Venezuela Crisis Quotes

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Por eso la cuestión primordial, la primera y la básica de todas las cuestiones venezolanas, la que está en la raiz de todas las otras, y la que ha de ser resuelta antes si las otras han de ser resueltas algún día, es la de ir construyendo una nación a salvo de la muerte petrolera. Una nación que haya resuelto victoriosamente su crisis petrolera que es su verdadera crisis nacional
Arturo Uslar Pietri
Radical regimes from Nazi Germany and Maoist China to contemporary Venezuela and Turkey show that people have a tremendous amount to lose when charismatic authoritarians responding to a “crisis” trample over democratic norms and institutions and command their countries by the force of their personalities.
Steven Pinker (Enlightenment Now: The Case for Reason, Science, Humanism, and Progress)
Menos se explicaba cómo, después de haber tenido a esa especie de monarca, los venezolanos no contábamos aún con un mecanismo institucionalizado para designar a los presidentes. No concebía que la sociedad venezolana entrara en crisis y se pusiera al borde de una guerra civil cada vez que había que escoger al jefe del Estado
Francisco Suniaga (El Pasajero de Truman)
Los regímenes revolucionarios, desde la Alemania nazi y la China maoísta hasta la Venezuela contemporánea, muestran que la gente tiene muchísimo que perder cuando los autoritarios carismáticos que responden a una -crisis- pisotean las normas y las instituciones democráticas y gobiernan sus países mediante la fuerza de sus personalidades.
Steven Pinker (Enlightenment Now: The Case for Reason, Science, Humanism, and Progress)
The media and intelligentsia were partly complicit in Trump's depiction of the world as a dystopia headed for even greater disaster. 'Charge the cockpit or you die!' cried the pro-Trump intellectual right. 'I'd rather see the empire burn to the ground under Trump, opening up at least the possibility of radical change, than cruise on autopilot under Clinton,' said the pro-Trump left. When people believe that the world is heading off a cliff, they are receptive to the perennial appeal of demagogues: 'What do you have to lose?' But if the media and intellectuals put events into statistical and historical context, rather than constantly crying 'crisis,' they would make it clearer what the answer to that question is. Revolutionary regimes from Nazi Germany and Maoist China to contemporary Venezuela show that people have a tremendous amount to lose when a charismatic leader forces a radical personal vision on a society. A modern liberal democracy is a precious achievement. Until the messiah comes, it will always have problems, but it's better to solve problems than to start a conflagration and hope for the best.
Steven Pinker
Among ideas, legitimacy, and all of the other dimensions of development Ideas concerning legitimacy develop according to their own logic, but they are also shaped by economic, political, and social development. The history of the twentieth century would have looked quite different without the writings of an obscure scribbler in the British Library, Karl Marx, who systematized a critique of early capitalism. Similarly, communism collapsed in 1989 largely because few people any longer believed in the foundational ideas of Marxism-Leninism. Conversely, developments in economics and politics affect the kinds of ideas that people regard as legitimate. The Rights of Man seemed more plausible to French people because of the changes that had taken place in France’s class structure and the rising expectations of the new middle classes in the later eighteenth century. The spectacular financial crises and economic setbacks of 1929–1931 undermined the legitimacy of certain capitalist institutions and led the way to the legitimization of greater state control over the economy. The subsequent growth of large welfare states, and the economic stagnation and inflation that they appeared to encourage, laid the groundwork for the conservative Reagan-Thatcher revolutions of the 1980s. Similarly, the failure of socialism to deliver on its promises of modernization and equality led to its being discredited in the minds of many who lived under communism. Economic growth can also create legitimacy for the governments that succeed in fostering it. Many fast-developing countries in East Asia, such as Singapore and Malaysia, have maintained popular support despite their lack of liberal democracy for this reason. Conversely, the reversal of economic growth through economic crisis or mismanagement can be destabilizing, as it was for the dictatorship in Indonesia after the financial crisis of 1997–1998.33 Legitimacy also rests on the distribution of the benefits of growth. Growth that goes to a small oligarchy at the top of the society without being broadly shared often mobilizes social groups against the political system. This is what happened in Mexico under the dictatorship of Porfirio Díaz, who ruled the country from 1876 to 1880 and again from 1884 to 1911. National income grew rapidly in this period, but property rights existed only for a wealthy elite, which set the stage for the Mexican Revolution of 1911 and a long period of civil war and instability as underprivileged groups fought for their share of national income. In more recent times, the legitimacy of democratic systems in Venezuela and Bolivia has been challenged by populist leaders whose political base is poor and otherwise marginalized groups.34
Francis Fukuyama (The Origins of Political Order: From Prehuman Times to the French Revolution)
For the most part, four-car self-propelled Budd railcars presently connect Santiago de Cuba with Havana on the Central line. The flagship of the system is a 12-coach train originally used between Paris and Amsterdam. Although buses competed with the railroad, they all became nationalized after the revolution. Attempting to prevent the decay of the Cuban system, British Rail helped during the 1960’s by supplying new locomotives. However, this slowed and eventually came to a halt after the Bay of Pigs Invasion and the Cuban Missile Crisis. Eastern Bloc and countries that continued to be friendly with Cuba, such as Canada, Spain and Mexico, took over. During the past decade China, Iran and Venezuela became Cuba’s primary benefactors and suppliers. Cuba has had long-range plans to update and modernize its railroad system. These plans are presently being realized and the upgrading and modernizing of the country’s 26,000 miles of track and replacing older locomotives, including some steam engines, with powerful and modern diesel-fueled locomotives are becoming a reality. P
Hank Bracker
Haití se ha independizado de Francia; la Nueva Granada ha quedado libre en la batalla de Boyacá dirigida por Bolívar, y Venezuela en la de Carabobo, asimismo comandada por el Libertador. Sucre ha conquistado la liberación del Ecuador en Pichincha. Al sur de América, las provincias del Río de la Plata y Chile, han sido también convertidas en Repúblicas autónomas. La propia España, por su parte, ha expulsado, con la ayuda de los ingleses, a las tropas napoleónicas y ha redactado una Constitución Liberal –Cortes de Cádiz, 1812–, en que han intervenido delegados americanos; pero esta novedad se presenta demasiado tarde y no logra detener la lucha por la independencia del Nuevo Mundo hispano. Por esos años, hay aspectos estrictamente negativos: algunos grandes han sido sacrificados: Francisco de Miranda muere en Cádiz, prisionero de los españoles (era mayor que Robinson con veinte años); en México han perecido, ajusticiados por la monarquía hispana, los clérigos libertadores Miguel Hidalgo y José María Morelos. Cuba no ha encontrado vía para su liberación. Robinson es testigo de la expansión del pensamiento político liberal en Europa. Pero, cerrado el ciclo napoleónico en Waterloo (1815), esa doctrina empieza a tambalear. Metternich encarna la reacción. Empiezan las rebeliones en Nápoles, Rusia, Francia, Portugal, Alemania, Grecia. Se hace, así, un contraste, se plasma la dicotomía: mientras en el Viejo Mundo aparece y se ensancha la crisis, con mengua del liberalismo, en América hispana este credo avanza y se fortalece, en tanto que se multiplican los éxitos bélicos contra España.
Alfonso Rumazo González (Simón Rodríguez, Maestro de América (Spanish Edition))
guerrillas in Venezuela, Colombia, and Guatemala.
Michael R. Beschloss (The Crisis Years: Kennedy and Khrushchev, 1960–1963)
As job creation becomes a more sensitive subject in years to come, we can expect controversies over immigration even in developing countries, just as the flow of people from crisis-plagued Venezuela has already raised this issue even in Latin America.
Ian Bremmer (Us vs. Them: The Failure of Globalism)