead. Let’s think of them always, but not join them too soon.” Everyone in the bar drinks to that.

We're all equal before a wave. —Laird Hamilton, professional surfer In 2005, I was working as an equity analyst at Merrill Lynch. When one afternoon I told a close friend that I was going to leave Wall Street, she was dumbfounded. "Are you sure you know what you're doing?" she asked me. This was her polite, euphemistic way of wondering if I'd lost my mind. My job was to issue buy or sell recommendations on corporate stocks—and I was at the top of my game. I had just returned from Mexico City for an investor day at America Movíl, now the fourth largest wireless operator in the world. As I sat in the audience with hundreds of others, Carlos Slim, the controlling shareholder and one of the world's richest men, quoted my research, referring to me as "La Whitney." I had large financial institutions like Fidelity Investments asking for my financial models, and when I upgraded or downgraded a stock, the stock price would frequently move several percentage points.

I hope at 50 I'll be dancing like Gianluca Vacchi Party, whiskey, Bellini, Martini, Bloody Maries Bad & Boujee, Tutti Fruity booty, type that really moves me Kundalini rising, energy fill me completely I hope at 50 I'll be writing books like JK Rowling Pen and paper take me places, countries far and foreign Find a cafe up in Edinburgh, write in Scotland Let the stories in my head come out, bloom and blossom I hope at 50
I'll be wealthy like Carlos Slim Buying yachts and mansions and my mother shiny things Encrusted diamond dial on a new Patek Philippe Chill in Maldives but do charity in Ardabil I hope at 50
I'll be funny like Stephen Colbert Cracking witty jokes, making everyone laugh in tears Laughter it goes round and round like a carousel Chronic comic sonic sounds of haha everywhere I hope at 50
I'll be stoic like Robert De Niro Zeno school of thought put an end to my evil ego I hope at 50
I'll be fit as The Rock, Dwayne Johnson Hard rock abs to be paired with an even harder mindset I hope at 50,
I'll be wise like Denzel Washington
Wisdom, knowledge and the faith of God under my skin I hope at 50,
I'll find real love like George Clooney
Amal Alamuddin clone is the type that really moves me

CAN WE TRUST ANYTHING THE NEW YORK TIMES SAYS ABOUT IMMIGRATION? In 2008, the world’s richest man, Carlos Slim Helu, saved the Times from bankruptcy. When that guy saves your company, you dance to his tune. So it’s worth mentioning that Slim’s fortune depends on tens of millions of Mexicans living in the United States, preferably illegally. That is, unless the Times is some bizarre exception to the normal pattern of corruption—which you can read about at this very minute in the Times. If a tobacco company owned Fox News, would we believe their reports on the dangers of smoking? (Guess what else Slim owns? A tobacco company!) The Times impugns David and Charles Koch for funneling “secret cash” into a “right-wing political zeppelin.”1 The Kochs’ funding of Americans for Prosperity is hardly “secret.” What most people think of as “secret cash” is more like Carlos Slim’s purchase of favorable editorial opinion in the Newspaper of Record. It would be fun to have a “Sugar Daddy–Off” with the New York Times: Whose Sugar Daddy Is More Loathsome? The Koch Brothers? The Olin Foundation? Monsanto? Halliburton? Every time, Carlos Slim would win by a landslide. Normally, Slim is the kind of businessman the Times—along with every other sentient human being—would find repugnant. Frequently listed as the richest man in the world, Slim acquired his fortune through a corrupt inside deal giving him a monopoly on telecommunications services in Mexico. But in order to make money from his monopoly, Slim needs lots of Mexicans living in the United States, sending money to their relatives back in Oaxaca. Otherwise, Mexicans couldn’t pay him—and they wouldn’t have much need for phone service, either—other than to call in ransom demands. Back in 2004—before the Times became Slim’s pimp—a Times article stated: “Clearly . . . the nation’s southern border is under siege.”2 But that was before Carlos Slim saved the Times from bankruptcy. Ten years later, with a border crisis even worse than in 2004, and Latin Americans pouring across the border, the Times indignantly demanded that Obama “go big” on immigration and give “millions of immigrants permission to stay.”3

Why don’t you tell me about why you’re here?” says Ray. Before I can answer, Carlos says. “Despite appearances, Stark here is dead.” Ray cocks his head and looks at me. “I wouldn’t have guessed,” says Ray. “You wear death well.

Ray looks over to see what Carlos is talking about. He has good control of his face. He’s done this before. Ray never looks shocked, but the momentary spike in his heartbeat and his pupils dilating tell me all I need to know.

The rise of Robber Barons and their monopoly trusts in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries underscores that, as we already emphasized in chapter 3, the presence of markets is not by itself a guarantee of inclusive institutions. Markets can be dominated by a few firms, charging exorbitant prices and blocking the entry of more efficient rivals and new technologies. Markets, left to their own devices, can cease to be inclusive, becoming increasingly dominated by the economically and politically powerful. Inclusive economic institutions require not just markets, but inclusive markets that create a level playing field and economic opportunities for the majority of the people. Widespread monopoly, backed by the political power of the elite, contradicts this. But the reaction to the monopoly trusts also illustrates that when political institutions are inclusive, they create a countervailing force against movements away from inclusive markets. This is the virtuous circle in action. Inclusive economic institutions provide foundations upon which inclusive political institutions can flourish, while inclusive political institutions restrict deviations away from inclusive economic institutions. Trust busting in the United States, in contrast to what we have seen in Mexico illustrates this facet of the virtuous circle. While there is no political body in Mexico restricting Carlos Slim’s monopoly, the Sherman and Clayton Acts have been used repeatedly in the United States over the past century to restrict trusts, monopolies, and cartels, and to ensure that markets remain inclusive.

Ray comes out a few seconds later, wiping his hands on a small towel. He’s in a white shirt and tan pants. In good shape. He’s sandy haired and wearing Buddy Holly glasses. Ray could be a computer programmer or an ad writer. Whatever he does for a living, he doesn’t look like any brujo I’ve ever seen. He puts out his hand as he comes in. “Hi. I’m Ray,” he says. We shake. “I’m Stark.” He walks back to stand by Carlos.

Other big-name investors he didn’t know about ranged from Bob Kraft, owner of the New England Patriots, to Mexican billionaire Carlos Slim

tampoco es casual que pequeños países que no tienen materias primas, como Singapur, Taiwán o Israel, tengan economías muchísimo más prósperas que las de países riquísimos en petróleo, como Venezuela, Ecuador o Nigeria; o que los hombres más ricos del mundo sigan siendo empresarios como Bill Gates, Carlos Slim o Warren Buffet, que producen tecnología o servicios, pero no materias primas.

El mundo necesita personas que amen lo que hacen que trabajan en lo que realmente les apasiona, no seas un esclavo de tu empleo si eres feliz con lo que haces te felicito y sigue adelante, pero si eres de las personas que se quejan cada que suena el despertador por las mañanas porque es la hora de ir a trabajar, no te engañes más afuera hay un mundo de abundancia esperándote con los brazos abiertos que se te va a dar en el momento que estés preparado para recibirlo.   Dios nos ha dado cualidades y habilidades únicas y especiales a cada uno, el dinero no es malo, los ricos no son malos, Bill Gates dona más de la mitad de sus ganancias a sus fundación, y aún así sigue siendo de las personas más ricas del mundo, Carlos Slim hace lo mismo donando parte de sus ganancias a su fundación y sigue siendo de los más ricos del mundo, ¿hace sentido esto para ti?

México pasó de tener una sola familia en la lista de Forbes en 1987 —los Garza Sada de Nuevo León—, a tener 19 este año. En dos décadas, México creó también al hombre más rico del mundo: Carlos Slim.

I pull out a zippered CD case, but unfortunately, it's slim pickens inside, and I say this not only because the choices are bad, which they are, but because there actually is a Slim Pickens CD inside.

multimillonario mexicano Carlos Slim y su familia vendieron 10 millones de acciones de la petrolera argentina YPF el año pasado, según un documento de la Comisión de Valores de Estados Unidos publicado ayer.

The look in Pitbull’s eyes made me feel like he wasn’t kidding. A part of me couldn’t believe it—here’s one of the most famous musicians in the world, who can headline Madison Square Garden, yet he seems dead serious about fetching coffee for Carlos Slim Jr.

gobernador. Al margen de ese anillo de cercanía, de esos satélites de El Dani, Scioli tiene nexos diversos y llamativos. Carlos Slim, el multimillonario mexicano, visita secretamente Villa La Ñata cada vez que pisa la Argentina. El cantante español Julio Iglesias, aficionado de la política que dice ser amigo de Bill Clinton y Nicolás Sarkozy, también y, en un recital en 2011, dijo que esperaba ver a Scioli convertido en presidente. En enero de 2013, el rey Carlos Gustavo de Suecia estuvo en la Argentina. Cholulo sin pudor, Scioli lo invitó a Villa La Ñata y lo recibió con dos tenores del Teatro Colón y un minirrecital de Nacha Guevara con el infaltable “No llores por mí, Argentina”.