Proposition Joe Quotes

Somewhere in between are the rest of us natives, in whom such change revives long-buried anger at those faraway people who seem to govern the world: city people, educated city people who win and control while the rest of us work and lose. Snort at the proposition if you want, but that was the view I grew up with, and it still is quite prevalent, though not so open as in those days. These are the sentiments the fearful rich and the Republicans capitalize on in order to kick liberal asses in elections. The Democrats' 2006 midterm gains should not fool anyone into thinking that these feelings are not still out here in this heartland that has so rapidly become suburbanized. It is still politically profitable to cast matters as a battle between the slick people, liberals all, and the regular Joes, people who like white bread and Hamburger Helper and "normal" beer. When you are looking around you in the big cities at all those people, it's hard to understand that there are just as many out here who never will taste sushi or, in all likelihood, fly on an airplane other than when we are flown to boot camp, compliments of Uncle Sam. Only 20 percent of Americans have ever owned a passport. To the working people I grew up with, sophistication of any and all types, and especially urbanity, is suspect. Hell, those city people have never even fired a gun. Then again, who would ever trust Jerry Seinfeld or Dennis Kucinich or Hillary Clinton with a gun? At least Dick Cheney hunts, even if he ain't safe to hunt with. George W. Bush probably knows a good goose gun when he sees one. Guns are everyday tools, like Skil saws and barbecue grills. So when the left began to demonize gun owners in the 1960s, they not only were arrogant and insulting because they associated all gun owners with criminals but also were politically stupid. It made perfect sense to middle America that the gun control movement was centered in large urban areas, the home to everything against which middle America tries to protect itself—gangbangers, queer bars, dope-fiend burglars, swarthy people jabbering in strange languages. From the perspective of small and medium-size towns all over the country, antigun activists are an overwrought bunch.

the genesis which moved from microperception to sense was called the dynamic genesis. In Anti-Oedipus, this same process was called ‘desiring-production’. In The Logic of Sense, the genesis which moved from sense to propositions and their three dimensions was called the static genesis. In Anti-Oedipus, this genesis was called ‘social-production’.

Deleuze identifies eight postulates, ranging from the assumption that thought is primarily propositional and, when in good form, logical, to presuppositions about the very unity of thought. About half of these were already developed in two earlier texts, Nietzsche and Philosophy (1962) and Proust and Signs (1964). Across all three texts, however, only one postulate remains constant: philosophy depends too heavily on the “goodwill of the thinker.”5 It “assumes in advance the goodwill of thinking.”6

This indirection further disrupts our habits of reading and requires that we develop new techniques for making sense of Deleuze’s texts. This ventriloquism has obvious relations to my two previous propositions. In accordance with the first, there is no goodwill in Deleuze’s historical commentaries. We can never expect Deleuze to efface himself from his commentary and try to present Nietzsche, for example, as clearly as possible. And this becomes even more apparent in its conformity with the second proposition—that because of the mobility of language we can never be certain about the meaning of words. One of the immediate consequences of Deleuze’s ventriloquism is that certain words—and usually names—become unsettled: when Deleuze says, “Nietzsche says. . .” does the proper name actually refer to Nietzsche or to Deleuze?