Uprising Novel Quotes

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The biggest game changers in any society are its own denizens. It is the denizens who, through their actions and choices, can give birth to a dictatorship and the death of democracy.
A. Tavakoli (The Old Forest: Uprising of Mahsa: A Novel)
The territory's leader is equally responsible towards all members of society, and regardless of their interests and tendencies, they must respect them and strive for their welfare and rights, whether they agree or disagree with them, including homosexuals and others.
A. Tavakoli (The Old Forest: Uprising of Mahsa: A Novel)
The territory's leader is equally responsible towards all members of society, and regardless of their interests and tendencies, must respect them and strive for their welfare and rights, whether they agree or disagree with them, including homosexuals and others.
A. Tavakoli (The Old Forest: Uprising of Mahsa: A Novel)
Great plagues from little microbes start.
H. Beam Piper (SCI-FI & FANTASY Boxed Set: 30 Dystopian Novels & Supernatural Stories: The Terro-Human Future History Series, The Paratime Series, Uller Uprising, Four-Day ... Null-ABC, Temple Trouble, Time Crime…)
My letter,” Bella said in Yiddish that was a bit garbled, but perfectly understandable. “I want my letter back and she won’t give it to me. Why doesn’t she understand my English?” “That’s Yiddish you’re speaking,” Yetta said. “No, it’s not,” Bella said irritably. “It’s the English I learned in the factory.” “It’s Yiddish! You must have learned Yiddish because there were so many of us Jews in the factory. Listen”—Yetta switched languages—“English sounds like this.” Bella stared up at Yetta, her eyes seeming to grow in her pale face. “I don’t even know what Yiddish is,” she said, in Yiddish….. “Bella learned Yiddish by mistake,” Yetta said. “She thought she was speaking English.” “Wish I could learn a new language just by mistake,” Jane said. “I’ve been studying Italian for weeks, and it’s totally useless.
Margaret Peterson Haddix (Uprising)
Though the uprising had freed the vassals from any obligations they might have had to their former masters, it had yet to profit them. In fact, as the villagers had to man their new borders, build their own prisons, police their markets, and look after the judges they appointed, the amount of money that went to communal use steadily increased. Many ended up paying out more this way than they ever had under the deposed system. But the uprising was never undertaken for riches; it was about basic human dignity. Nor was it for revenge, but self-determination; not for shedding blood, but ending bloodshed. Above all, it was about realizing fair access to natural resources. Two years after discarding the old shackles, they kissed their wives and children good-bye and headed for the trenches, many of the village men would look back at the distances they had traveled and shake their heads in disbelief. Indeed, what an exhilarating feeling it must have been for someone who had never made a decision for himself to have, finally, his destiny firmly in his grasp: to grow the crop of his choice, to paint his home the color he fancied, to marry his daughter to the man he favored, and to be able to send his children to school, all without fear of repercussions from a feudal master. What is more, the peasant no longer needed to submit himself to the humility of waiting on his master’s guests while his wife and daughter labored in the kitchen, preparing food they were not allowed to sample. The peasant might die fighting to hold on to his newly gained freedom; in the past he had always been dying fighting for someone else’s cause. This was a feeling many outsiders, Duke Ashenafi and Reverend Yimam, above all, would never understand.
Nega Mezlekia (The God Who Begat a Jackal: A Novel)
In the absence of any changes on the ground or concrete political gains apart from the faltering PLO dialogue with the Americans, the uprising had itself become routine. International media coverage had been extremely important in drawing attention to the plight of the Palestinians but its intensity lessened over time, not least because of the higher and more novel drama of the revolutions that were transforming the landscape of Eastern Europe throughout 1989. But the media could mislead as well as inform. The TV cameras captured repeated clashes, but rarely filmed the Palestinians who continued to work inside Israel, or the Israelis, especially in the Tel Aviv area, who were carrying on with their lives undisturbed by or oblivious to the sporadic unrest across the green line. ‘The situation in the territories was shunted – or repressed – to a marginal place in terms of public interest’, noted B’Tselem, the newly founded Israeli Information Centre for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories. ‘The types of stories that led … the news in the electronic media or made headlines in the written press in the past, are today noted laconically or relegated to inside pages of the newspaper.’16 There was an economic cost to be sure, but for the Israelis this was mitigated by the import of foreign workers and a fall in unemployment among Jews who replaced absent Palestinians. In June 1989 about 90 per cent of Palestinians from Gaza were still working, though the figure was only 56 per cent from the West Bank.17 Life
Ian Black (Enemies and Neighbors: Arabs and Jews in Palestine and Israel, 1917-2017)