Neo Black Movement Quotes

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IN ADDITION TO having become a distinctly Christian party, the GOP is more than ever America’s self-consciously white party. The nationalization of its Southern Strategy from the 1960s worked partly because it rode demographic change. In 1960, 90 percent of Americans were white and non-Hispanic. Only a few states had white populations of less than 70 percent—specifically Mississippi, South Carolina, Louisiana, and Alabama. Today the white majority in the whole country is down nearly to 60 percent; in other words, America’s racial makeup is now more “Southern” than the Deep South’s was in the 1960s. For a while, the party’s leaders were careful to clear their deck of explicit racism. It was reasonable, wasn’t it, to be concerned about violent crime spiraling upward from the 1960s through the ’80s? We don’t want social welfare programs to encourage cultures of poverty and dependency, do we? Although the dog-whistled resentment of new policies disfavoring or seeming to disfavor white people became more audible, Republican leaders publicly stuck to not-entirely-unreasonable arguments: affirmative action is an imperfect solution; too much multiculturalism might Balkanize America; we shouldn’t let immigrants pour into the U.S. helter-skelter. But in this century, more Republican leaders started cozying up to the ugliest fantasists, unapologetic racists. When Congressman Ron Paul ran for the 2008 GOP nomination, he appeared repeatedly with the neo-Nazi Richard Spencer, who was just coining the term “alt-right” for his movement. Senator Rand Paul employed as an aide and wrote a book with a former leader of the League of the South, an organization devoted to a twenty-first-century do-over of Confederate secession. After we elected a black president, more regular whistles joined the kind only dogs can hear. Even thoughtful Ross Douthat, one of the Times’s conservative columnists, admitted to a weakness for the Old South fantasy. During the debate about governments displaying Confederate symbols after nine black people were shot dead by a white supremacist in Charleston, he discussed “the temptation…to regard the Confederate States of America as the political and historical champion of all…attractive Southern distinctives….Even a secession-hating Yankee like myself has felt, at certain moments the pull of that idea, the lure of that fantasy.
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Kurt Andersen (Fantasyland: How America Went Haywire: A 500-Year History)
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The Revolutionary Action Movement advanced a pivotal idea that would become central to the politics of the Black Panther Party. Drawing on a line of thought reaching back at least to the mid-1940s and the black anticolonialism of W. E. B. Du Bois, Paul Robeson, and Alpheaus Hunton, RAM argued that Black America was essentially a colony and framed the struggle against racism by blacks in the United States as part of the global anti-imperialist struggle against colonialism.47 Max Stanford defined the politics of revolutionary black nationalism this way in 1965: “We are revolutionary black nationalist, not based on ideas of national superiority, but striving for justice and liberation of all the oppressed peoples of the world. . . . There can be no liberty as long as black people are oppressed and the peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America are oppressed by Yankee imperialism and neo-colonialism. After four hundred years of oppression, we realize that slavery, racism and imperialism are all interrelated and that liberty and justice for all cannot exist peacefully with imperialism.
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Joshua Bloom (Black against Empire: The History and Politics of the Black Panther Party (The George Gund Foundation Imprint in African American Studies))
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In fact, Yossi has been thinking a lot about starting his own movement, a kind of neo-Hasidic society, where Hasidim—men and women—who feel as he does, and anyone else who wants to, could come to participate in and enjoy the “great” things about Hasidic culture, without the pressure and the judgment, the need for hiding and secrecy. His movement would celebrate the music, the wild dancing and singing, the mystical philosophy, the Eastern European and also Sephardic food, the tales and stories, perhaps even some of the funkier garb, like the shtreimels and the bekishes, and maybe even the women’s wigs, for those who are into dressing up. He would find a space and fix it up, make it stylish and swank, with comfortable seating, nice lights, and a big, well-stocked bar. And he would build a dance floor where men and women could dance together, and maybe there would even be space somewhere for kids. And everyone else would be welcome, too: other types of Jews, Gentiles—blacks, whites, browns, gays, straights, questionings, you name it. It wouldn’t be about trying to convince anyone to remain religious, or to become religious, or even to reject religion. In fact, it wouldn’t be about convincing anyone of anything at all. It would just be about being with people and celebrating the good things in life, the happy things that make everyone feel that they belong and have a place. Indeed, to Yossi, this would be the realization of his own American dream.
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Hella Winston (Unchosen: The Hidden Lives of Hasidic Rebels)
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We see anti-black sentiment in the immediate rejoinder to Black Lives Matter that all lives matter, that blue lives matter. And in the absurdly fake comparison between the white nationalist and alt-right movement with the Black Panther Party of the 1960s. We see anti-blackness in how much more harshly we criticize blacks, by every measure. We see it in the president of the United States positioning the avowed white supremacist Neo-Nazis marching openly in the streets... as equal in comparison to the people protesting them.
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Robin DiAngelo (White Fragility: Why It's So Hard for White People to Talk About Racism)