State Champs Quotes

I know you come from big spenders, but I could put you on a private jet tonight, fly us to Paris for a shopping trip down Champs Elysées, then have the jet fly us to Hong Kong to finish off our day on Causeway Bay. We could return to the States and stop at the Porsche dealership and pick you out a new 911 and that day wouldn’t put a dent in my finances.

From the end of the World War twenty-one years ago, this country, like many others, went through a phase of having large groups of people carried away by some emotion--some alluring, attractive, even speciously inspiring, public presentation of a nostrum, a cure-all. Many Americans lost their heads because several plausible fellows lost theirs in expounding schemes to end barbarity, to give weekly handouts to people, to give everybody a better job--or, more modestly, for example, to put a chicken or two in every pot--all by adoption of some new financial plan or some new social system. And all of them burst like bubbles. Some proponents of nostrums were honest and sincere, others--too many of them--were seekers of personal power; still others saw a chance to get rich on the dimes and quarters of the poorer people in our population. All of them, perhaps unconsciously, were capitalizing on the fact that the democratic form of Government works slowly. There always exists in a democratic society a large group which, quite naturally, champs at the bit over the slowness of democracy; and that is why it is right for us who believe in democracy to keep the democratic processes progressive--in other words, moving forward with the advances in civilization. That is why it is dangerous for democracy to stop moving forward because any period of stagnation increases the numbers of those who demand action and action now.

In The Enemy Within, Bobby Kennedy asserted that after the trial, Joe Louis, who was out of work and deeply in debt at the time, was immediately given a well-paying job with a record company that got a $2 million Teamsters pension fund loan. Joe Louis then married the female black lawyer from California whom he had met at the trial. When Bobby Kennedy’s right-hand and chief investigator, the future author Walter Sheridan, tried to interview Joe Louis for the McClellan Committee about the record company job, the ex-champ refused to cooperate and said about Bobby Kennedy: “Tell him to go take a jump off the Empire State Building.” Still, Bobby Kennedy expected to have the last laugh by the end of 1957. Hoffa

The US Embassy in Paris is a compact complex on Avenue Gabriel, just north of the Champs-Élysées. The three- acre compound is considered US soil, meaning all those to stand on it are subject to the same laws and protections as they would encounter standing in the United States.

Horns and hounds awake the princely train; and issue early through the city gate, There more wakeful huntsmen ready wait, with nets and darts beside swift horse, and spartan dogs. Come the Tyrian peers and officers of state for the slow queen in antechambers waits; Her lofty courser in the court below who his majestic rider seems to know, proud of his purple trappings he paws the ground and champs the golden bit to spread the foam around. Queen Dido at length appears; flowered simar with golden fringe adorned, and at her back a golden quiver bore; her flowing hair a golden caul restrains, a golden clasp the Tyrian robe sustains.

Then he stepped out on the fretted iron balcony and looked to the right, to the Place de la Concorde and the beginning of the Champs Elysees, with the Chamber of Deputies across the Seine. He was suddenly stilled, and he perceived another Paris, stately, aloof, gray with history, eternally quiet at heart for all its superficial clamor.

In September 1941, a set of hearings was convened by a U.S. Senate Subcommittee on War Propaganda, chaired by Idaho Democrat Senator D. Worth Clark. The hearings were designed to address a resolution sponsored by two hard-nosed isolationist senators, Republican Gerald P. Nye of North Dakota and Democrat Bennett Champ Clark of Missouri, calling for “an investigation of any propaganda disseminated by motion pictures and radio or any other activity of the motion picture industry to influence public opinion in the direction of participation of the United States in the present European war.

YOUR GENES ARE RUNNING THE SHOW If you’re anything like me, I know you’re champing at the bit to get going on Diet Evolution, but hold your horses. I’ve found that most of us can stick to a program only if we understand how and why we got to our present state of affairs. The next four chapters will do just that. You can thank Mom and Dad for your beautiful baby blues, as well as your hair color, height, and build. All these traits were encoded in copies of their genes—half of them her’s, the other half his—that now reside in your body. Any children you have will in turn have copies of half of your genes and half of your partner’s, and so on through generations to come. Determining

The impact of a dollar upon the heart" The impact of a dollar upon the heart Smiles warm red light Sweeping from the hearth rosily upon the white table, With the hanging cool velvet shadows Moving softly upon the door. The impact of a million dollars Is a crash of flunkeys And yawning emblems of Persia Cheeked against oak, France and a sabre, The outcry of old beauty Whored by pimping merchants To submission before wine and chatter. Silly rich peasants stamp the carpets of men, Dead men who dreamed fragrance and light Into their woof, their lives; The rug of an honest bear Under the feet of a cryptic slave Who speaks always of baubles, Forgetting state, multitude, work, and state, Champing and mouthing of hats, Making ratful squeak of hats, Hats.

Strong in services rendered, the now wealthy heirs of Power’s lawyer-servants claimed henceforward to control its actions, and assuredly there was no other body of men in the country better qualified to hold Power in check. If officers were bought the control over the sales exercised by this body hedged in the appointment of a new magistrate with guarantees which ensured that no senate was ever recruited better. If the members of the Parliament were not elected by the public, they deserved on that account more of the public confidence, as being less it's flatterers by design than its champions by principle. Taken as a whole, they formed a weightier and more capable body of men than those of the British Parliament. Was it right, then, for the monarchy to accept and sanction this counter-Power? Or did its dignity demand that it react against the pretension of Parliament? That was a policy of one party, which called itself Richelieu’s heir and it was in fact, led by d’Aiguillon, a great-nephew of the great Cardinal. But if the need was to smash now this aristocracy of the robe and extend that the royal authority even further, it had to be done as in former days to the plaudits of the common people and by employing a new set of plebeians against the present wearers of periwigs. Mirabeau saw as much, but that d’Aiguillon’s faction were blind to it. That faction consisted of nobles who had been more or less plucked by the monarchial Power and were now getting new feathers by installing themselves into wealth-giving apparatus of state which had been built by the plebeian clerks. Finding that offices were now of greater value than manors. They fell to on the offices. Finding that the bulk of the feudal dues had been diverted into the coffers of the state, they put their hands in them. And, occupying every place and obstructing every avenue leading to Power, they succeeded in weakening it both by their incapacity and by their feeble efforts to prevent it from attracting, as formerly, to its banners and the aspirations of the common people. In this way the men who should have served the state, finding themselves discarded, turned Jacobin. In the cold shades of a parliamentary opposition, which, if it had been accepted, would have transformed the absolute monarchy into a limited one, a plebeian elite champed at the bit; had it been admitted to office, it would have extended even further the centralizing power of the throne. So much was it part of its nature to serve the royal authority that it was to ensure its continuance even when there was no king.

La gauche socialiste se lançait sur la voie d'une mutation profonde, qui allait s'accentuer d'année en année, et commençait de se placer avec un enthousiasme suspect sous l'emprise d'intellectuels néoconservateurs qui, sous couvert de renouveler la pensée de gauche, travaillaient à effacer tout ce qui faisait que la gauche était la gauche. Se produisait, en réalité, une métamorphose générale et profonde des ethos autant que des références intellectuelles. On en parla plus d'exploitation et de résistance, mais de « modernisation nécessaire » et de « refondation sociale » ; plus de rapports de classe, mais de « vivre-ensemble » ; plus de destins sociaux, mais de « responsabilité individuelle ». La notion de domination et l'idée d'une polarité structurante entre les dominants et les dominés disparurent du paysage politique de la gauche officielle, au profit de l'idée neutralisante de « contrat sociale », de « pacte social », dans le cadre desquels des individus définis comme « égaux en droit » (« égaux » ? Quelle obscène plaisanterie !) étaient appelés à oublier leurs « intérêts particuliers » (c'est-à-dire à se taire et à laisser les gouvernants gouverner comme ils l'entendaient). Quels furent les objectifs idéologique de cette « philosophie politique », diffusée et célébrée d'un bout à l'autre du champ médiatique, politique et intellectuel, de la droite à la gauche (ses promoteurs s'évertuant d'ailleurs à effacer la frontière entre la droite et la gauche, en attirant, avec le consentement de celle-ci, la gauche vers la droite) ? L'enjeu était à peine dissimulé : l'exaltation sur « sujet autonome » et la volonté concomitante d'en finir avec les pensée qui s'attachaient à prendre en considération les déterminismes historiques et sociaux eurent pour principale fonction de défaire l'idée qu'il existait des groupes sociaux - des « classes » - et de justifier ainsi le démantèlement du welfare state et de la protection sociale, au nom d'une nécessaire individualisation (ou décollectivisation, désocialisation) du droit du travail et des systèmes de solidarité et de redistribution. Ces vieux discours et ces vieux projets, qui étaient jusqu'alors ceux de la droite, et ressassé obsessionnellement par la droite, mettant en avant la responsabilité individuelle contre le « collectivisme », devinrent aussi ceux d'une bonne partie de la gauche. Au fond, on pourrait résumer la situation en disant que les partis de gauche et leurs intellectuels de parti et d'État pensèrent et parlèrent désormais un langage de gouvernants et non plus le langage des gouvernés, s'exprimèrent au nom de gouvernants (et avec eux) et non plus au nom des gouvernés (et avec eux), et donc qu'ils adoptèrent sur le monde un point de vue de gouvernants en repoussant avec dédain (avec une grande violence discursive, qui fut éprouvée comme telle par ceux sur qui elle s'exerça) le point de vue des gouvernés. Tout au plus daigna-t-on, dans les versions chrétiennes ou philanthropiques de ces discours néoconservateurs, remplacer les opprimés et les dominés d'hier - et leurs combats - par les « exclus » d'aujourd'hui - et leur passivité présomptive - et se pencher sur eux comme les destinataires potentiels, mais silencieux, de mesures technocratiques destinés à aider les « pauvres » et les « victimes » de la « précarisation » et de la « désaffiliation ». Ce qui n'était qu'une autre stratégie intellectuelle, hypocrite et retorse, pour annuler toute approcher en termes d'oppression et de lutte, de reproduction et de transformation des structures sociales, d'inertie et de dynamique des antagonismes de classe. (p. 130-132)