Unit Turnover Quotes

Cooperatives have lower absentee rates and less worker turnover than their conventional competitors. (For instance, the annual rate of turnover in the Mondragon cooperatives in 1974 was two percent, while in comparable capitalist firms it was 14 percent.)94 Members show relatively high individual work effort, tending to act as their own supervisors, at least to a greater degree than employees do elsewhere. Job rotation, where it happens, enhances the attractiveness of the work. And there are greater incentives to help one another than in a competitive environment.

When the train arrived, the sisters put the children on board, obviously never to return, but they kept Paul who was there simply help with the baggage and who had a great deal of difficulty speaking and expressing himself. The transfer of orphans from this institute was a regular occurrence. Paul remembers two women with dark skin who came to categorize the children. One of them, with short nappy hair spoke to Paul, telling him that she had seen him elsewhere (at La Miséricorde Home), and that he was separated from the other children because of a fractured skull that he experienced at the age of 2. Paul stayed at the Chaumont Institute for 3 years. He noticed a great turnover of children – these were transferred to the Chaumont Institute, and then sent on to the United States.

Those working in slaughterhouses, for example, are often underpaid and overworked, lack insurance, and are required to use dangerous equipment without adequate training. Turnover and rates of injury for jobs in anymal industries are among the highest in the United States. Slaughterhouse employees are almost always poor, they are often immigrants, and they are inevitably viewed by their employers as expendable. Moreover, if we would not like to kill pigs, hens, or cattle all day long, then we should not make food choices that require others to do so. Our dietary choices determine where others work. Will our poorest laborers work in fields of green or in buildings of blood? Fieldwork is difficult, but I worked in the fields as a child, and I am very glad that I never worked in a slaughterhouse.

But Ford’s experiment in paying a livable wage worked. He later described the pay hike as the best cost-cutting move he ever made. Turnover shrank, slashing training costs, and absenteeism decreased as productivity increased—the expectation from managers was that the increased wages deserved increased speed on the line. Wall Street investors and fellow automakers initially excoriated Ford for his wage scheme, but other carmakers eventually followed suit, propelled by Ford’s massive leaps in production while reducing his per-unit costs. A Model T that cost $850 in 1908, on par with cars sold by the new Cadillac company, dropped to $290 by 1920, helping make Ford one of the world’s wealthiest men. And the high wages made Detroit a magnet. Nondecennial surveys by the Census Bureau chart the impact. In 1909, Detroit had 81,000 wage earners who made $43 million working for 2,036 establishments that cranked out $253 million worth of products. In 1914, after Ford’s $5 day began, the same number of establishments employed nearly 100,000 people who made $69 million while producing $400 million worth of goods. In 1919, with World War I raging and the $5 day in full force across the automotive industry, 2,176 establishments were employing 167,000 people, who made $245 million as they produced $1.2 billion worth of goods. In short, the ranks of industrial workers more than doubled, and their wages and the value of the products they made nearly quintupled. Detroit’s ancillary businesses, from clothing stores to restaurants, thrived.

YouTube: Dr. Samuel T. Francis — “Equality Unmasked" (American Renaissance Conference, 1996) In the second place, understanding egalitarianism as the ideology of the system and the elites that run it ought to alter our view of how the system and its elites actually operate. Most elites in history have always had a vested interest in preserving the societies they rule and that is why most elites have been conservative. ... But the elite that has come to power in the United States in the Western World in this century actually has a vested interest in managing and manipulating social change--the destruction of the society it rules. Political analyst Kevin Phillips pointed this out in his 1975 book "Mediacracy," which is a study of the emergence of what he calls the new knowledge elite, the members of which approach society from a new vantage point. Change does not threaten the affluent intelligentsia of the postindustrial society the way it threatened the land owners and industrialists of the New Deal. On the contrary, change is as essential to the knowledge sector as inventory turnover is to a merchant or a manufacturer. Change keeps up demand for the product: research, news, theory and technology. Post industrialism, a knowledge elite and accelerated social change appear to go hand in hand. The new knowledge elite does not preserve and protect existing traditions and institutions. On the contrary, far more than previous new classes, the knowledge elite has sought to modify or replace traditional institutions with new relationships and power centers. Egalitarianism and environmentalism serve this need to manage social change perfectly. Traditional institutions can be depicted not only as unequal and oppressive, but also as pathological, requiring the social and economic therapy that only the knowledge elite is skilled enough to design and apply. The interests of the knowledge elite in managing social change happen to be entirely consistent, not only with the agendas of the hard left, but also with the grievances and demands of various racial and ethnic groups that view racism and prejudice as obstacles to their own advancement. So that what we see as an alliance between the new elites and organized racial and ethnic minorities to undermine and displace the traditional institutions and beliefs of white, Euro-american society, which just happen to the power centers of older elites based on wealth, land and status. This process of displacement or dispossession is always described as progressive, liberating or diversifying, when in fact it merely helps consolidate the dominance of a new class and weaken the power and interests of its rivals.

Turnover at Ford was shockingly high. Every day in 1913 between 1,300 and 1,400 workers did not show up to work—about 10 percent of the entire workforce. Labor turnover was a staggering 370 percent. The American economist John R. Commons called it a “continuous, unorganized strike.

Second, be cheaper. Offer a comparable unit for less than the others on the market, which you may be able to do with low overhead and by reducing turnover.

Far from the political limelight, however, on the National Security Council, a handful of discreet officials led by Matt Pottinger, a former journalist and Marine, who eventually rose to become Trump’s deputy national security advisor, were transforming America’s policy toward China, casting off several decades of technology policy in the process. Rather than tariffs, the China hawks on the NSC were fixated on Beijing’s geopolitical agenda and its technological foundation. They thought America’s position had weakened dangerously and Washington’s inaction was to blame. “This is really important,” one Trump appointee reported an Obama official telling him during the presidential transition, regarding China’s technological advances, “but there’s nothing you can do.” The new administration’s China team didn’t agree. They concluded, as one senior official put it, “that everything we’re competing on in the twenty-first century… all of it rests on the cornerstone of semiconductor mastery.” Inaction wasn’t a viable option, they believed. Nor was “running faster”—which they saw as code for inaction. “It would be great for us to run faster,” one NSC official put it, but the strategy didn’t work because of China’s “enormous leverage in forcing the turnover of technology.” The new NSC adopted a much more combative, zero-sum approach to technology policy. From the officials in the Treasury Department’s investment screening unit to those managing the Pentagon’s supply chains for military systems, key elements of the government began focusing on semiconductors as part of their strategy for dealing with China.

Owing to the ever-increasing pressure on space, as retailers continue to extend private label ranges, there is a risk of branded products being moved to less-optimal locations, having fewer promotional slots and facings or being delisted. Manufacturers cannot wait for this to happen before reacting; they must be proactive in making the case for their brands. While the absolute cash and margins on private labels may be higher for the retailer, the manufacturer has to shift the focus to total system profitability. Many factors favour manufacturer brands when total profitability is considered, including: Sales velocity: Shelfspace turnover is often higher for manufacturer brands. The velocity of leading manufacturer brands is often 10% higher. Profit per linear inch of shelfspace. Discounts and off-invoice allowances: Includes slotting allowances, listing fees, promotional deals, advertising and merchandising allowances, and credit for return of unsold merchandise. Promotional and advertising fees. Provision of ‘free’ logistics services: Includes transportation, warehouse and store labour, and merchandising help for the retailer. Manufacturer brands usually retail at higher-than-average prices: Even when the net margin on manufacturer brands is lower, the absolute cash profit per unit may be higher.

SAS Institute, where the cofounder and CEO Jim Goodnight evaluates managers by their ability to attract and retain talent, and where people can lose their jobs if their units experience excessive voluntary turnover.

This is another part of the special expertise of the ST. The CIA would use secrecy and need-to-know control to arrange with a Cabinet-level officer for the cover assignment of an Agency employee to that organization, for example to the Federal Aviation Administration. The Cabinet officer would agree without too much concern and quietly tip off his manpower officer to arrange a “slot” (personnel space) for someone who would be coming into a certain office. He would simply say that the “slot would be reimbursed,” and this would permit the FAA to carry a one-man overage in its manning tables. Soon the man would arrive to work in that position. As far as his associates would know, he would be on some special project, and in a short time he would have worked so well into the staff that they would not know that he was not really one of them. Turnover being what it is in bureaucratic Washington, it would not be too long before everyone around that position would have forgotten that it was still there as a special slot. It would be a normal FAA-assigned job with a CIA man in it.

Until recently, a mindless cult of acceleration led by numerous business “gurus” in the United States urged companies to “Be first! Be agile! Shoot now, aim later!” This simplistic advice led to the launch of many low-quality, poorly tested products; angry customers; unhappy investors; a loss of strategic focus; and a high turnover of CEOs. It ignored the problems of synchronization and de-synchronization. It was a superficial way of dealing with the deep fundamental of time.

What Are the Legal Ways to Get Business Payment Accounts – UK & USA In the churn and clatter of modern commerce, payments are the plumbing. Good plumbing keeps a business running. Bad plumbing floods the basement. For digital entrepreneurs and small businesses in the United Kingdom and the United States, obtaining legitimate business payment accounts is both a regulatory requirement and a commercial advantage. This longform guide explains What Are the Legal Ways to Get Business Payment Accounts – UK & USA, walking through corporate structures, banking and payment-service options, KYC and tax steps, and pragmatic strategies to scale payments without ever flirting with risk. If you want more information just contact me now. 24 Hours Reply/Contact ✨WhatsApp:+1(272)4173584 ✨Telegram:@Seo2Smm0 Short sentences exist for emphasis. Long sentences unpack nuance. Expect uncommon terminology — “operational provenance,” “treasury rails,” “identity attestations” — woven into clear, actionable advice. Why legal channels matter There are two reasons to keep payments aboveboard. First, compliance. Financial conduct regulators in the UK and federal and state authorities in the US expect payment providers and merchants to follow anti-money-laundering (AML) and Know-Your-Customer (KYC) rules. That means platforms and banks must verify identities, keep records, and report suspicious transactions. Failure to follow these rules can result in frozen accounts, hefty fines, and criminal exposure. Second, operational durability. A properly established business payment account unlocks higher transaction limits, faster settlements, access to merchant tools (recurring billing, invoicing, PCI compliance), and credibility with clients and marketplaces. There’s no substitute for a bank or PSP that trusts your paperwork. The basic legal building blocks: business identity and tax registration Before a bank or payment provider will open a business payment account, you must show that the business exists and is tax-compliant. The exact documents differ by jurisdiction and by provider, but the core items are consistent. In the United Kingdom, commonly required documents include company registration with Companies House (for limited companies), proof of identity for directors and beneficial owners, and — when relevant — VAT registration. Companies House registration establishes corporate personhood; registering for VAT is required once turnover crosses thresholds, though businesses may elect to register earlier for commercial reasons. These filings and certificates are foundational in applications for business bank accounts and payment gateways. (GOV.UK) In the United States, the corresponding keystone is tax identity: an Employer Identification Number (EIN) from the IRS for entities such as corporations and LLCs; sole proprietors may use a Social Security Number but typically obtain an EIN for business banking. The IRS issues EINs quickly via an online application and this number is often required for merchant account applications, 1099 reporting, and tax compliance. (IRS) Practical note: banks and PSPs will also want utility bills or bank statements to verify addresses, and in many cases they will request historic invoices, supplier contracts, or proof of trading to establish operational provenance. Pathways to legal business payment accounts There are multiple lawful routes to accept and manage payments. Choose based on scale, product, technical capacity, and the markets you serve. 1) Business bank account + merchant acquiring (classic route) Open a dedicated business bank account (required by most established merchants). Then apply for a merchant account through your bank or an acquiring bank. Merchant accounts are bespoke credit/debit card accounts that hold funds temporarily before settlement to your bank account.