Putin Quotes

Spune-mi, daca te-as prinde-ntr-o zi si ti-as saruta talpa piciorului, nu-i asa ca ai schiopata putin, dupa aceea, de teama sa nu-mi strivesti sarutul?

The terrified men did not move. Then Nadia Fedin did something instinctive; she drew her Nagant revolver and fired three short bursts into the head of the nearest soldier. Stepan Ivanovich’s skull burst like a ripe cabbage showering his horrified comrades with viscous brain and bits of bone.

Fedin laughed outright, a grim, calculating gesture as hard and unfeeling as cold steel. “Twenty million Russians have been slaughtered by the Fascists in the last six years..... Always remember this, Squadron Leader. It was our war, our victory and now it is our Berlin. We tolerate your presence in this city… if that.

Outside, beyond the vast red bricked labyrinth of Kremlin walls, a humid night ensnarled the Soviet capital in its spell. Yet here in the womb-like private cinema Josef Stalin sat, eyes transfixed on the screen, as Johnny Weissmuller arced through a canopy of trees boldly screaming his signature jungle call.

They came for him near midnight, seven hard-faced men arriving simultaneously in a matching set of Zis 101s, the black-lacquered saloon car so shamelessly modeled on the American Buick Roadmaster, and so capriciously favored by the sinister flying squads of the NKVD. Ironically, the arrest when it came did not shock Batya. He had prepared for it.

Trebuie sa te departezi putin de tine ca sa te poti apropia de ceilalti.

No one is easier to manipulate than a man who exaggerates his own influence.

Whoever does not miss the Soviet Union has no heart. Whoever wants it back has no brain.

Those who can make people believe absurdities, can make people commit atrocities.

Esti singur in vartejul suferintei tale si daca vrei sa iesi trebuie sa tragi aer in piept si sa te scufunzi pana se sfarseste. Mai degraba iubeste-o pana cand iubirea ti se face apa si se scurge prin toti porii. Iubeste-o in absenta. Va fi ca si cum te-ai arunca de nebun intr-un zid. De sute, de mii de ori. Neclintit, zidul iti va rupe oasele, pielea ti-o vei zdreli, iti vei sfasia hainele pana cand te vei fi prelins in praful de la baza lui. Un somn lung te va cuprinde, apoi te vei trezi ca dupa un cosmar pe care vei incerca sa-l rememorezi. Soarele diminetii nu-ti va da timp si vei uita. Cu fiecare zi care va trece vei mai fi uitat putin cate putin...Vindeca-te singur. E tot ce poti face pentru tine.

Stiu ca orice tovarasie este o iluzie a anularii singuratatii,dar si asa traiesc pentru cele cateva iluzii,asa incat una in plus sau in minus...Si albastrul cerului e o iluzie,dar nu ma incanta mai putin din cauza asta.

...un adevarat medic aproape niciodata nu cere ajutorul altui medic. Pentru ca sunt dureros de constienti de cat de putin stie cineva sa vindece bolnavii.

So when Putin goes out to buy a Coke, thirty seconds later it is known in Washington DC.

Bike is the most democratic transport vehicle. Bike is the most daring, challenging as it gives its owner the tempting feeling of freedom, that is why one can say without any exaggeration, bike is a symbol of freedom," Putin said.

We shall fight against them, throw them in prisons and destroy them.

We are hurtling back into a Soviet abyss, into an information vacuum that spells death from our own ignorance. All we have left is the internet, where information is still freely available. For the rest, if you want to go on working as a journalist, it's total servility to Putin. Otherwise, it can be death, the bullet, poison, or trial—whatever our special services, Putin's guard dogs, see fit.

One has to be insincere and promise something which you cannot fulfill. So you either have to be a fool who does not understand what you are promising, or deliberately be lying.

It turned out that capitalism alone could make people not only rich and happy but also poor, hungry, miserable, and powerless.

Because I'm on the phone, Mom!" "Fooling around with your friends again! Who is that?" "Ahmadinejad." "Oh, my goodness! What is he saying?" "That he wants to see Jeezy at the Beacon tonight. Putin's going too. He scalped a ticket from Kim Jong Il. All tha gangstas are going." "Don't be so fresh, young man!" "Gotta go," he says to me. "Enemy forces have dropped a Momshell." "Fall back, solider. Over and out.

They depend on cheating. Putin and his minions cheat at the financial markets. They cheat at the Olympics. They cheat at their own fake democracy. They cheat other people out of their democracies.

Somehow, people always forget that it's much easier to install a dictator than to remove one

But, the source explained, this fit Putin’s larger strategic vision: “to destroy NATO, destroy the European Union, and seriously harm the United States.

Fiecare îsi comunica erorile cum poate iar ele cuprind totdeauna un pic de adevar; ceilalti înteleg cît pot; fiecare spune mai putin decît întelege si întelege mai mult decît i se spune, iar ce întelege nu i se spune, fiindca ce i se spune nu întelege, si asa mai departe.

He who does not regret the break-up of the Soviet Union has no heart; he who wants to revive it in its previous form has no head.

-Inimi nu gasesti aici, le gasesti la oameni. Si nu se cumpara, se ofera. Curaj! Vei gasi o inima. Dumnezeu nu face inimi mai putine decat oameni.

[...]istoria, acest fluviu care inainta spre necunoscut, si al carui capat viu simtisem atatia ani ca eram eu, aveau s-o faca altii, mie imi ramanea doar acest teritoriu de cucerit si singurul cu care puteam s-o influentez: cuvantul scris. Nu era mult, dar nici putin.

Sunday was the normal day for the political awareness session at sea. Ordinarily Putin would have officiated, reading some Pravada editorials, followed by selected quotations from the works of Lenin and a discussion of the lessons to be learned from the readings. It is very much like a church service.

One of those who cooked for Rasputin during the Great War was a chef at Petrograd’s luxurious Astoria Hotel who went on, after the Revolution, to cook for Lenin and Stalin. He was Spiridon Putin, grandfather of President Vladimir Putin.

Putin and his siloviki] operate in accordance with the simple principles of Joseph Goebbels: Play on the emotions; the bigger the lie, the better; lies should be repeated many times….Unfortunately, it works.

De multe ori am fost uimit de faptul ca fiecare, desi se iubeste pe sine insusi mai mult decat pe toti ceilalti, pune totusi mai putin pret pe propria parere despre sine decat pe parerea celorlalti despre el.

Typically, however, the winner is just the player who made the next-to-last mistake.

Putin is smart enough not to believe his own propaganda. Trump isn’t.

I am not anti-American,' he said. 'I just despise the current American administration. I despair that Bush has made ordinary, decent people all over the world think twice about what was once, and still could be again, a great country, when what happened on September 11th should have made ordinary, decent people all over the world embrace America as never before. I don't like it that neo-conservative politicians bully their so-called allies while playing to the worst, racist instincts of their own bewildered electorate. I don't like it that we live in an era where to be anti-war is to be anti-American, to be pro-Palestine is to be anti-Semitic, to be critical of Blair is somehow to be supportive of Putin and Chirac. All anybody is asking for in this so-called age of terror is some leadership. Yet everywhere you look in public life there is no truth, no courage, no dignity to speak of.

I introduced Putin to our Scottish terrier, Barney. He wasn't very impressed. On my next trip to Russia, Vladimir asked if I wanted to meet his dog, Koni. Sure, I said. As we walked the birch-lined grounds of his dacha, a big black Labrador came charging across the lawn. With a twinkle in his eye, Vladimir said, "Bigger, stronger, and faster than Barney." Prime Minister Stephen Harper of Canada [said], "You're lucky he only showed you his dog.

What is patriotism? Let us begin with what patriotism is not. It is not patriotic to dodge the draft and to mock war heroes and their families. It is not patriotic to discriminate against active-duty members of the armed forces in one’s companies, or to campaign to keep disabled veterans away from one’s property. It is not patriotic to compare one’s search for sexual partners in New York with the military service in Vietnam that one has dodged. It is not patriotic to avoid paying taxes, especially when American working families do pay. It is not patriotic to ask those working, taxpaying American families to finance one’s own presidential campaign, and then to spend their contributions in one’s own companies. It is not patriotic to admire foreign dictators. It is not patriotic to cultivate a relationship with Muammar Gaddafi; or to say that Bashar al-Assad and Vladimir Putin are superior leaders. It is not patriotic to call upon Russia to intervene in an American presidential election. It is not patriotic to cite Russian propaganda at rallies. It is not patriotic to share an adviser with Russian oligarchs. It is not patriotic to solicit foreign policy advice from someone who owns shares in a Russian energy company. It is not patriotic to read a foreign policy speech written by someone on the payroll of a Russian energy company. It is not patriotic to appoint a national security adviser who has taken money from a Russian propaganda organ. It is not patriotic to appoint as secretary of state an oilman with Russian financial interests who is the director of a Russian-American energy company and has received the “Order of Friendship” from Putin. The point is not that Russia and America must be enemies. The point is that patriotism involves serving your own country. The

If the road to hell is paved with good intentions, compromises on principles are the street lights

… e mult mai nobil sa ramai lucid oricat te-ar coplesi viata, esti totdeauna mai putin om cand te imbeti, indiferent cum, si daca fuga de realitate nu-i chiar o decadere, ramane totusi o infrangere.

I never understood how so many people could want to live under a man like Vladimir Putin.  Then I saw the emergence of Trump.

Pe insula noastra stateau pasari drept puncte cardinale. Ciuguleau cate putin din spatii ca din firele de iarba abia incoltite. Pluteam pe insula noastra, imuni la forfotul din jur...

De ce iubim femeile Pentru ca le zambesc tuturor copiilor mici care trec pe langa ele. Pentru ca merg pe strada drepte, cu capul sus, cu umerii trasi inapoi si nu raspund privirii tale cand le fixezi ca un maniac. Pnetru ca-ti spun <> exact atunci cand te iubesc mai putin, ca un fel de compensatie. Pnetru ca scriu fie extrem de delicat, colectionand mici observatii si schitand subtile nuante psihologice, fie brutal si scatologic ca nu cumva sa fie suspectate de literatura feminina. Pnetru ca sunt extrordinare cititoare, pentru care se scriu trei sferturi din poezia si proza lumii. Pnetru ca din ele-am iesit si-n ele ne-ntoarcem, si mintea noastra se roteste ca o planeta greoaie, mereu si mereu, numai in jurul lor.

I have some rules of my own. One of them is never to regret anything. Over time, I came to the conclusion that this was the right thing to do. As soon as you start regretting and looking back, you start to sour. You always have to think about the future. You always have to look ahead. Of course you have to analyze your past mistakes, but only so that you can learn and correct the course of your life.  

Communism is like an autoimmune disorder; it doesn’t do the killing itself, but it weakens the system so much that the victim is left helpless and unable to fight off anything else. It destroys the human spirit on an individual level, perverting the values of a successful free society.

Ideeea ca ne plac oamenii este o iluzie pe care trebuie s-o pastram in noi daca vrem sa traim in societate. Dar eu am expulzat-o de mult, cel putin cat traiesc aici. Tu vrei sa fii iubit? Eu ma multumesc pur si simplu sa "fiu", sa exist. Poate intr-o zi ai sa inteegi si tu ce inseamana asta. Si ai sa zambesti. Un zambet aprobator, un zambet sarcastic.

Take these sunflower seeds and put them in your pockets' said one Ukrainian woman to a Russian soldier on her street, 'At least when you die, something will grow.' Others ask soldiers, 'How do you explain to your mother why you are here?' The soldiers are disheartened, no shock and awe, no Zelenskyy slinking off to another country, not what Putin expected.

To forgive the terrorists is up to God, but to send them there is up to me.

Putinism “the highest and final stage of bandit capitalism” and “the coup de grâce” to the head of the Russian nation.

We are no longer a leader. Putin has become the leader, and it's an embarassment to our country.

So if you blame Facebook, Trump, or Putin for ushering in a new and frightening era of post-truth, remind yourself that centuries ago millions of Christians locked themselves inside a self-reinforcing mythological bubble, never daring to question the factual veracity of the Bible, while millions of Muslims put their unquestioning faith in the Quran. For millennia, much of what passed for “news” and “facts” in human social networks were stories about miracles, angels, demons, and witches, with bold reporters giving live coverage straight from the deepest pits of the underworld. We have zero scientific evidence that Eve was tempted by the serpent, that the souls of all infidels burn in hell after they die, or that the creator of the universe doesn’t like it when a Brahmin marries a Dalit—yet billions of people have believed in these stories for thousands of years. Some fake news lasts forever.

Putin had told Yeltsin that he did not like election campaigns, and now he dismissed campaign promises as unachievable lies told by politicians and denigrated television advertisements as unseemly manipulation of gullible consumers.

Western journalists are also taught to report various interpretations of the facts. The adage that there are two sides to a story makes sense when those who represent each side accept the factuality of the world and interpret the same set of facts. Putin’s strategy of implausible deniability exploited this convention while destroying its basis. He positioned himself as a side of the story while mocking factuality. “I am lying to you openly and we both know it” is not a side of the story. It is a trap.

I have always reacted negatively to those who with their snotty noses and erotic fantasies prowl into others' lives.

It's better to be hanged for loyalty than rewarded for betrayal

If with all your power you kissed the angel of love, what then might happen?

History does not end; it runs in cycles. The failure to defend Ukraine today is the failure of the Allies to defend Czechoslovakia in 1938. The world must act now so that Poland in 2015 will not be called on to play the role of Poland in 1939.

Haha come fight us now Napoleon

Maybe they have nothing else to do in America but to talk about me.

There is no happiness in life, there is only a mirage on the horizon, so cherish that.

For the previous few years, Putin had sat comfortably in the Kremlin, knowing that whatever happened in the US Congress, President Obama opposed the Magnitsky Act. In Putin’s totalitarian mind, this was an ironclad guarantee that it would never become law. But what Putin overlooked was that the United States was not Russia.

a zis ca am niste idei bizare si c-am citit prea mult. inexact. am citit prea putin si am inteles si mai putin. apoi a spus c-am sa ma inapoiez la credinta pentru ca am un spirit nelinistit.(...) i-am spus asta si i-am cerut sase penny. mi-a dat trei.

In 1987, Gorbachev said he wanted to build Alexander Dubček’s “socialism with a human face,” to which I responded that Frankenstein’s monster also had a human face. Communism goes against human nature and can only be sustained by totalitarian repression.

for the existentialists, what generated anxiety was not the godlessness of the world, per se, but rather the freedom to choose between God and godlessness. Though freedom is something we actively seek, the freedom to choose generates anxiety. “When I behold my possibilities,” Kierkegaard wrote, “I experience that dread which is the dizziness of freedom, and my choice is made in fear and trembling.” Many people try to flee anxiety by fleeing choice. This helps explain the perverse-seeming appeal of authoritarian societies—the certainties of a rigid, choiceless society can be very reassuring—and why times of upheaval so often produce extremist leaders and movements: Hitler in Weimar Germany, Father Coughlin in Depression-era America, or Jean-Marie Le Pen in France and Vladimir Putin in Russia today. But running from anxiety, Kierkegaard believed, was a mistake because anxiety was a “school” that taught people to come to terms with the human condition.

It is extremely dangerous to encourage people to see themselves as [inherently] exceptional, whatever the motivation. There are big countries and small countries, rich and poor, those with long democratic traditions and those still finding their way to democracy. Their policies differ, too. We are all different, but when we ask for the Lord’s blessings, we must not forget that God created us equal.

Dictatorships must be feared to survive so they cannot bear to be mocked.

One of the strengths, and weaknesses, of liberal democratic societies is giving the benefit of the doubt even to one's enemies

You in the West, you think you’re playing chess with us. But you’re never going to win, because we’re not following any rules.’ A Russian mobster to his lawyer

You know what Trump is?’ ‘Tell me.’ ‘He’s Putin’s shithouse cleaner. He does everything for little Vladi that little Vladi can’t do for himself: pisses on European unity, pisses on human rights, pisses on NATO. Assures us that Crimea and Ukraine belong to the Holy Russian Empire, the Middle East belongs to the Jews and the Saudis, and to hell with the world order.

I have written about what I call “the gravity of past success” in chess. Each victory pulls the victor down slightly and makes it harder to put in maximum effort to improve further. Meanwhile, the loser knows that he made a mistake, that something went wrong, and he will work hard to improve for next time. The happy winner often assumes he won simply because he is great. Typically, however, the winner is just the player who made the next-to-last mistake. It takes tremendous discipline to overcome this tendency and to learn lessons from a victory.

In "Anatomy of Fascism," Robert Paxton includes in his concise definition "the belief that one's group is a victim, a sentiment that justifies any action, without legal or moral limits, against its enemies, both internal and external.

The country, meanwhile, has eroded into a stultifying economic sinkhole for average Russians. “Despite receiving $1.6 trillion from oil and gas exports from 2000 to 2011, Russia was not able to build a single multi-lane highway during this time. There is still no interstate highway linking Moscow to the Far East,” Karen Dawisha wrote in her richly detailed 2014 book, Putin’s Kleptocracy.

But evil does not die, just as history does not end. Like a weed, evil can be cut back but never entirely uprooted. It waits for its chance to spread through the cracks in our vigilance. It can take root in the fertile soil of our complacency, or even the rocky rubble of the fallen Berlin Wall.

In my first meeting with Vladimir Putin in the spring of 2001, he complained that Russia was burdened by Soviet-era debt. At that point, oil ws selling for $26 per barrel. By the time I saw Putin at the APEC summit in Sydney in September 2007 oil had reached $71--on its way to $137 in the summer of 2008. He leaned back in his chair and asked how were Russia's mortgage-backed securities doing.

The 2016 cyberattack was not just another case of simple Kompromat - meddling in the political affairs of a satellite nation or an individual dissenter. It was a direct attempt to hijack and derail the traditional processes and norms that held the United States together for more than 240 years. The attempt was even more brazen due to the apparent belief that Putin assumed that he and his oligarchy could charm, groom and select a candidate, then with the right amount of cybercrime and enough organized propaganda they could actually choose a president of the United States to do their bidding.

in 2014, the Billy Graham Evangelistic Association’s Decision magazine featured Putin on its cover, and Franklin Graham praised the Russian president for standing up to the “gay and lesbian agenda.” The next year, Graham met with Putin in Moscow, an occasion that prompted him to praise Putin as a defender of “traditional Christianity” while accusing President Obama of promoting atheism. In foreign policy as in domestic politics, the cult of masculinity can transform loyalties and reshape alliances.

Trump didn't want to win the election. He wanted to use the platform to boost his brand. Russia wanted him to win the election. Russia succeeded, and Trump continues to use his platform to boost his brand.

Faced with a brass band that was positioned to drown out free speech, Russian activists reacted to the potential confrontation with lemons. With activists eating lemons or pretending to, involuntary saliva reaction of the band made it impossible for them to interrupt.

According to research conducted jointly by experts from the University of California at Berkeley and Swansea University in Wales, no fewer than 150,000 Twitter accounts linked to Russia began to tweet inflammatory and divisive messages about Brexit, Muslims, and immigrants

The false information must be logical, believable, and acceptable to gain the confidence of the target population of an adversary nation. Like all good lies, the material must be crafted to play to the biases and accepted norms of the target audience, even if the information is horrible or distasteful to others not of that tribe.

Asadar, in momentul in care un om face primul pas dilatand acea unitate imaginara a eului sau pana la o dualitate, omul acesta devine aproape un geniu, sau cel putin este o exceptie rara si interesanta. In realitate insa, nici un eu, nici chiar cel mai naiv, nu este unitar, ci este un univers de o diversitate extraordinara, o mica bolta cereasca presarata cu stele, un haos de forma, de trepte si stari, de apucaturi mostenite si de posibilitati.

The reality is that most consumers in the developed world would rather not know where their phones and gas come from as long as the prices are low. If you know, you must act, so it is better not to know. The occasional scandal over inhuman working conditions in Chinese factories (or women’s rights in Saudi Arabia) allows some liberals to feel better when a Nike or Apple announces an investigation that is quickly forgotten by the time the next shoe or gadget comes out.

To forgive the terrorists is up to God, but to send them to him is up to me.

Egy felmérés hivatalos adatai szerint a megkérdezettek 58 százaléka egyetért az "Oroszország az oroszoké" szlogennel. Szintén 58 százalék válaszolta azt, hogy ha rendes fizetést kapna, azonnal vásárolna valami rendes ingatlant külföldön, és kivándorolna. Ez nem más, mint a "szabad Oroszország" halálos ítélete, és magyarázatot ad arra is, hogy az utóbbi időben miért nem volt nálunk forradalom. Arra várunk, hogy valaki más robbantsa ki helyettünk.

Vesnica problema: cea a nivelului spiritual.Daca nu te afli la acelasi nivel cu cineva,nu te poti intelege cu el.Nivelul spiritual se masoara prin gradul de instrainare fata de lume.Dar cum sa stabilesti in chip obiectiv acest grad? Atunci cand vorbesc cu cineva,stiu la ce sa ma astept din partea lui,stiu pana unde pot merge cu el.El insa nu stie. Crede ca ma intelege.Si poate ca ma intelege in felul lui. Caci nimic nu spune ca,intr-un anumit domeniu,n-a mers mult mai departe decat mine.Cu toate astea,de experienta spirituala e capabil doar acela pentru care conteaza din ce in ce mai putine lucruri,pentru care cercul intereselor se restrange pe masura ce merge inainte. Important nu este sa stii,ci sa fii.Or,a fi este isprava cea mai dificila cu putinta.Caci a fi,pe plan spiritual,inseamna sa nu fii nimic pe planul lumii.

It’s very easy to figure out Trump’s ideology. He’s not racist and sexist to this incredible degree. He’s Trumpist. He views the world through the prism of, “How do they view Trump?” If you view Trump positively, you’re good people. “Putin, hey, he likes the Trump, I like the Putin.” That’s all he is. His doctrine is the Trump Doctrine. If another country is nice to him, he will be nice to that country. If the country thinks he’s an idiot, “Fuck them. That’s a pussy country. They don’t know shit about anything. That country changed its name from a Jewish name.

What we have,” Robert tells us, “is not democracy. It is imitative democracy. We have all the external signs. We have elections. We have a parliament. We have legislation. All the accessories of democracy. But anyone with common sense here knows we live in an authoritarian state. Putin has learned that if he offers the accessories of democracy, his regime can be very hard to accuse. The regime does one thing very well: It doesn’t listen. So there can be free speech, channels of communication. But normally in a democracy, those voices affect decision making. In this country that doesn’t happen.

Un barbat indragostit e sters de pe lista celor vii. Devine idiot, nu numai idiot, dar primejdios. Intrerup, cu barbatii indragostiti de mine sau care, cel putin, pretind ca sunt, orice relatie apropiata, mai intai pentru ca ma plictisesc, apoi, pentru ca devin suspecti, ca un caine turbat care poate avea o criza. Ii trec, asadar, in carantina morala, pana cand se vindeca. Sa nu uiti asta. Stiu foarte bine ca, la tine, dragostea e doar un soi de pofta, in timp ce la mine ar fi, dimpotriva, un soi de comuniune a sufletelor, care nu face parte din religia barbatilor. Tu ai intelege litera, iar eu spiritul...

As the 2018 World Cup Championship in Russia draws to a close, President Trump scores a hat-trick of diplomatic faux pas - first at the NATO summit, then on a UK visit, and finally with a spectacular own goal in Helsinki, thereby handing Vladimir Putin a golden propaganda trophy. For as long as this moron continues to queer the pitch by refusing to be a team player, America's Achilles' heel will go from bad to worse. It's high time somebody on his own side tackled him in his tracks.

Trump’s pick for secretary of state? Rex Tillerson, a figure known and trusted in Moscow, and recipient of the Order of Friendship. National security adviser? Michael Flynn, Putin’s dinner companion and a beneficiary of undeclared Russian fees. Campaign manager? Paul Manafort, longtime confidant to ex-Soviet oligarchs. Foreign policy adviser? Carter Page, an alleged Moscow asset who gave documents to Putin’s spies. Commerce secretary? Wilbur Ross, an entrepreneur with Russia-connected investments. Personal lawyer? Michael Cohen, who sent emails to Putin’s press secretary. Business partner? Felix Sater, son of a Russian American mafia boss. And other personalities, too. It was almost as if Putin had played a role in naming Trump’s cabinet. The U.S. president, of course, had done the choosing. But the constellation of individuals, and their immaculate alignment with Russian interests, formed a discernible pattern, like stars against a clear night sky. A pattern of collusion.

Further, skin in the game creates diversity, not monoculture. Economic insecurity worsens the condition. Journalists are currently in the most insecure profession you can find: the majority live hand to mouth, and ostracism by their friends would be terminal. Thus they become easily prone to manipulation by lobbyists, as we saw with GMOs, the Syrian wars, etc. You say something unpopular in that profession about Brexit, GMOs, or Putin, and you become history. This is the opposite of business where me-tooism is penalized.

Îl cuprinse in brate si îl stranse tare. Ar fi vrut sa-l zgaltaie putin, poate asa si-ar fi regasit mai usor datele ei din trecut. - Suntem cam straini, zise. E frig, nu? Fă ceva, da-mi putin din sangele tau, sa ma incalzesc. Ajuta-mi sa fiu fericita ca sunt aici. I se parea excesivă, ca de atatea ori. Ce putea face la o ora cand cel mai bine este sa dormi? O aseză cu capul pe pieptul lui, apoi o inveli. Era concesiv. Ea isi spunea: "Nu trebuie sa dorm! Nu trebuie sa raman cu mine singura. Trebuie sa ma tin asa, inlantuita de el, pana la sfarsitul ultimului sfarsit!" - Eva, ce vrei sa-mi spui? - Ce nu stii? - Nimic de la plecarea mea. Se gandea: "Nimic de la plecarea lui! Si acum vine, si daca vine, il urmez, fara sa stiu pana unde ma va duce si pentru cat timp!

Vladimir Putin pledges no allegiance to to the democratic articles of faith, but he does not explicitly renounce democracy. He disdains Western values while professing to identify with the West. He doesn’t care what the State Department puts in next year’s human rights report, because he has yet to pay a political price in his own country for the sins reported in prior years. He tells bald lies with a straight face, and when guilty of aggression, blames the victim. He has convinced many, apparently including the American president, that he is a master strategist, a man of strength and will. Confined to Russia, these facts would be sobering, but Putin, like Mussolini nine decades ago, is watched carefully in other regions by leaders who are tempted to follow in his footsteps. Some already are.

Putin isn’t a full-blown Fascist because he hasn’t felt the need. Instead, as prime minister and president, he has flipped through Stalin’s copy of the totalitarian playbook and underlined passages of interest to call on when convenient. Throughout his time in office, he has stockpiled power at the expense of provincial governors, the legislature, the courts, the private sector, and the press. A suspicious number of those who have found fault with him have later been jailed on dubious charges or murdered in circumstances never explained. Authority within Putin’s “vertical state”—including directorship of the national oil and gas companies—is concentrated among KGB alumni and other former security and intelligence officials. A network of state-run corporations and banks, many with shady connections offshore, furnish financial lubricants for pet projects and privileged friends. Rather than diversify as China has done, the state has more than doubled its share of the national economy since 2005.

România nu are contract de exclusivitate cu nesimtirea. Aceasta este globala, dinamica si atenta la schimbarile din jur. Ea e perceputa peste tot si regretata nicaieri. Fireste, nesimtitul român nu seamana cu cel belgian, azer sau panamez si nu poate fi confundat cu nici unul dintre ei. El are un je ne sais quoi care-l face inimitabil si greu, daca nu aproape imposibil, de clasificat. Si mai are ceva nesimtitul român: un decalog de la care nu se abate si un set de convingeri pe care ti-e cu neputinta sa i le zdruncini. Trasatura lui definitorie pare, astazi mai mult ca oricând, ubicuitatea. Cine are tristul privilegiu al vietii în orasele mari nu se mai poate întoarce în loc fara sa dea cu nasul de un exponent al categoriei. Iar de la o vreme nici macar refugiul campestru sau izolarea prin funduri de provincie nu mai garanteaza izbavirea. Nesimtitul român este agentul unei molime careia societatea nu i-a aflat leacul. Si putem spune chiar ca, dupa cum merg lucrurile, e foarte putin probabil ca laboratoarele vietii publice sa descopere un vaccin eficace.

The Thousand Year Reich did not last two decades; the Soviet Union lasted three quarters of a century; Idi Amin ruled for eight years; the Confederacy didn't make it to kindergarten; Argentina's Dirty War lasted six years; Pinochet dominated Chile for sixteen years; nothing lasts forever, even the worst things. Hitler killed himself; Stalin and Franco lasted too long but ultimately dropped dead and last year Franco's body was exhumed from its grand prison-labor-built monument and dumped in a municipal cemetery; Pol Pot died in prison; Mugabe had to step down; Putin is not immortal. Every day under these monstrosities was too long, and part of the horror of life under a corrupt and brutal regime is that it seems never-ending, but nothing lasts forever. And believing that something can end is often instrumental to working toward ending it; how the people in Eastern Europe dared to hope that their efforts might succeed I cannot imagine.

It was far easier for me to see how the war in Syria was in part an unintended consequence of other American wars, no matter how well-meaning they might have been. The toppling of “Saddam Hussein had strengthened Iran, provoked Putin, opened up a Pandora’s box of sectarian conflict that now raged in Iraq and Syria, and led to an insurgency that had given birth to ISIL. The toppling of Muammar Gaddafi had made plain to dictators that you either cling to power or end up dead in a sewer. Syria looked more and more like a moral morass—a place where our inaction was a tragedy, and our intervention would only compound the tragedy. Obama kept probing for options that could make a positive difference, finding none.

The election of Obama was a profoundly unserious act by an unserious nation, and, if you were Putin, the ChiComs, or the ayatollahs, you would have to be awfully virtuous not to take advantage of it....He's WEIRD in the sense of those students in the behavioral studies: Western Educated Idle Rich Deadbeat. He's not, even in Democrat terms, a political figure--as Bill Clinton or Joe Biden are. Instead, he's a creature of the broader culture: there are millions of people like Barack Obama, the eternal students of an unbounded lethargic transnational campus for whom global compassion and the multicultural pose are merely the modish gloss on a cult of radical grandiose narcissism. Even as he denies American exceptionalism, he gets turned on by his own.

Conspiracy theories have long been used to maintain power: the Soviet leadership saw capitalist and counter-revolutionary conspiracies everywhere; the Nazis, Jewish ones. But those conspiracies were ultimately there to buttress an ideology, whether class warfare for Communists or race for Nazis. With today’s regimes, which struggle to formulate a single ideology – indeed, which can’t if they want to maintain power by sending different messages to different people – the idea that one lives in a world full of conspiracies becomes the world view itself. Conspiracy does not support the ideology; it replaces it. In Russia this is captured in the catchphrase of the country’s most important current affairs presenter: ‘A coincidence? I don’t think so!’ says Dmitry Kiselev as he twirls between tall tales that dip into history, literature, oil prices and colour revolutions, which all return to the theme of how the world has it in for Russia. And as a world view it grants those who subscribe to it certain pleasures: if all the world is a conspiracy, then your own failures are no longer all your fault. The fact that you achieved less than you hoped for, that your life is a mess – it’s all the fault of the conspiracy. More importantly, conspiracy is a way to maintain control. In a world where even the most authoritarian regimes struggle to impose censorship, one has to surround audiences with so much cynicism about anybody’s motives, persuade them that behind every seemingly benign motivation is a nefarious, if impossible-to-prove, plot, that they lose faith in the possibility of an alternative, a tactic a renowned Russian media analyst called Vasily Gatov calls ‘white jamming’. And the end effect of this endless pile-up of conspiracies is that you, the little guy, can never change anything. For if you are living in a world where shadowy forces control everything, then what possible chance do you have of turning it around? In this murk it becomes best to rely on a strong hand to guide you. ‘Trump is our last chance to save America,’ is the message of his media hounds. Only Putin can ‘raise Russia from its knees’. ‘The problem we are facing today is less oppression, more lack of identity, apathy, division, no trust,’ sighs Srdja. ‘There are more tools to change things than before, but there’s less will to do so.

I gesture to his jacket. “Do you really think you’re qualified to give fashion advice?” He laughs, rubbing the back of his neck. “I thought I looked like an absolute tool—now I’m sure of it.” “Did the producers pick that out for you?” “Yes. I’m supposed to ride down to the castle on horseback. Make my grand entrance.” Briskly, his long fingers unbutton the jacket. He shrugs it off, dropping it on the ground, revealing a snug white T-shirt and gloriously sculpted arms. “Better?” “Yes,” I squeak. The teasing smirk comes back, then he grips the back of his T-shirt, pulling it off. And my mouth falls open at the sight of warm skin, perfect brown nipples, and the ridges and swells of muscles up and down his torso. “What do you think of this?” he asks. I think this is worse than I thought. Henry Pembrook isn’t a Fiyero—he’s a Willoughby. A John Willoughby from Sense and Sensibility—thrilling, charming, unpredictable, and seductive. Marianne Dashwood learned the hard way that if you play with a heartbreaker, you can’t be surprised when your heart gets shattered into a thousand pieces. I shrug, trying to seem cool and unaffected. “Might look a bit too ‘Putin’ on the horse.” He nods, then puts his shirt back on, and my stomach swirls with a strange mix of relief and disappointment.

Olavismo. 1. Estilo de pensamento filosófico muito peculiar, que substitui o argumento pelo xingamento e o conceito pelo palavrão. 2. Fruto da expansão dos meios tecnológicos de informação, que, utilizando selfies e vídeos autoproduzidos, deixam aparecer na rede pessoas como se fossem “professores” e “intelectuais”, posando nas telas ao terem no fundo estantes decoradas com livros mal lidos e mal compreendidos. 3. Nome de uma corrente de fake-pensamento. "4. Expressão oriunda da composição de “Olá” e “revanchismo”, combinando alguém que chega de repente para dar a ideia aos governantes sem ideias de en-direitar o país com rifles e rifas e quem se sentiu a vida toda complexado por nunca ter conseguido entender o que é uma ideia e muito menos uma filosofia. 5. Nome da corrente ideológica que seduz, encanta e lidera o bando de ressentidos do país. 6. Uma forma bem específica de saudosismo: saudades da era medieval, saudades da teocracia, saudades de D. Pedro, saudades dos bons costumes. 7. Modo borrágico de expressar opiniões que procuram, em tese, chocar o senso comum, mas que nada mais fazem além de corroborar o pior dos sensos (o qual, infelizmente, muitas vezes é comum e quase sempre predominou ao longo da história). 8. Movimento de desespero final de quem quer encontrar uma identidade para chamar de sua e um líder para chamar de seu. 9. Espécie de fanatismo religioso que cultua o ódio e a intolerância travestidos de intelectualismo. 10. Seita seguida por pessoas particularmente vulneráveis a uma retórica violenta e macabra, mas perigosamente sedutora. 11. Doutrina do ter-razão-em-tudo quando não se tem razão em nada. Atribuindo a base dessa doutrina do ter-razão-em-tudo ao filósofo alemão Arthur Schopenhauer, é fácil constatar como olavistas não possuem o menor conhecimento nem de alemão e nem de filosofia, tendo (mal) entendido o próprio nome de Schopenhauer como “chope raro”, que, bebido, gera mal-entendidos dos princípios básicos da erística e da dialética. Com bases em erros fundamentais, o olavismo derivado desse “chope raro” (confundido com Schopenhauer) desenvolveu uma errística dislética, que se vale de argumentos nefastos (do latim nefas que significa ilícito) para destruir as questões mais lícitas do pensamento, da sociedade e da cultura. 11. Tradução google para o português bolsonarista da tradução google para o inglês trumpista da tradução google russa do resumo dos clássicos da extrema direita europeia, assinada por Dugin, ideólogo de Putin.

Putin was a former KGB intelligence officer who’d been stationed in East Germany at the Dresden headquarters of the Soviet secret service. Putin has said in interviews that he dreamed as a child of becoming a spy for the communist party in foreign lands, and his time in Dresden exceeded his imagination. Not only was he living out his boyhood fantasy, he and his then-wife also enjoyed the perks of a borderline-European existence. Even in communist East Germany, the standard of living was far more comfortable than life in Russia, and the young Putins were climbing KGB social circles, making influential connections, networking a power base. The present was bright, and the future looked downright luminous. Then, the Berlin wall fell, and down with it crashed Putin’s world. A few days after the fall, a group of East German protestors gathered at the door of the secret service headquarters building. Putin, fearing the headquarters would be overrun, dialed up a Red Army tank unit stationed nearby to ask for protection. A voice on the other end of the line told him the unit could not do anything without orders from Moscow. And, “Moscow is silent,” the man told Putin. Putin’s boyhood dream was dissolving before his eyes, and his country was impotent or unwilling to stop it. Putin despised his government’s weakness in the face of threat. It taught him a lesson that would inform his own rule: Power is easily lost when those in power allow it to be taken away. In Putin’s mind, the Soviet Union’s fatal flaw was not that its authoritarianism was unsustainable but that its leaders were not strong enough or brutal enough to maintain their authority. The lesson Putin learned was that power must be guarded with vigilance and maintained by any means necessary.

One day in September 2015, FBI agent Adrian Hawkins placed a call to the Democratic National Committee headquarters in Washington, D.C., and asked to speak to the person in charge of technology. He was routed to the DNC help desk, which transferred the call to Yared Tamene, a young IT specialist with The MIS Department, a consulting firm hired by the DNC. After identifying himself, Hawkins told Tamene that he had reason to believe that at least one computer on the DNC’s network was compromised. He asked if the DNC was aware of this and what it was doing. Tamene had nothing to do with cybersecurity and knew little about the subject. He was a mid-level network administrator; his basic IT duties for the DNC were to set up computer accounts for employees and be on call to deal with any problems. When he got the call, Tamene was wary. Was this a joke or, worse, a dirty trick? He asked Hawkins if he could prove he was an FBI agent, and, as Tamene later wrote in a memo, “he did not provide me with an adequate response.… At this point, I had no way of differentiating the call I received from a prank call.” Hawkins, though, was real. He was a well-regarded agent in the FBI’s cyber squad. And he was following a legitimate lead in a case that would come to affect a presidential election. Earlier in the year, U.S. cyber warriors intercepted a target list of about thirty U.S. government agencies, think tanks, and several political organizations designated for cyberattacks by a group of hackers known as APT 29. APT stood for Advanced Persistent Threat—technojargon for a sophisticated set of actors who penetrate networks, insert viruses, and extract data over prolonged periods of time.