Short Litigation Quotes

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The state is controlling my destiny and my penis.
Russell Greer (Why I'm Making It Legal for Your 18 Year Old Daughter to Get In Bed with a Complete Stranger for Only 500 Bucks: A Short Essay from a Pro Se Litigant who is Challenging the Utah Brothel Bans)
As one leading Supreme Court scholar, Sanford Levinson, has noted, Supreme Court cases necessarily deal only with the “litigated Constitution,” those provisions that are open to interpretation and become fodder for lawyers and judges.
Linda Greenhouse (The U.S. Supreme Court: A Very Short Introduction (Very Short Introductions))
L'amore sopra ogni cosa. L'amore prima del tempo, dei battiti, dei pianti, dei sospiri, dei drammi, delle litigate, della rabbia che prende il sopravvento, degli ostacoli insormontabili, dei sacrifici. Un amore che cura. Un amore che ti mantiene in vita.
Elisa Fumis (Vendere un cuore al mercato nero e altri racconti)
As one leading Supreme Court scholar, Sanford Levinson, has noted, Supreme Court cases necessarily deal only with the “litigated Constitution,” those provisions that are open to interpretation and become fodder for lawyers and judges. At the same time, the “hard-wired Constitution,” structural elements of great significance like the over-representation of small states in the United States Senate, remain beyond the reach of any court. “The fixation on the litigated Constitution,” Levinson writes, leads people to “overestimate the importance of courts and judges, for good and for ill.
Linda Greenhouse (The U.S. Supreme Court: A Very Short Introduction (Very Short Introductions))
I hope you will not be tempted into litigation. Life is too short for that.
Ron Chernow (The House of Morgan: An American Baning Dynsty and the Rise of Modern Finance [In Japanese Language] (Volume 1))
As has been the case far too often in the Obama administration, which may go down as the least transparent administration in history, the IRS refused to respond to our FOIA requests. Judicial Watch was forced to sue the IRS in federal court in October 2013, shortly after Lois Lerner had “retired” to avoid the consequences of her actions. Judicial Watch’s efforts through these FOIA requests and subsequent litigation led to the discovery that in addition to targeting conservatives at the IRS, Lois Lerner sent confidential taxpayer information to attorneys at the Federal Election Commission, which enforces federal campaign finance rules, in violation of federal law. Email communications revealed that Lerner, who formerly worked at the Federal Election Commission (FEC), sent extensive materials on conservative organizations—the American Issues Project and Citizens for the Republic—to the FEC, including detailed confidential information, after inquiries from the FEC attorneys. She disclosed this information in spite of Section 6103 of the Internal Revenue Code, which bars the IRS from sending such information to anyone, including other federal agencies. It also turned out that the FEC attorneys were acting without authority to make such an inquiry, because the commissioners who run the agency had never approved an investigation. The emails discovered by Judicial Watch provided a disturbing window into the activities of two out-of-control federal agencies, whose employees, because of their political bias, were trying to target conservative organizations.
Tom Fitton (Clean House: Exposing Our Government's Secrets and Lies)
might come up about “bias based on experiences.” A list of qualities RBG drew up to describe herself sold the star litigator rather short. It focused not on her brilliant strategy or accomplishments but on her “high capacity for sustained work—accustomed to long hours, homework, extending day as long as necessary to accomplish task needed to be done.” She bloodlessly referred to her “high quality standards for own work product” (“my own sternest critic”) and put near the bottom that she was a “good (sympathetic) listener.
Irin Carmon (Notorious RBG: The Life and Times of Ruth Bader Ginsburg)
Thus far, Trump’s bet has paid off to an astonishing degree. Nobody has taken up his dares. Congress has done little, though it may be beginning to stir. The courts, limited by the slow pace of litigation and legitimate substantive and procedural legal barriers to action, offer little short-term relief. So far, anyway, the only real pushback has come from prosecutors and state attorneys general who have probed the conduct of his campaign and foundation. And it has come from a dogged and relentless press, which has accomplished a great deal of disclosure—disclosure that, in turn, gives rise to the possibility of political response. As other billionaires eye the presidency, it’s not hard to imagine them following the example of minimal ethical compliance and preserving their business entanglements. Contrary to former OGE director Shaub’s admonition, as far as some very rich people were concerned, divestment has, in fact, been too high a price to pay for the presidency. Now, it seems, it doesn’t need to be paid after all. As Trump has set the presidency to protecting his personal business interests and dared the polity to stop him, the polity has responded with a shrug. Perhaps a disgusted shrug, but a shrug nonetheless.
Susan Hennessey (Unmaking the Presidency: Donald Trump's War on the World's Most Powerful Office)