William Barr Quotes

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My dear dear lord, The purest treasure mortal times afford Is spotless reputation: that away, Men are but gilded loam or painted clay. A jewel in a ten-times-barr'd-up chest Is a bold spirit in a loyal breast. Mine honour is my life; both grow in one: Take honour from me, and my life is done: Then, dear my liege, mine honour let me try; In that I live and for that will I die.
William Shakespeare (Richard II)
Rudy Giuliani, William Barr, Jared Kushner, and Mike Pompeo are Trump’s new wannabe fixers, sycophants willing to distort the truth and break the law in the service of the Boss.
Michael Cohen (Disloyal: The True Story of the Former Personal Attorney to President Donald J. Trump)
At Stage Four of EBV, viral neurotoxins flood the body’s bloodstream and travel to the brain, where they short out neurotransmitters; plus the virus inflames or goes after the nerves throughout the body, making them sensitive and even allergic to the neurotoxins. As a result, it’s common to experience heavier brain fog, memory loss, confusion, depression, anxiety, migraines, joint pain, nerve pain, heart palpitations, eye floaters, restless legs, ringing in the ears, insomnia, difficulty healing from injuries, and more.
Anthony William (Medical Medium Thyroid Healing: The Truth behind Hashimoto's, Graves', Insomnia, Hypothyroidism, Thyroid Nodules & Epstein-Barr)
KNOWLEDGE IS POWER The first step of the healing process is to know the cause of your suffering is Epstein-Barr—and to realize it’s not your fault. Your EBV-related health problems
Anthony William (Medical Medium: Secrets Behind Chronic and Mystery Illness and How to Finally Heal)
What is the end of study? let me know. Why, that to know, which else we should not know. Things hid and barr'd, you mean, from common sense? Ay, that is study's godlike recompense. Come on, then; I will swear to study so, To know the thing I am forbid to know: As thus,--to study where I well may dine, When I to feast expressly am forbid; Or study where to meet some mistress fine, When mistresses from common sense are hid; Or, having sworn too hard a keeping oath, Study to break it and not break my troth. If study's gain be thus and this be so, Study knows that which yet it doth not know: -- ACT I, SCENE 1, Loves Labour's Lost
William Shakespeare (Love's Labour's Lost)
The venom clamours of a jealous woman, Poisons more deadly than a mad dog’s tooth. It seems his sleeps were hinder’d by thy railing: And thereof comes it that his head is light. Thou say’st his meat was sauced with thy upbraidings: Unquiet meals make ill digestions; Thereof the raging fire of fever bred; And what’s a fever but a fit of madness? Thou say’st his sports were hinder’d by thy brawls: Sweet recreation barr’d, what doth ensue But moody and dull melancholy, Kinsman to grim and comfortless despair; And at her heels a huge infectious troop Of pale distemperatures and foes to life? In food, in sport, and life-preserving rest To be disturb’d, would mad or man or beast: The consequence is, then, thy jealous fits Have scared thy husband from the use of wits.
William Shakespeare (The Comedy of Errors)
No, take more! What may be sworn by, both divine and human, Seal what I end withal! This double worship, Where [one] part does disdain with cause, the other Insult without all reason; where gentry, title, wisdom, Cannot conclude but by the yea and no Of general ignorance— it must omit Real necessities, and give way the while To unstable slightness. Purpose so barr’d, it follows Nothing is done to purpose. Therefore beseech you— You that will be less fearful than discreet; That love the fundamental part of state More than you doubt the change on’t; that prefer A noble life before a long, and wish To jump a body with a dangerous physic That’s sure of death without it— at once pluck out The multitudinous tongue; let them not lick The sweet which is their poison. Your dishonor Mangles true judgment, and bereaves the state Of that integrity which should become’t; Not having the power to do the good it would, For th’ ill which doth control’t.
William Shakespeare (Coriolanus)
President George W. Bush. He worked directly under CIA “asset” James Comey, who held the position of Deputy Attorney General, and Comey worked directly under CIA officer John Ashcroft, the Attorney General of the United States. As FBI Director, Wray worked directly under Attorney General William Barr, who, like Wray, is a CIA officer who used an “official cover.” Barr was “officially” in the CIA in the 1970s, first with the CIA’s Intelligence Directorate from 1973 to 1975 and then with the CIA’s Office of Legislative Counsel from 1975 to 1977.[357] Shortly after CIA officer George H. W. Bush became President, he appointed Barr to be an Assistant
Anthony Frank (DESTROYING AMERICA: The CIA’s Quest to Control the Government)
Admiral Rogers retired on May 4th, 2018, after a long and distinguished career with the Navy, the NSA, and Cybercommand. In 2019, William Barr
Dave Hayes (Calm before the Storm (Q Chronicles Book 1))
To this day, the lies, misrepresentations, and fabrications that are the sum total of who my uncle is are perpetuated by the Republican Party and white evangelical Christians. People who know better, such as Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell; true believers, such as Representative Kevin McCarthy, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, and Attorney General William Barr; and others too numerous to name, have become, unwittingly or not, complicit in their perpetuation. None of the Trump siblings emerged unscathed from my grandfather’s sociopathy and my grandmother’s illnesses, both physical and psychological, but my uncle Donald and my father, Freddy, suffered more than the rest.
Mary L. Trump (Too Much and Never Enough: How My Family Created the World’s Most Dangerous Man)
To this day, the lies, misrepresentations, and fabrications that are the sum total of who my uncle is are perpetuated by the Republican Party and white evangelical Christians. People who know better, such as Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell; true believers, such as Representative Kevin McCarthy, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, and Attorney General William Barr; and others too numerous to name, have become, unwittingly or not, complicit in their perpetuation.
Mary L. Trump (Too Much and Never Enough: How My Family Created the World’s Most Dangerous Man)
Epstein’s life in the underworld of the global elite begins and ends with the family of William Barr, Trump’s attorney general. As
Sarah Kendzior (Hiding in Plain Sight: The Invention of Donald Trump and the Erosion of America)
We wish each other “sweet dreams,” when really, we should wish each other “healing dreams.” To advance the soul, mend the heart, and empty yourself of harmful emotions, you don’t want every dream to be perfect and tranquil and flowery. You don’t want your dream life to be an all- out wonderland. You want your dreams to have some hardship in them, because you want the good stuff to be happening when you’re awake.
Anthony William (Medical Medium Thyroid Healing: The Truth behind Hashimoto's, Graves', Insomnia, Hypothyroidism, Thyroid Nodules & Epstein-Barr)
Progressivism’s doctrines and agenda are dictated from the top by an enlightened elite. The ideology is a conglomerate of abstruse ideas, mashing together elements of Marxism, racial and gender ideologies, radical feminism, transgender ideology, and a host of other “isms.” Writers have used different names to refer to parts of this eclectic ideology: social justice politics, wokeness, cultural Marxism, and so on. American essayist Wesley Yang’s term for it, the successor ideology, is apt. It’s the successor to modern liberalism, seeking to supplant the liberal order itself. The practical agenda of today’s progressive movement is as eclectic as the hodgepodge of ideas undergirding it.
William P. Barr (One Damn Thing After Another: Memoirs of an Attorney General)
officials in an incumbent administration, entrusted with the most sensitive law enforcement and intelligence tools of government power, might abuse them to spy on their opponents and inject their own proclivities into the political process under the guise of national security. The risk is not just that they might attempt to advance their own partisan political preferences, but also there is a more subtle form of corruption: that officials take on a “praetorian guard” mentality—a smug self-assurance that they know what is best for the country and can justifiably use their powers to prevent the people from making mistakes. The risk is that officials like this, convinced they have a higher duty to protect the country from itself, use the government’s security apparatus to undermine candidates whose fitness for office or whose policy proposals don’t measure up to their standards.
William P. Barr (One Damn Thing After Another: Memoirs of an Attorney General)
But the main reason Trump won the nomination—and later the general election—was simpler than any of that: he fit the times. Trump had explored running for president twice before, and the voters had shown little interest. This time around, he turned half the country’s unease and confusion about what was happening to America into a powerful political response. In his own way, he articulated the anger that many middle- and working-class Americans felt over the excesses and condescension of the Democratic Party, the coastal elites, and especially the mainstream news media. Trump had diagnosed a decisive divide in the nation: the alienation of average Americans from the increasingly smug and isolated elites that had mismanaged the country and appeared content to preside over a declining America. They felt the old-boy system in Washington had sold them out and that it was time to disrupt the system. Many ordinary Americans were especially sick of the radical progressives’ shrill disparagement of America and scornful attacks on traditional values, and they were deeply frustrated by the wildly partisan role played by the media. In short, in 2016 many voters felt like the character Howard Beale in the 1976 film Network: “I’m as mad as hell, and I’m not going to take this anymore!” Trump’s pugnacious style worked. These frustrated Americans found in him a fighter willing to punch back, go toe-to-toe with the press, and mount a full-throated defense of America and middle-class values. They were tired of the cooing doublespeak of professional politicians and wanted someone who would tell it like it is—straight from the shoulder—and someone willing to follow through and actually do what other politicians said they would do but never did. Trump’s combativeness also enabled him to break through the distortions and smothering hostility of the partisan media and talk right past them, straight to the American people. For many, supporting Trump was an act of defiance—a protest. The more over the top he was, the more they savored the horrified reaction of the elites, especially the media. Arguments that Trump wasn’t presidential missed the point. Trump’s supporters already knew he didn’t conform to presidential norms. Their question was: Where had presidential norms gotten them? They wanted someone who didn’t conform. The Left was taking a wrecking ball to the country. Many fed up Americans wanted to strike back with their own wrecking ball.
William P. Barr (One Damn Thing After Another: Memoirs of an Attorney General)
Pelosi’s wariness seemed confirmed on March 22, 2019, when Mueller flubbed the unveiling of his team’s report on Trump’s ties to foreign governments. Although the report was devastating, Mueller’s initial silence allowed Attorney General William Barr to issue misleading characterizations that overshadowed the report’s details. Barr claimed that the report “exonerated” the president. The actual report documented a number of extremely problematic relationships between the president’s campaign and Russian officials. Mueller, who did not believe he had the authority to call for impeachment since the independent counsel law had expired, then made things worse by faltering in congressional testimony.
Julian E. Zelizer (The Presidency of Donald J. Trump: A First Historical Assessment)
Radical progressivism’s messianic premises; its totalizing ambitions to control all aspects of life; its need to tear down society’s existing belief systems and institutions; its antagonism to free and open debate—all are alien to the values of liberal democracy.
William P. Barr (One Damn Thing After Another: Memoirs of an Attorney General)
Later, I would work closely with Quayle and found him highly intelligent, unaffected, and a savvy
William P. Barr (One Damn Thing After Another: Memoirs of an Attorney General)
Throughout our marriage, an ongoing joke between Chris and me was my succession of pledges to her each time I took on a new, challenging job. I would promise that, if she would let me get through just this next one, we would finally slow down and take time for ourselves. This started while I was working and going to night law school. I promised her, “Just wait till I get law school under my belt.” But after that, it was, “Just wait for me to finish this clerkship.” And then, “Just wait for me to make partner at the law firm.” When President George H. W. Bush came to the Department of Justice in 1991 for my swearing-in as Attorney General, I gave remarks in which I went through the whole litany, and ended with, “So Chris, I promise: once I get this Attorney Generalship under my belt, we will take time to smell the flowers.” Everyone laughed. But I did not keep my word. Instead, I had accepted a demanding corporate job that had me commuting every week for nearly fifteen years to the New York area, while she bore the main burden of raising our three daughters. It was time for me to come through.
William P. Barr (One Damn Thing After Another: Memoirs of an Attorney General)
Perhaps you should occasionally allow yourself the luxury of an unexpressed thought.
William P. Barr (One Damn Thing After Another: Memoirs of an Attorney General)
At almost eighty years of age and with thirty-six years in the same government job, he struck me as a consummate bureaucrat—one with a huge ego and penchant for self-promotion.
William P. Barr (One Damn Thing After Another: Memoirs of an Attorney General)
States do not have the authority to make people think the way it wants them to think.
William P. Barr (One Damn Thing After Another: Memoirs of an Attorney General)
it is not the role of the state to use its coercive power to remake man and society according to some abstract conception of perfection. The purpose of government is far more modest: maintaining the modicum of order necessary for citizens to flourish in peace as they pursue their freely chosen destiny, both as individuals and together in the free, voluntary associations that develop organically as part of private civil society. The
William P. Barr (One Damn Thing After Another: Memoirs of an Attorney General)
To my surprise, we adored the social worker assigned to us at Dana-Farber. When first offered her services, I said we did not really need a social worker, but she quickly became indispensable and made life much easier for us.
William P. Barr (One Damn Thing After Another: Memoirs of an Attorney General)
The malicious murder of an innocent person is simply not on the same moral plane as the execution of the guilty murderer done to uphold the sanctity of the law, the moral order of the community, and the equality of the victim.
William P. Barr (One Damn Thing After Another: Memoirs of an Attorney General)
Hanlon’s razor: don’t ascribe malice when stupidity is a sufficient explanation.
William P. Barr (One Damn Thing After Another: Memoirs of an Attorney General)
Sleep is not merely a physical function. It is a divine, metaphysical right. You should not feel guilty for getting as much sleep as you need, even if that means making sacrifices so you have the time.
Anthony William (Medical Medium Thyroid Healing: The Truth behind Hashimoto's, Graves', Insomnia, Hypothyroidism, Thyroid Nodules & Epstein-Barr)
It struck me how much the country and our politics had changed. Three decades ago, I was confirmed unanimously by the Senate for three successive department posts: Assistant Attorney General, Deputy, and then Attorney General. Now I would be lucky to get just three Democrats to vote for me. I had not changed. The country had.
William P. Barr (One Damn Thing After Another: Memoirs of an Attorney General)
But if God-less materialist philosophies are treated as “religions” for free exercise purposes, why shouldn’t official efforts to teach them in lieu of religious beliefs be deemed an establishment of religion? Official sponsorship of a nontheistic ideology that takes the place of religion has the same effect on nonadherents as endorsing a particular theistic religion. Indeed, the Supreme Court foresaw the potential for secularism itself becoming established as a state religion. In one of the first cases abolishing school prayer, the Supreme Court acknowledged that “the State may not establish a ‘religion of secularism’ in the sense of affirmatively opposing or showing hostility to religion, thus ‘preferring those who believe in no religion over those who do believe.’” We have to consider whether our public schools, as currently constituted, are doing exactly that. In my view, the increasing diversity of attitudes and beliefs among Americans in the past few decades makes the states’ continued insistence on a monopoly over publicly funded education constitutionally untenable. This arrangement can no longer finesse the challenge of neutrality, as it did when the religious attitudes of Americans were more monolithic. Nor is it capable of producing genuine religious neutrality. It has deformed and impoverished the very nature of the educational enterprise either by purging it of any moral dimension or by trying to substitute for religion a secular value system that is at war with religion. It is reducing public schools to cockpits for a vicious, winner-take-all culture war over the moral formation of our children. The point is not that we should mandate Christianity in the state’s one-size-fits-all educational monopoly. It is that the diversity of religious belief should lead us to jettison the monopoly. The rise of militant secularism in the United States
William P. Barr (One Damn Thing After Another: Memoirs of an Attorney General)
What the hell are we doing in Chicago? That is a waste of time!” he spat. “The only reason we are in Chicago, Mr. President, is because you insisted on it. Period!” I hit back. “No, I did not,” he claimed. The President’s senior aide, Stephen Miller, was present and spoke up. “Actually, you did, Mr. President.
William P. Barr (One Damn Thing After Another: Memoirs of an Attorney General)
it was the relentless, savage attacks of the media.
William P. Barr (One Damn Thing After Another: Memoirs of an Attorney General)
our 2016 election. It appeared Russian military intelligence hacked into e-mail accounts related to the Clinton campaign and the Democratic National Committee in the spring of 2016 and later made public stolen e-mails through various online personas, including a major release by WikiLeaks on July 22, 2016, just before the Democratic National Convention.
William P. Barr (One Damn Thing After Another: Memoirs of an Attorney General)
The purpose of government is far more modest: maintaining the modicum of order necessary for citizens to flourish in peace as they pursue their freely chosen destiny, both as individuals and together in the free, voluntary associations that develop organically as part of private civil society. The new radical progressivism
William P. Barr (One Damn Thing After Another: Memoirs of an Attorney General)
The essential factor, in my view, was the corruption of the mainstream news media beginning around the turn of the century. By the end of the Obama years, the problem had gone far beyond bias or even political hackery; it had become corruption. The great preponderance of media managers, editors, commentators, and reporters were simply unwilling to defend American constitutional ideals, very much including the First Amendment’s guarantees of speech and press freedoms, in order to coddle a movement of progressive zealots.
William P. Barr (One Damn Thing After Another: Memoirs of an Attorney General)
You could see it happening by the increasing use of the term narrative to describe news reporting. The word suggests an absence of verifiable fact and objective truth; there is only a story, experienced subjectively, or constructs that may or may not correspond to reality. Everyone can have his or her own version of the facts, whatever they are. The upshot is that news journalists are free to look for stories that fit their conception of reality. For some, this means forcing the facts into preferred narratives, even if they don’t admit—to themselves or anyone else—that that’s what they’re doing. For others, it’s a justification for distorting the truth in the cause of righteousness. For still others, it’s a license to lie. Alexis de Tocqueville, the nineteenth-century French statesman and author, and the greatest chronicler of American democracy, hoped that the institution of the free press might check the natural despotic tendencies of democracy. This was not because Tocqueville believed that the American press did a good job of elevating the public’s understanding and discourse; he did not. Rather, he thought the saving grace of the press was that it was highly fragmented and reflected a wide diversity of voices and localized opinion. In his view, it was precisely the wide variety of diverse voices in the press that made it hard, in a large country such as the United States, to galvanize a consolidated national faction that could impose its views on, and lord it over, the rest of the country. It was when the press consolidated into fewer voices and presented itself as a monolith, he held, that it ceased to act as a bulwark against tyranny and instead enabled it. Once press organizations begin to “advance along the same track,” wrote Tocqueville, “their influence becomes almost irresistible in the long term, and public opinion, struck always from the same side, ends by yielding under their blows.” This is what I saw happening. The
William P. Barr (One Damn Thing After Another: Memoirs of an Attorney General)
worried about Trump’s shortcomings, but I also felt he had strengths. I liked the clear and direct way he staked out a position. I appreciated his willingness to state unpleasant truths that many were thinking but were afraid to say.
William P. Barr (One Damn Thing After Another: Memoirs of an Attorney General)
One of the Obama administration’s saddest legacies was the increase in welfare dependency.
William P. Barr (One Damn Thing After Another: Memoirs of an Attorney General)
The practical agenda of today’s progressive movement is as eclectic as the hodgepodge of ideas undergirding it. Its proponents support racial discrimination against whites,
William P. Barr (One Damn Thing After Another: Memoirs of an Attorney General)
In any case, once Trump became the nominee, I had no hesitancy backing him over Hillary Clinton. Substantively, he was offering policies I supported. There was no doubt in my mind that he would unleash our economy to achieve the robust growth the country needed; that he would rebuild our military power; that he would pursue a foreign policy that put the interests of Americans first; and that he would stop unfairly scapegoating police and would renew the policies that had succeeded in reducing violent crime in the past.
William P. Barr (One Damn Thing After Another: Memoirs of an Attorney General)
WILLIAM MARSHAL: IN LIFE AND LEGEND In many respects, William Marshal was the archetypal medieval knight. His qualities epitomised, perhaps even defined, those valued in late twelfth- and early- thirteenth-century Western European aristocratic culture. His storied career stood as testament to what knights could achieve: the heights to which they could rise and the extent to which they could shape history. In spite of Archbishop Stephen’s reputed pronouncement at his funeral, Marshal was not the only great knight of his generation. Other warriors, such as William des Barres and William des Roches, could match his prowess and reputation. Yet they never reached such astonishing heights. William Marshal’s life represents both a model of knightly experience and a unique example of unparalleled success, for in the end, his story transcended the normal boundaries of his warrior class.
Thomas Asbridge (The Greatest Knight: The Remarkable Life of William Marshal, the Power Behind Five English Thrones)
On February 14, William P. Barr was sworn in as attorney general.
Michael Wolff (Siege: Trump Under Fire)
As President James Madison observed famously, “If men were angels, no government would be necessary.” In simple terms, it is the role of religion—not the state—to make men more like angels. It is the role of the state to deal with the external acts of those who behave more like devils.
William P. Barr (One Damn Thing After Another: Memoirs of an Attorney General)