Plp Quotes

In all these battles the Labour right has enormous reserves of political power. The Parliamentary Labour Party is overwhelmingly hostile to Jeremy Corbyn. Of the 232 Labour MPs no more than 20 can be relied on to back him. Back bench revolts, leaks, and public attacks by MPs opposed to the leadership are likely to be frequent. Some Labour left wingers hope that the patronage that comes with the leader’s position will appeal to the careerism of the right and centre MPs to provide Jeremy with the support he lacks. No doubt this will have some effect, but it will be limited. For a start it’s a mistake to think that all right wingers are venal. Some are. But some believe in their ideas as sincerely as left wingers believe in theirs. More importantly, the leading figures of the Labour right should not be seen as simply part of the Labour movement. They are also, and this is where their loyalty lies, embedded in the British political establishment. Commentators often talk as if the sociological dividing line in British politics lies between the establishment (the heads of corporations, military, police, civil service, the media, Tory and Liberal parties, etc, etc) on the one hand, and the Labour Party as a whole, the unions and the left on the other. But this is not the case. The dividing line actually runs through the middle of the Labour Party, between its right wing leaders and the left and the bulk of the working class members. From Ramsey MacDonald (who started on the left of the party) splitting Labour and joining the Tory government in 1931, to the Labour ‘Gang of Four’ splitting the party to form the SDP in 1981, to Neil Kinnock’s refusal to support the 1984-85 Miners Strike, to Blair and Mandelson’s neo-conservative foreign policy and neoliberal economic policy, the main figures of the Labour right have always put their establishment loyalties first and their Labour Party membership second. They do not need Jeremy Corbyn to prefer Cabinet places on them because they will be rewarded with company directorships and places in the Lords by the establishment. Corbyn is seen as a threat to the establishment and the Labour right will react, as they have always done, to eliminate this threat. And because the Labour right are part of the establishment they will not be acting alone. Even if they were a minority in the PLP, as the SDP founders were, their power would be enormously amplified by the rest of the establishment. In fact the Labour right today is much more powerful than the SDP, and so the amplified dissonance from the right will be even greater. This is why the argument that a Corbyn leadership must compromise with the right in the name of unity is so mistaken. The Labour right are only interested in unity on their terms. If they can’t get it they will fight until they win. If they can’t win they would rather split the party than unite with the left on the left’s terms. When Leon Trotsky analysed the defeat of the 1926 General Strike it was the operation of this kind of ‘unity’ which he saw as critical in giving the right the ability to disorganise the left. The collapse of the strike came, argued Trotsky, when the government put pressure on the right wing of the Labour movement, who put pressure on the left wing of the movement, who put pressure on the Minority Movement (an alliance of the Labour left and the Communist Party). And the Minority Movement put pressure on the CP…and thus the whole movement collapsed. To this day this is the way in which the establishment transmits pressure through the labour movement. The only effective antidote is political and organisational independence on the far left so that it is capable of mobilising beyond the ranks of the Labour Party and trade union bureaucracy. This then provides a counter-power pushing in the opposite direction that can be more powerful than the pressure from the right.

When starting any business the first thing you must do is Learn before you can Earn. The "L" always come first

Chuck E.'s In Love" How come he don't come and P.L.P. with me Down at the meter no more? And how come he turn off the TV And hang that sign on the door? Well, we call, and we call "How come?", we say Hey, what could make a boy behave this way, yeah? Well, he learned all of the lines now And every time He don't, uh, stutter when he talks And it's true, it's true He sure has acquired This kind of cool and inspired sort of jazz when he walks Where's his jacket and his old blue jeans? If, if this ain't healthy, it is some kinda clean But that means that Chuck E.'s in love, my, my Chuck E.'s in love, love, love, love Chuck E.'s in love, uh-huh Chuck E.'s in I don't believe what you're saying to me This is something that I've got to see Is he here? I look in the pool hall But is he here? I look in the drugstore But is he here? No, he don't come here no more Well, I tell you what I saw him He was sittin' behind us Down at the Pantages And whatever it is That he's got up his sleeve Well, I hope it isn't contagious What's her name? Is that her there? Oh, Christ, I think he's even combed his hair And is that her? Well, then, what's her name? Oh, it's never gonna be the same That's not her I know what's wrong 'Cause Chuck E.'s in love with the little girl singing this song And don't you know Chuck E.'s in love, yeah, yeah Chuck E.'s in love, love, love, love Chuck E.'s in love, my, my Chuck E.'s in Chuck E.'s in love Chuck E.'s in love He's in love, love, love with me Ricki Lee Jones, Ricki Lee Jones (1979)