Political Misconduct Quotes

Our aim is not to do away with corporations; on the contrary, these big aggregations are an inevitable development of modern industrialism, and the effort to destroy them would be futile unless accomplished in ways that would work the utmost mischief to the entire body politic. We can do nothing of good in the way of regulating and supervising these corporations until we fix clearly in our minds that we are not attacking the corporations, but endeavoring to do away with any evil in them. We are not hostile to them; we are merely determined that they shall be so handled as to subserve the public good. We draw the line against misconduct, not against wealth.

In most communities it is illegal to cry "fire" in a crowded assembly. Should it not be considered serious international misconduct to manufacture a general war scare in an effort to achieve local political aims?

Now, are those engaged in the business of governing any different by nature from those they govern?" "Yes. They're prideful and tend to sexual misconduct. Also, the situation of being in government tends to drive you mad." "But are they more virtuous or more intelligent? Or more compassionate?" "Ha!" "Let's call that one a 'no.

The long-simmering anger at racism and economic injustice of alienated black youth in the ghettoes was erupting into violent and destructive urban insurrections. In every case these “riots” were triggered by police brutality or misconduct, most usually the killing or brutalizing of an unarmed black man.

A well-constituted court for the trial of impeachments is an object not more to be desired than difficult to be obtained in a government wholly elective. The subjects of its jurisdiction are those offenses which proceed from the misconduct of public men, or, in other words, from the abuse or violation of some public trust. They are of a nature which may with peculiar propriety be denominated POLITICAL, as they relate chiefly to injuries done immediately to the society itself.

Nevertheless, it frustrated him that after this exhaustive investigation his opponents still rehashed the stale charges of misconduct. He had learned a lesson about propaganda in politics and mused wearily that “no character, however upright, is a match for constantly reiterated attacks, however false.” If a charge was made often enough, people assumed in the end “that a person so often accused cannot be entirely innocent.

Harvard Law School professor Jannie Suk writes about how hard it is to teach rape law in an era of trigger warnings. She explains how women's organizations now 'routinely advise students that they should not feel pressured to attend or participate in class sessions that focus on the law of sexual violence, and which might therefore be traumatic' as they might "trigger" traumatic memories'. She describes the way many students appear to equate 'the risk . . . of traumatic injury' incurred while discussing sexual misconduct as 'analogous to sexual assault itself'. As a consequence, more and more teachers of criminal law are not including rape law in their courses: 'it's not worth the risk of complaints of discomfort by students' and they fear being accused of inflicting 'emotional injuries' in classroom conversation.

He believed in things that worked, that produced the promised results and fixed whatever was broken. Whether those things adhered to one political slant or another was less important than the effects they had. Good ideas worked, even though some of them might seem crazy. Bad ideas didn’t, even though some of them seemed sensible as hell. But Washington didn’t think that way. Ideologies were facts in this city, and if the ideologies didn’t work, people would deny it; and if the ones with which they disagreed did work, those who’d been opposed would never admit it, because admitting error was more hateful to them than any form of personal misconduct. They’d sooner deny God than deny their ideas.

Don’t be one of those so-called leaders who take the Black vote for granted,” a supporter told me. I was sensitive to the criticism, for it wasn’t entirely wrong. A lot of Democratic politicians did take Black voters for granted—at least since 1968, when Richard Nixon had determined that a politics of white racial resentment was the surest path to Republican victory, and thereby left Black voters with nowhere else to go. It was not only white Democrats who made this calculation. There wasn’t a Black elected official who relied on white votes to stay in office who wasn’t aware of what Axe, Plouffe, and Gibbs were at least implicitly warning against—that too much focus on civil rights, police misconduct, or other issues considered specific to Black people risked triggering suspicion, if not a backlash, from the broader electorate. You might decide to speak up anyway, as a matter of conscience, but you understood there’d be a price—that Blacks could practice the standard special-interest politics of farmers, gun enthusiasts, or other ethnic groups only at their own peril.

during Senator Steven’s trial. “The 500-page report by investigator Henry F. Schuelke III shook the legal community, as law professors described it as a milestone in the history of prosecutorial misconduct,” NPR reported.

The Cover-Ups By now, most discerning conservative Americans know that anyone who is a part of the Deep-State Cabal receives the protection of the men and women within their inner-circle. A prime example is Hillary Clinton. Much of what she did with her personal servers and e-mails broke federal laws. She placed a personal server in her closet that held several classified e-mails that, by law, were only to be on a government-protected classified server. She then erased tens of thousands of e-mails to prevent them from being downloaded by investigators. She had her computer hard drive wiped clean to prevent professionals from finding what she had written, and she destroyed phones. She broke election laws by contacting a foreign government and paying for fake information to trap Trump. There are also questionable donations for the Clinton Foundation from world leaders to perhaps gain political favors. Despite all of this, why was she protected and never charged for criminal misconduct?

people can most plausibly be accused of witchcraft if they are: female or/and also: accused of sexual misconduct, as defined by their time and place; poor, either averagely or absolutely; an indigenous person, perceived to be in conflict with a colonial regime; disabled, vulnerable, or unwell; claiming unsanctioned knowledge or power, especially religious or medical; perceived to be politically subversive.

In recent years, widely reported allegations of judicial misconduct have revealed the extent to which the integrity and impartiality of the higher judiciary has been compromised in our country. These disclosures of suspected venality in some judges of the higher courts have shattered the ineffable image of the judiciary as a vigilant and ultimate protector of the values of a free society governed by law. This grave damage to the judiciary’s image has been caused by none other than some Indian judges, courtesy their tendency to hover around the seats of political power.

The effect of persistent, pervasive corporate misconduct is to promote public distrust of power-holders in general. From Superpower’s vantage point public cynicism, far from being deplorable, is one more element contributing to political demoralization and languor.

PROSECUTORIAL MISCONDUCT IN UNITED STATES V. STEVENS AND “THE HAMMER” USED TO OVERRIDE THE AMERICAN PEOPLE’S VOTE

and listened to one of Michael Connelly’s Harry Bosch crime novels. Bosch was an LAPD detective who, over a thirty-year career that spanned about as many books, solved one major murder after another and yet his bosses still doubted his skill and integrity, regularly undermined his work, and repeatedly investigated him for misconduct. It frustrated her even more than it did him. His problem, she thought, was that he didn’t know how to play politics.

Prologue Amit reflects on his journey as a Niyojit Shikshak (contractual teacher) in Bihar. He recounts how a hopeful government job became a nightmare filled with caste bias, corruption, and false accusations. The prologue sets a tone of betrayal, resilience, and the fight for justice. Chapter 1 – The November Confusion Amit and his friend Keshaw are torn between staying in their current school or joining as permanent BPSC teachers. They weigh job security against family responsibilities and the emotional toll of leaving their home postings. Chapter 2 – Document Struggles Amit and Keshaw face bribery demands while trying to obtain No Objection Certificates (NOCs) and dues clearance. Their determination and resistance to corruption highlight the flawed administrative system. Chapter 3 – First Day at New School Amit joins UMS Bishnupur Bande. The school environment appears friendly. He meets new staff and students, sensing both warmth and the undercurrents of future conflicts. Chapter 4 – Teacher Bonding Amit bonds with young male teachers—Raj, Niraj, Zeeshan, and Sadan. Their unity and liveliness trigger jealousy among female teachers, especially Nivedita, who quietly begins observing and plotting. Chapter 5 – Rising Popularity and Innocent Bonds Amit’s English classes earn student admiration. Priti, a bright and expressive girl, becomes especially close. Innocent gestures and appreciation from students create joy but foreshadow trouble. Chapter 6 – Insecurity and Politics Nivedita, threatened by Amit’s popularity, starts manipulating narratives. Gossip spreads. Meanwhile, Niraj’s behavior with female students raises eyebrows. The seeds of conspiracy are planted. Chapter 7 – Gossip and Exposure Raj and Amit discuss suspicious behavior by Niraj, particularly his inappropriate interest in female students. They uncover Niraj’s troubling pattern, but fear gossip spreading to outsiders. Chapter 8 – Nivedita’s Hidden Desires Nivedita’s personal loneliness leads her to a secret physical relationship with Niraj. She uses this bond to tighten her grip on school politics and boost her ego. Chapter 9 – Jealousy and False Accusation Raj, jealous of student Shweta’s friendship with Zeeshan, anonymously accuses them of misconduct. When his lie is exposed, he is forced to confess and apologize, learning a bitter lesson. Chapter 10 – Raj’s Manipulation Raj tries to win Khusboo’s affection by manipulating Amit and spreading lies. Though his initial attempt fails, Khusboo softens toward him, creating romantic tension. Chapter 11 – Lies and Mistrust Spread Raj strategically spreads misinformation about Amit to both Khusboo and Niraj, stirring conflict. Khusboo confronts Amit, while Niraj falsely believes Amit has betrayed him. A rift begins. Chapter 12 – Crossing Limits Niraj’s actions toward female students, including inappropriate touching, become evident. Nivedita humiliates Khusboo for minor issues, while resentment and discomfort grow among staff and students. Chapter 13 onward (summary continuation idea): The rest of the chapters gradually unravel the conspiracy against Amit. He becomes a victim of coordinated false allegations involving manipulated students and jealous staff. Amid institutional silence and caste-biased politics, Amit fights to prove his innocence. Relationships shift, some allies emerge, and Amit’s character is tested as he faces suspension, betrayal, and emotional breakdowns. Eventually, the truth begins to surface, but not before Amit pays a heavy price. The novel concludes with resilience, as Amit prepares for justice—not just for himself, but for every teacher wronged by a corrupt system. The Teacher by Anurag Bikram

First, while the church shouldn’t affirm homosexual activity (or adultery, idolatry, or greed, for that matter), it should welcome anyone—gays included—to discover who God is and to find his forgiveness.5 Lots of people wear WWJD (What Would Jesus Do?) bracelets and T-shirts, but they don’t treat homosexuals as Jesus would. He wouldn’t react in fear or avoid them; he would welcome them, sit with them, and tell them of God’s deep interest in them. Many churches treat homosexuals as modern-day lepers—as outcasts; but Jesus came to heal, help, and set all people free to live for God. Surely churches can welcome gays without condoning their lifestyle—just as they can receive adulterers and alcoholics. As my pastor, Bill Stepp, regularly says, “God accepts you the way you are, but he loves you too much to leave you as you are.” It’s strange that professing Christians single out homosexual activity as the most wicked of sins. Often those who claim to be saved by God’s grace are amazingly judgmental, hateful, and demeaning (calling homosexual persons “fairies” or “faggots”) rather than being compassionate and embracing. Professing Christians are often harder on homosexuals outside the church than they are with the immorality within the church (cf. 1 Cor. 5:9–13). New Testament scholar Bruce Winter writes with a prophetic voice, “The ease with which the present day church often passes judgment on the ethical or structural misconduct of the outside community is at times matched only by its reluctance to take action to remedy the ethical conduct of its own members.”6 Second, the Bible doesn’t condemn homosexual inclinations, but rather sexual activity outside of a marriage relationship between husband and wife. In fact, no writers of antiquity, including biblical ones, had any idea of “sexual orientation”; they talked about sexual behavior. When the Scriptures speak against immoral sexual relationships, the focus is not on inclinations or feelings (whether homosexual or heterosexual).7 Rather, the focus is on acting out those impulses (which ranges from inappropriately dwelling on sexual thoughts—lusting—to carrying them out sexually). Even though we are born with a sinful, self-centered inclination, God judges us based on what we do.8 Similarly, a person may, for whatever reasons, have same-sex inclinations, but God won’t judge him on the basis of those inclinations, but on what he does with them. A common argument made by advocates of a gay lifestyle is that the Bible doesn’t condemn loving, committed same-sex relationships (“covenant homosexuality”)—just homosexual rape or going against one’s natural sexual inclination, whether hetero- or homosexual. Now, “the Bible doesn’t say anything about ——” or “Jesus never said anything about ——” arguments can be tricky and even misleading. The Bible doesn’t speak about abortion, euthanasia, political involvement, Christians fighting in the military, and the like. Jesus, as far as we know, never said anything about rape or child abuse. Nevertheless, we can get guidance from Scripture’s more basic affirmations about our roles as God’s image-bearers, about God’s creation design, and about our identity and redemption in Christ, as we’ll see below.

Now picture this on a national scale: under the next Trump, DHS might automatically respond to emergencies in red states but hold out on blue states unless they capitulate to White House demands. This was how Trump wanted to handle the disbursement of disaster aid to everywhere from Puerto Rico to California. The possibilities for corruption are limitless… Elected leaders should conduct an end-to-end review of DHS with an eye of insulating the Department from this kind of political abuse. No agency is fully immune to presidential misconduct, yet with such a long roster of White House appointees, the shield of American government is particularly susceptible to it. In particular, Congress should put career officials in charge of key agencies for multi-year terms, spanning presidential administrations and should pass legislation to reign in domestic security powers. 

The central institution of feudalism is the fief. The fief is the beneficium become hereditary with the personal bond added or accentuated. Grants of land, which at first had been made for life only, were presently made for two or three lives, and finally became hereditary. The heir, however, has to pay a relief to the lord as a token of the latter’s ultimate ownership of the land. And should there be no heir, the fief cannot be alienated – that is, willed, or given, or sold – to an outsider; it must escheat or revert to the lord who granted it in the first place. Also by misconduct the holder of the fief may forfeit his right to it, whereupon the lord takes it away from him – if he can. In general feudal inheritance tended toward primogeniture, that the fief should not be split up among several children or heirs, but that the oldest son should inherit it entire. In England this became the rule; in feudal France it was observed with exceptions, and these mainly in the case of small fiefs of little political importance; in Germany the inclination was to divide the fief among all the sons.

We were discussing sexual misconduct among Western Buddhist teachers. A woman Buddhist from California brought up someone who was using his students for his own sexual needs. One woman said, “We are working with him with compassion, trying to get him to understand his motives for exploiting female students and help him change his actions.” The Dalai Lama slammed his fist on the table, saying loudly, “Compassion is fine, but it has to stop! And those doing it should be exposed!” All the serving plates on the table jumped, the water glasses tipped precariously, and I almost choked on the bite of saffron rice in my mouth. Suddenly I saw him as a fierce manifestation of compassion and realized that this clarity did not mean that the Dalai Lama had moved away from compassion. Rather, he was bringing compassion and manifesting it as decisive fierceness. His magnetism was glowing like a fire. I will always remember that day because it was such a good teaching on compassion and precision. Compassion is not a “wishy-washy, anything goes” approach. Compassion can say a fierce “no!” Compassion is not being stupid and indulging someone in what they want. Trungpa Rinpoche called that “idiot compassion,” like giving a drug addict drugs. The way I am using the word “fierce” in this book is in the sense of how a mother animal defends her young. A laser beam of fierceness, of pure energy that when harnessed and directed is powerful and unstoppable. It is fierceness without hatred or aggression. Sometimes a wrathful manifestation is more effective than a peaceful approach. It is by understanding the Dakini’s fierceness as a productive and creative source of raw energy that we see the Dakini in action, wielding the power to subdue, protect, and transform. We must find the sources to access this fierce Dakini power and bring it to bear on what matters to us in our lives, be it emotional, spiritual, intellectual, or political. Meeting our strong feminine energy, we will develop as women, and not as women trying to be like men or asexual beings. We are different, and until that difference is known, owned, and maximized, our true feminine potency and capacity to bring this world into balance will not be realized. The powerful, fierce feminine is very much a part of the psyche, but it is repressed, and when it is not acknowledged because it is threatening, it can become subversive and vengeful. But when it is acknowledged and honored, it is an incredible source of power.

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