Capital Vol 1 Quotes

Capitalism may be the unequal distribution of wealth, socialism is the equal distribution of poverty.

Very well then! I'll write, write write. He let the words soak into his mind and displace all else. A man had a choice, after all. He devoted his life to his work or to his wife and children and home. It could not be combined; not in this day and age. In this insane world where God was second to income and goodness to wealth.

Every individual is continually exerting himself to find out the most advantageous employment for whatever capital he can command. It is his own advantage, indeed, and not that of the society which he has in view. But the study of his own advantage naturally, or rather necessarily, leads him to prefer that employment which is most advantageous to society... He intends only his own gain, and he is in this, as in many other cases, led by an invisible hand to promote an end which was not part of his intention

Marx himself makes it clear that he does not start from a basic concept – value – but from an elementary material phenomenon – the commodity – which is at the basis of capitalism, as the only economic organization based upon generalized commodity production.

I was happiest when I was working for myself. Setting my own goals. Improving my own skills… Take control of your world.

He only feels himself related to that which is his own. The only effective struggle against Bolshevism is the elimination of Capitalism.

A candidate who, night after night, tries “to capitalize on the emotion of honest patriotism, cheapens the impulse.… It is like playing on the sacredness of mother love for the purposes of promotion.

THE INTEREST WITHOUT THE CAPITAL The lover's food is the love of the bread; no bread need be at hand: no one who is sincere in his love is a slave to existence. Lovers have nothing to do with with with existence; lovers have the interest without the capital. Without wings they fly around the world; without hands they carry the polo ball off the field. That dervish who caught the scent of Reality used to weave basket even though his hand had been cut off. Lover have pitched their tents in nonexistence: they are of one quality and one essence, as nonexistence is.

The commodity is, first of all, an external object, a thing which through its qualities satisfies human needs of whatever kind.

A commodity is, in the first place, an object outside us, a thing that by its properties satisfies human wants of some sort or another.

Nothing dollarable is safe.

the basic social classes of bourgeois society in a separate way: first the industrial capitalists; then the landowners; finally the proletariat.

Hence the enigmatical character of the equivalent form which escapes the notice of the bourgeois political economist, until this form, completely developed, confronts him in the shape of money.

It was intended as an explanation of what would happen to labour, machinery, technology, the size of enterprises, the social structure of the population, the discontinuity of economic growth, and the relations between workers and work, as the capitalist mode of production unfolded all its terrifying potential.

The behaviour of the individual capitalist does not depend on 'the good or ill will of the individual' because 'free competition brings out the inherent laws of capitalist production, in the shape of external coercive laws having power over every individual capitalist' (Capital, vol. 1, p. 270). In so far as individuals adopt the role of capitalist, they are forced to internalize the profit-seeking motive as part of their subjective being. Avarice and greed, and the predilections of the miser, find scope for expression in such a context, but capitalism is not founded on such character traits — competition imposes them willy-nilly on the unfortunate participants.

because of Marx’s capacity to discover the long-term laws of motion of the capitalist mode of production in its essence, irrespective of thousands of ‘impurities’ and of secondary aspects, that his long-term predictions – the laws of accumulation of capital, stepped-up technological progress, accelerated increase in the productivity and intensity of labour, growing concentration and centralization of capital, transformation of the great majority of economically active people into sellers of labour-power, declining rate of profit, increased rate of surplus value, periodically recurrent recessions, inevitable class struggle between Capital and Labour, increasing revolutionary attempts to overthrow capitalism – have been so strikingly confirmed by history.

The usefulness of a thing makes it a use-value.4 But this usefulness does not dangle in mid-air. It is conditioned by the physical properties of the commodity, and has no existence apart from the latter. It is therefore the physical body of the commodity itself, for instance iron, corn, a diamond, which is the use-value or useful thing. This property of a commodity is independent of the amount of labour required to appropriate its useful qualities.

Since Marx wrote, capitalist technology and industry have indeed spread all over the world. As they have done so, moreover, not only have material wealth and the possibilities for freeing mankind definitively from the burden of meaningless, repetitive and mechanical work increased, but so too has the polarization of society between fewer and fewer owners of capital and more and more workers of hand and brain, forced to sell their labour-power to these owners.

Capital Marx’s fundamental aim was to lay bare the laws of motion which govern the origins, the rise, the development, the decline and the disappearance of a given social form of economic organization: the capitalist mode of production. He was not seeking universal laws of economic organization. Indeed, one of the essential theses of Capital is that no such laws exist. For Marx, there are no economic laws valid for each and every basically different form of society

Not an atom of matter enters into the objectivity of commodities as values; in this it is the direct opposite of the coarsely sensuous objectivity of commodities as physical objects. We may twist and turn a single commodity as we wish; it remains impossible to grasp it as a thing possessing value. However, let us remember that commodities possess an objective character as values only in so far as they are all expressions of an identical social substance, human labour, that their objective character as values is therefore purely social. From

The rule that governs the behaviour of all capitalists is, then, 'accumulation for accumulation's sake, production for production's sake' (Capital, vol. 1, p. 595). And this rule, enforced by competition, operates independently of the individual will of the capitalist. It is the hallmark of individual behaviour, and thereby stamps itself as the distinguishing characteristic of all members in the class of capitalists. It also binds all capitalists together, for they all have a common need: to promote the conditions for progressive accumulation.

The same cause which may increase the [net] revenue of the country’ (i.e., as Ricardo explains in the same passage, ‘the revenues of landlords and capitalists’, whose wealth, from the economic point of view, is equivalent to the wealth of the nation), ‘may at the same time render the population redundant and deteriorate the condition of the labourer’ (Ricardo, op. cit., p. 469). ‘The constant aim and the tendency of every improvement in machinery is, in fact, to do away entirely with the labour of man, or to lessen its price by substituting the labour of women and children for that of grown-up men, or of unskilled for that of skilled workmen’ (Ure, op. cit., p. 23).

Here is the myth first of all. This primitive accumulation plays in political economy about the same part as original sin in theology. Its origin is supposed to be explained when it is told as an anecdote of the past. In times long gone by there were two sorts of people; one, the diligent, intelligent, and above all frugal elite. The other lazy rascals, spending their substance more in riotous living. Thus it came to pass that the former sort accumulated wealth, and the latter sort had at last nothing to sell, except their own skins. That’s really what happened. From this original sin dates the poverty of the great majority, that despite all its labor has up to now nothing to sell but itself, and the wealth of the few that increases constantly although they have long ceased to work. Such childishness is every day preached to us in the defense of property. (Capital, vol. 1, 873–74)

Revenons donc à nos poncifs, ou plutôt à quelques-uns d’entre eux : 1° Le XIXe siècle est le siècle de la science. 2° Le XIXe siècle est le siècle du progrès. 3° Le XIXe siècle est le siècle de la démocratie, qui est progrès et progrès continu. 4° Les ténèbres du moyen âge. 5° La Révolution est sainte, et elle a émancipé le peuple français. 6° La démocratie, c’est la paix. Si tu veux la paix, prépare la paix. 7° L’avenir est à la science. La Science est toujours bienfaisante. 8° L’instruction laïque, c’est l’émancipation du peuple. 9° La religion est la fille de la peur. 10° Ce sont les États qui se battent. Les peuples sont toujours prêts à s’accorder. 11° Il faut remplacer l’étude du latin et du grec, qui est devenue inutile, par celle des langues vivantes, qui est utile. 12° Les relations de peuple à peuple vont sans cesse en s’améliorant. Nous courons aux États-Unis d’Europe. 13° La science n’a ni frontières, ni patrie. 14° Le peuple a soif d’égalité. 15° Nous sommes à l’aube d’une ère nouvelle de fraternité et de justice. 16° La propriété, c’est le vol. Le capital, c’est la guerre. 17° Toutes les religions se valent, du moment qu’on admet le divin. 18° Dieu n’existe que dans et par la conscience humaine. Cette conscience crée Dieu un peu plus chaque jour. 19° L’évolution est la loi de l’univers. 20° Les hommes naissent naturellement bons. C’est la société qui les pervertit. 21° Il n’y a que des vérités relatives, la vérité absolue n’existe pas. 22° Toutes les opinions sont bonnes et valables, du moment que l’on est sincère. Je m’arrête à ces vingt-deux âneries, auxquelles il serait aisé de donner une suite, mais qui tiennent un rang majeur par les innombrables calembredaines du XIXe siècle, parmi ce que j’appellerai ses idoles. Idoles sur chacune desquelles on pourrait mettre un ou plusieurs noms.

The rituals of sacrifice and the rituals of compulsion were accordingly unified through the operation of the military machine. And if anxiety was the original motive that brought about the subjective response of sacrifice, war, in the act of widening the area of sacrifice, also restricted the area where normal human choices, based on respect for all the organism's creative potentials, could operate. In a word, a compulsive collective pattern of orderliness was the central achievement of the negative megamachine. At the same time, the gain in power that the organization of the megamachine brought was further offset by the marked symptoms of deterioration in the minds of those who customarily exercised this power: they not merely became dehumanized but they chronically lost all sense of reality, like the Sumerian king who extended his conquests so far that when he returned to his own capital he found it in the hands of an enemy.

The domestication of grain was accompanied by an equally radical innovation in the preparation of food: the invention of bread. In an endless variety of forms, from the unleavened wheat or barley of the Near East to the corn tortillas of the Mexicans and the yeast-risen bread of later cultures, bread has been up to now the center of every diet. No other form of food is so acceptable, so transportable, or so universal. "Give us this day our daily bread" became a universal prayer, and so venerated was this food, as the very flesh of God, that to cut it with a knife is still, in some cultures, a sacrilege. Daily bread brought a security in the food supply that had never before been possible. Despite seasonal fluctuations in yield due to floods or droughts, the cultivation of grains made man assured of his daily nourishment, provided he worked steadily and consecutively, as he had never been certain of the supply of game or his luck in killing it. With bread and oil, bread and butter, or bread and bacon, neolithic cultures had the backbone of a balanced diet, rich in energy, needing only fresh garden produce to be entirely adequate. With this security, it was possible to look ahead and plan ahead with confidence. Except in the tropical areas, where soil regeneration was not mastered, groups could now remain rooted in one spot, surrounded by fields under permanent cultivation, slowly making improvements in the landscape, digging ditches and irrigation canals, making terraces, planting trees, which later generations would be grateful for. Capital accumulation begins at this point: the end of hand-to-mouth living. With the domestication of grains, the future became predictable as never before; and the cultivator not merely sought to retain the ancestral past, but to expand all his present possibilities: once the daily bread was assured, those wider migrations and transplantations of men, which made the country town and the city possible, speedily followed.

In sum, where capitalism prospered, it established three main canons for successful economic enterprise: the calculation of quantity, the observation and regimentation of time ('Time is Money'), and the concentration on abstract pecuniary rewards. Its ultimate values-Power, Profit, Prestige-derive from these sources and all of them can be traced back, under the flimsiest of disguises, to the Pyramid Age. The first produced the universal accountancy of profit and loss; the second ensured productive efficiency in men as well as machines; the third introduced a driving motive into daily life, equivalent on its own base level to the monk's search for an eternal reward in Heaven. The pursuit of money became a passion and an obsession: the end to which all other ends were means.

There is one further attribute of language that places it at a higher level than any existing technological organization or facility; and that is, to function at all, it demands a reciprocal relation between producer and consumer, between sayer and listener: an inequality of advantage destroys in some degree the integrity and common value of the product. Unlike any historic economic system, the demand for words may be limited without embarrassing the supply: the capital reserves (vocabulary) may become huger and the capacity for production (speech, literature, sharable meanings) continue to increase without imposing any collective duty to consume the surplus. This relationship, embedded in the special form of language, the dialogue, is at last being undermined by a new system of control and one-way communication that has now found an electronic mode of operation; and the grave issues that have thus been raised must now be faced.

The city’s West Side was a gigantic slum, containing perhaps 60,000 residents, who were paid, Gunther says, “probably the lowest wages in the United States”—for pecan shellers (San Antonio was the “Pecan Capital of the World”) an average of $1.75 per week.

If money, according to Augier, "comes into the world with a congenital blood-stain on one cheek," capital comes dripping from head to foot, from every pore, with blood and dirt.

Технология вскрывает активное отношение человека к природе, непосредственный процесс производства его жизни, а вместе с тем и его общественных условий жизни и проистекающих из них духовных представлений. Даже всякая история религии, абстрагирующаяся от этого материального базиса, — некритична. Конечно, много легче посредством анализа найти земное ядро туманных религиозных представлений, чем, наоборот, из данных отношений реальной жизни вывести соответствующие им религиозные формы. Последний метод есть единственно материалистический, а следовательно, единственно научный метод. Недостатки абстрактного естественнонаучного материализма, исключающего исторический процесс, обнаруживаются уже в абстрактных и идеологических представлениях его защитников, едва лишь они решаются выйти за пределы своей специальности.

Xiao Xun suddenly gained some insight into why Yan Xiaohan's reputation was so bad - it was said that every time he argued with Fu Shen, whether he won or lost, the word in the capital would be "The court's dog has been abusing a loyal and upright man again".

Such was the manner in which the new leader entered his capital to take the oath of office.

St. Thomas 29 recommends Christian rulers, " for the honor of the Sacrament," to remit capital punishment to convicted pagans who ask for Baptism, and the Roman Catechism repeats the recommendation.

Por consiguiente, si la producción de los medios de subsistencia que cada día consume el obrero, término medio, requiere 6 horas, éste habrá de trabajar 6 horas por día, de promedio, para producir diariamente su fuerza de trabajo o reproducir el valor obtenido mediante la venta de la misma. La parte necesaria de su jornada laboral asciende entonces a 6 horas, y por ende, permaneciendo incambiadas las demás circunstancias, es una magnitud dada. Pero con esto no está todavía dada la extensión de la jornada laboral misma. (...) La jornada laboral no es, por tanto, una magnitud constante sino variable. Una de sus partes, ciertamente, se halla determinada por el tiempo de trabajo requerido para la reproducción constante del obrero mismo, pero su magnitud global varía con la extensión o duración del plustrabajo. Por consiguiente, la jornada laboral es determinable, pero en sí y para sí indeterminada (...)El hombre necesita tiempo para la satisfacción de necesidades espirituales y sociales, cuya amplitud y número dependen del nivel alcanzado en general por la civilización. La variación de la jornada laboral oscila pues dentro de límites físicos y sociales. Unos y otros son, sin embargo, de naturaleza muy elástica y permiten la libertad de movimientos. Encontramos, así, jornadas laborales de 8, 10, 12, 14, 16, 18 horas, o sea de las extensiones más disímiles.

The individual', Marx suggests, consequently 'carries his social power, as well as his bond with society, in his pocket' (Grundrisse, p. 157). This social power is 'alienable without restriction or conditions', and it can become, therefore, the 'private power of private persons' (Capital, vol. 1, pp. 110, 132). Greed for that social power leads to appropriation, stealing, hoarding, accumulation — all become possible. Marx goes to considerable lengths, particularly in the Grundrisse (see particularly pp. 145-72), to describe the disruptive effects of monetization, through social power relations, on traditional societies.

The extension of exchange puts producers into relations of reciprocal dependency. But they relate to each other by way of the products they exchange rather than directly as social beings. Social relationships are expressed as relationships between things. On the other hand, the things themselves exchange according to their value, which is measured in terms of abstract labour. And abstract labour becomes the measure of value through a specific social process. The 'fetishism of commodities' describes a state in which 'the relations connecting the labour of one individual with that of the rest appear, not as direct social relations between individuals at work, but as what they really are, material relations between persons and social relations between things' (Capital, vol. 1, p. 73).