Omsk Quotes

A man who has no fear can do anything he wants, Feliks thought. He had learned that lesson eleven years ago, in a railway siding outside Omsk. It had been snowing . . .

What I liked was the train ride. It took an hour and that was enough for me to be able to lean backwards against the seat with closed eyes, feel the joints in the rails come up and thump through my body and sometimes peer out of the windows and see windswept heathland and imagine I was on the Trans-Siberian Railway. I had read about it, seen pictures in a book and decided that no matter when and how life would turn out, one day I would travel from Moscow to Vladivostok on that train, and I practised saying the names: Omsk, Tomsk, Novosibirsk, Irkutsk, they were difficult to pronounce with all their hard consonants, but ever since the trip to Skagen, every journey I made by train was a potential departure on my own great journey.

had made acquaintance with convicts in Tobolsk; at Omsk I settled myself down to live four years in common with them. They are rough, angry, embittered men. Their hatred for the nobility is boundless; they regard all of us who belong to it with hostility and enmity. They would have devoured us if they only could. Judge then for yourself in '-hat danger we stood, having to cohabit with these people for some years, eat with them, sleep by them, and with no possibility of complaining of the affronts which were constantly put upon us. " You nobles have iron beaks, you have torn us to pieces. When you were masters, you injured the people, and now, when it's evil days with you, you want to be our brothers." This theme was developed during four years. A hundred and fifty foes never wearied of persecuting us—it was their joy, their diversion, their pastime; our sole shield was our indifference and our moral superiority, which they were forced to recognize and respect; they were also impressed by our never yielding to their will. They were for ever conscious that we stood above them. They had not the least idea of what our offence had been. We kept our own counsel about that, and so we could never come to understand one another; we had to let the whole of the vindictiveness, the whole of the hatred, that they cherish against the nobility, flow over us.

1919, race riots broke out in Chicago and a dock workers’ strike hit New York; the eight-hour workday was instituted nationally; President Woodrow Wilson won the Nobel Peace Prize and presided over the first meeting of the League of Nations in Paris; the Red Army took Omsk, Kharkov, and the Crimea; Mussolini founded the Italian fascist movement; Paderewski became Premier of Poland. Henri Bergson, Karl Barth, Ernst Cassirer, Havelock Ellis, Karl Jaspers, John Maynard Keynes, Rudolf Steiner—indelible figures—were all active in their various spheres. Short-wave radio made its earliest appearance, there was progress in sound for movies, and Einstein’s theory of relativity was borne out by astrophysical experiments. Walter

Çar I. Nikola’nın iktidar döneminde (1825-1855) Fransız Devrimi’nin düşüncelerinden etkilenerek Çar’ın otoritesini bir anayasayla sınırlamak isteyen subay ve aydınlardan oluşan grubun darbe girişimi (Dekabrist Ayaklanması – 14 Aralık 1825) başarısızlıkla sonuçlandıktan sonra, bu muhalif harekete destek veren kişilerin bir kısmı asılarak idam edilir; geri kalanlar ise Sibirya’ya sürgüne gönderilir. Dönem, baskı dönemidir. İktidar, gitgide katılaşan tutumuyla ‘fikirleri özgürce ifade etme’ yollarının önünü kesmek için çaba sarfeder; Rus aydın katmanının (intelligentsia) üzerinde ödünsüz bir baskı kurmaya çalışılır. Sansür mekanizmasını işler hale getirmek için kurulan ‘gizli servis’ acımasızca görevini yerine getirir; sadece düşünmek ve yazmak bile mutlakiyete, serflik sistemine karşı ‘bir başkaldırı’ olarak değerlendirilir. Aydınlara nefes bile aldırmamak amacıyla var edilen uygulamalar, özellikle –Dostoyevski’nin de bir komploya katılmış olma suçlamasıyla önce kurşuna dizilerek idam edilmeye, ardından Omsk’da kürek mahkûmu olarak ceza çekmeye mahkûm edildiği– 1848 yılıyla Çar I. Nikola’nın ölümüne (1855) kadar olan dönemde doruk noktasına ulaşır. Bu dönem daha sonra Rus kültür tarihinde ‘Yedi Karanlık Sene’ olarak anılacaktır. Baskıcı uygulamaların, uzun sürgünlerin, acımasız cezaların zirveye ulaştığı bu dönemde edebiyat da dönemin siy reketin üzerine gidilir. Aynı dönemde Rusya’nın ulusal kimliği üzerine tartışmalar baş gösterir. ‘Ulus’tan kasıt nedir? Ulus denilen kesim, kendilerinden daha iyi eğitim almış ve genelde Avrupa geleneklerini benimseyen toprak sahiplerinin boyunduruğu altında yaşayan Rus köylülerinden oluşan geniş kitleden mi ibarettir, yoksa Rus toplumunun Fransızca konuşan elit kesiminin kültürü de bu kavramın bir parçası mıdır? Rusya kendi içine ve kendi geçmişine dönük bir tavır mı sergilemelidir, yoksa Avrupa’nın bir parçası mı olmalıdır? Bu tartışma özellikle 1840’lı yıllarda Slavcılar ve Batıcılar adıyla anılan iki grup arasında varolan fikir ayrılığının tam da merkezinde yer alır. Her iki grup da kendi fikirleriyle örtüştüğüne inandıkları iki farklı kenti ülkenin başkenti olarak görür: Eski Rusya’nın değerlerini yaşatan, sahip çıkan, yansıtan Moskova ve yeni, Batılı Rusya’yı temsil eden Petersburg. İşte Gogol, Rusya’da feodalizmin sarsılıp yerine kapitalizmin yapılanmaya başladığı, farklı görüşlerin hem iktisadi, hem siyasi, hem de kültürel alanda birbirleriyle kıyasıya çarpıştığı, aydın kesimin üzerindeki baskıların daha önce hiç olmadığı kadar yoğunlaştığı bir dönemde verir eserlerini; ve var olan sistemin savunucuları tarafından Rus insanının kötü yanlarını göstermekle, kendi halkına ihanet etmekle suçlanır her seferinde.

They’re a Russian mob hacker collective based in Omsk, a small town between Mongolia and Kazakhstan.

The homeland of Proto-Uralic probably was in the forest zone centered on the southern flanks of the Ural Mountains. Many argue for a homeland west of the Urals and others argue for the east side, but almost all Uralic linguists and Ural-region archaeologists would agree that Proto-Uralic was spoken somewhere in the birch-pine forests between the Oka River on the west (around modern Gorky) and the Irtysh River on the east (around modern Omsk).

White (i.e., anti-Soviet) Russian armies took the field under such former tsarist officers as Generals Denikin, Yudenich, and Wrangel. Anti-Bolshevik regional governments arose, among them the regime headed by Admiral Kolchak and based at Omsk, in Siberia. Military intervention by outside powers—chiefly France, Great Britain, Japan, and the United States—brought the Whites not only munitions and supplies but also some support, however indecisive, in fighting men. Meanwhile, the Reds found their talented war leader in Trotsky, who relinquished the Foreign Commissariat to become war commissar and chairman of the Revolutionary War Council of the Republic. Through mobilization—initially of workers in Petrograd and Moscow—the Red Army grew into a force of 800,000 by the end of 1918 and nearly four times that number a year later.

He spent the next three weeks in the Siberian centers of Novosibirsk, Barnaul, Rubtsovsk, and Omsk conferring with local party and government officials and dictating the line they were to follow. Here at last he found an opportunity to practice the “Leninist hardness” that he had foreseen would be necessary in the revolutionary process of building Soviet socialism.