Narcos Quotes

Isn’t that funny?’ Ramy glanced sideways at him. ‘The British are turning my homeland into a narco-military state to pump drugs into yours. That’s how this empire connects us.

My birthday was right around the corner. I’d be seventeen and have my full power, and then I’d see that Narco hothead again. Treaty Act my ass. ~ Dez Harkly

In the new American ghetto, the nightmare engine is bubble economics, a kind of high-tech casino scam that kills neighborhoods just like dope does, only the product is credit, not crack or heroin. It concentrates the money of the population in just a few hands with brutal efficiency, just like narco-business, and just as in narco-business the product itself, debt, steadily demoralizes the customer to the point where he’s unable to prevent himself from being continually dominated.

El tamaño del narcotráfico en México equivale a la magnitud de la corrupción.

The joke Colombians told was that God had made their land so beautiful, so rich in every natural way, that it was unfair to the rest of the world; He had evened the score by populating it with the most evil race of men.

The two most popular opium brands here are called Patna and Malwa. Both regions in India. From my home straight to yours, Birdie. Isn’t that funny?’ Ramy glanced sideways at him. ‘The British are turning my homeland into a narco-military state to pump drugs into yours. That’s how this empire connects us.

Mejor que se mataran entre ellos. La ley darwiniana aplicada a la lucha contra el narco. Que entre ellos limpiaran la basurita.

He understood that alienated youth can be won by little more than a decent salary and a sense of purpose.

The Doper's Dream Last night I dreamed I was plugged right in To a bubblin' hookah so high, When all of a sudden some Arab jinni Jump up just a-winkin' his eye. 'I'm here to obey all your wishes,' he told me. As for words I was trying to grope. 'Good buddy,' I cried, 'you could surely oblige me By turning me on to some dope!' With a bigfat smile he took ahold of my hand, And we flew down the sky in a flash, And the first thing I saw in the land where he took me Was a whole solid mountain of hash! All the trees was a-bloomin' with pink 'n' purple pills, Whur the Romilar River flowed by, To the magic mushrooms as wild as a rainbow, So pretty that I wanted to cry. All the girls come to greet us, so sweet in slow motion, Mourning glories woven into their hair, Bringin' great big handfuls of snowy cocaine, All their dope they were eager to share. We we dallied for days, just a-ballin' and smokin', In the flowering Panama Red, Just piggin' on peyote and nutmeg tea, And those brownies so kind to your head. Now I could've passed that good time forever, And I really was fixing to stay, But you know that jinni turned out, t'be a narco man, And he busted me right whur I lay. And he took me back to a cold, cold world 'N' now m'prison's whurever I be... And I dream of the days back in Doperland And I wonder, will I ever go free?

Se ha dicho que cada gobierno tiene su capo.

Violence was no longer a way of control but a basic language of communication.

el artista se mete donde el narco no puede”,

The British are turning my homeland into a narco-military state to pump drugs into yours. That’s how this empire connects us.

Yo le tengo más miedo a un político que a un narco. Con los ojos cerrados te corren del trabajo.

Within the next generation I believe that the world’s rulers will discover that infant conditioning and narco-hypnosis are more efficient, as instruments of government, than clubs and prisons, and that the lust for power can be just as completely satisfied by suggesting people into loving their servitude as by flogging and kicking them into obedience. In other words, I feel that the nightmare of Nineteen Eighty-Four is destined to modulate into the nightmare of a world having more resemblance to that which I imagined in Brave New World.

he tenido que huir desde antes de nacer y desde que tengo memoria; desde que era niño me han tratado como si hubiese sido el mismísimo autor de la totalidad de los crímenes de mi padre.

A lo lejos escuchó una vaca mugir con desesperación. En la balacera le habían matado a su becerro y ahora deambulaba por las calles mugiendo para encontrarlo. Los daños colaterales de la guerra del narco.

The growing policy-reform movement is a broad church. It includes everyone from ganja-smoking Rastafarians to free-market fundamentalists and all in between. There are socialists who think the drug war hurts the poor, capitalists who see a business opportunity, liberals who defend the right to choose, and fiscal conservatives who complain America is spending $40 billion a year on the War on Drugs rather than making a few billion taxing it. The movement can’t agree on much other than that the present policy doesn’t work. People disagree on whether legalized drugs should be controlled by the state, by corporations, by small businessmen, or by grow-your-own farmers, and on whether they should be advertised, taxed, or just handed out free in white boxes to addicts.

Mexico is a lawless place. I don’t care what the UN says, or what the State Department travel advisories tell you. The fact is that Mexico, as a whole, is a narco-state run by powerful regional cartels, with a hollow and largely irrelevant central government that is nothing more than window-dressing to appease the international community. Freedom is for those who can afford it, law is for sale, and what is fair is determined by who is most powerful. That’s the reality of Mexico. Cancun, Playa, Cabo, Puerto Vallarta- they are all much better than the interior of Mexico, but that is only because their survival depends on a steady flow of tourists with money to burn. To protect that, the government does a good job maintaining the appearance of western-style law and order through the direct threat of massive military intervention. Underneath it all, those places are not much different from the rest of Mexico.

No sólo los narcos desaparecen y matan a los fotógrafos, los redactores, los periodistas. También hacen su tarea de exterminio los políticos, la policía, la delincuencia organizada coludida con agentes, ministerios públicos, funcionarios

This path is only for people who have no choice, no other option, only violence and misery behind you. And your journey will grow even more treacherous from here. Everything is working against you, to thwart you. Some of you will fall from the trains. Many will be maimed or injured. Many will die. Many, many of you will be kidnapped, tortured, trafficked, or ransomed. Some will be lucky enough to survive all of that and make it as far as Estados Unidos only to experience the privilege of dying alone in the desert beneath the sun, abandoned by a corrupt coyote, or shot by a narco who doesn’t like the look of you. Every single one of you will be robbed. Every one. If you make it to el norte, you will arrive penniless, that’s a guarantee.

It infuriates him, this killing, this death. Infuriating that this is what we’re known for now, drug cartels and slaughter. This my city of Avenida 16 Septembre, the Victoria Theater, cobblestone streets, the bullring, La Central, La Fogata, more bookstores than El Paso, the university, the ballet, garapiñados, pan dulce, the mission, the plaza, the Kentucky Bar, Fred’s—now it’s known for these idiotic thugs. And my country, Mexico—the land of writers and poets—of Octavio Paz, Juan Rulfo, Carlos Fuentes, Elena Garro, Jorge Volpi, Rosario Castellanos, Luis Urrea, Elmer Mendoza, Alfonso Reyes—the land of painters and sculptors—Diego Rivera, Frida Kahlo, Gabriel Orozco, Pablo O’Higgins, Juan Soriano, Francisco Goitia—of dancers like Guillermina Bravo, Gloria and Nellie Campobello, Josefina Lavalle, Ana Mérida, and composers—Carlos Chávez, Silvestre Revueltas, Agustín Lara, Blas Galindo—architects—Luis Barragán, Juan O’Gorman, Tatiana Bilbao, Michel Rojkind, Pedro Vásquez—wonderful filmmakers—Fernando de Fuentes, Alejandro Iñárritu, Luis Buñuel, Alfonso Cuarón, Guillermo del Toro—actors like Dolores del Río, “La Doña” María Félix, Pedro Infante, Jorge Negrete, Salma Hayek—now the names are “famous” narcos—no more than sociopathic murderers whose sole contribution to the culture has been the narcocorridas sung by no-talent sycophants. Mexico, the land of pyramids and palaces, deserts and jungles, mountains and beaches, markets and gardens, boulevards and cobblestoned streets, broad plazas and hidden courtyards, is now known as a slaughter ground. And for what? So North Americans can get high.

FOR THE VOICELESS by El Niño Salvaje I speak for the ones who cannot speak, for the voiceless. I raise my voice and wave my arms and shout for the ones you do not see, perhaps cannot see, for the invisible. For the poor, the powerless, the disenfranchised; for the victims of this so-called “war on drugs,” for the eighty thousand murdered by the narcos, by the police, by the military, by the government, by the purchasers of drugs and the sellers of guns, by the investors in gleaming towers who have parlayed their “new money” into hotels, resorts, shopping malls, and suburban developments. I speak for the tortured, burned, and flayed by the narcos, beaten and raped by the soldiers, electrocuted and half-drowned by the police. I speak for the orphans, twenty thousand of them, for the children who have lost both or one parent, whose lives will never be the same. I speak for the dead children, shot in crossfires, murdered alongside their parents, ripped from their mothers’ wombs. I speak for the people enslaved, forced to labor on the narcos’ ranches, forced to fight. I speak for the mass of others ground down by an economic system that cares more for profit than for people. I speak for the people who tried to tell the truth, who tried to tell the story, who tried to show you what you have been doing and what you have done. But you silenced them and blinded them so that they could not tell you, could not show you. I speak for them, but I speak to you—the rich, the powerful, the politicians, the comandantes, the generals. I speak to Los Pinos and the Chamber of Deputies, I speak to the White House and Congress, I speak to AFI and the DEA, I speak to the bankers, and the ranchers and the oil barons and the capitalists and the narco drug lords and I say— You are the same. You are all the cartel. And you are guilty. You are guilty of murder, you are guilty of torture, you are guilty of rape, of kidnapping, of slavery, of oppression, but mostly I say that you are guilty of indifference. You do not see the people that you grind under your heel. You do not see their pain, you do not hear their cries, they are voiceless and invisible to you and they are the victims of this war that you perpetuate to keep yourselves above them. This is not a war on drugs. This is a war on the poor. This is a war on the poor and the powerless, the voiceless and the invisible, that you would just as soon be swept from your streets like the trash that blows around your ankles and soils your shoes. Congratulations. You’ve done it. You’ve performed a cleansing. A limpieza. The country is safe now for your shopping malls and suburban tracts, the invisible are safely out of sight, the voiceless silent as they should be. I speak these last words, and now you will kill me for it. I only ask that you bury me in the fosa común—the common grave—with the faceless and the nameless, without a headstone. I would rather be with them than you. And I am voiceless now, and invisible.

I believe that the world’s rulers will discover that infant conditioning and narco-hypnosis are more efficient, as instruments of government, than clubs and prisons, and that the lust for power can be just as completely satisfied by suggesting people into loving their servitude as by flogging and kicking them into obedience.

After the peace agreements between the government and the guerillas had been signed in 1992, the civil war came to an end officially, but the violence never ceased. Criminals and narcos, fully tattooed, packed the prisons but were protected by membership in the maras, the ruthless gangs that no government had been able to dismantle.

She knows how dangerous it is to trust anyone on La Bestia. There are thugs and rapists and thieves and narcos hidden in the ranks of la policía in every town, but it’s not only the police who deserve their suspicion. It’s every single person they meet—shopkeepers, food vendors, humanitarians, children, priests, even their fellow migrants.

Everything is working against you, to thwart you. Some of you will fall from the trains. Many will be maimed or injured. Many will die. Many, many of you will be kidnapped, tortured, trafficked, or ransomed. Some will be lucky enough to survive all of that and make it as far as Estados Unidos only to experience the privilege of dying alone in the desert beneath the sun, abandoned by a corrupt coyote, or shot by a narco who doesn’t like the look of you. Every single one of you will be robbed. Every one. If you make it to el norte, you will arrive penniless, that’s a guarantee. Look around you. Go ahead—look at each other. Only one out of three will make it to your destination alive. Will it be you?

Within the next generation I believe that the world's rulers will discover that infant conditioning and narco-hypnosis are more efficient, as instruments of government, than clubs and prisons, and that the lust for power can be just as completely satisfied by suggesting people into loving their servitude as by flogging and kicking them into obedience.

Durante la década de 1980 el gobierno de Estados Unidos crió a los cuervos que hoy le sacan los ojos.

Es nuestro padre y un Rey Y por esta que es muy bueno Bajo su brazo es de ley Cumplir los trabajos del reino

Si "militar" es lo contrario de "civil", ¿entonces "militarización" es lo contrario de "civilización"?

—Me da pena por usted, pero yo no hago negocios lícitos.

Cuando terminas de comprar todo lo material, comienzas a comprar personas

Quien se meta al negocio de la droga bien habrá de saber que en pocos años alcanzará la paz más apacible.

You tell everyone, you spread the word – Chapo is in charge here. Chapo’s the law. There is no law but Chapo. Chapo is boss. Not Mochomo, not El Barbas. Chapo is the law.

Ecuador era uno de los centros de operación clave del cártel por su cercanía con Colombia, Perú y Bolivia, los tres países productores de cocaína, y por su salida directa al Pacífico

Look ma’am, those narcos that mutilate, torture, and kill others are no longer a part of us. They’re no longer part of any family or community; they act against everyone. They are worth nothing. But when you bury a narco, you allow him to be a part of you again. He becomes dust, food, our brother once more. His body—dissolved in the earth—now sustains life again, instead of destroying it.

It’s the new face of narco gang war, isn’t it? They’re becoming media savvy. They used to hide their crimes, now they publicize them. I wonder if they haven’t taken a page from Al Qaeda. What good is an atrocity if no one knows you did it? And maybe that’s the lede on my story. “The crimes that used to lurk in shadows now seek the sunlight,” or is that a little too “pulp”? Óscar will decide.

Reagan’s Drugs Czar, Carlton Turner, said that kids deserved to die as a punishment for smoking poisoned weed, to teach them a lesson. Two years later, he called for the death penalty for all drug users. On

So the Juárez/El Paso area before the recent drug violence was not a bilingual, bi-national, bicultural Zion, but it was one world. One entity. One place. One city where you could live in between worlds, and have the hope of creating something new. A third way to be, not along the border, but on the border. That is what the violence has destroyed, that unity, however tenuous it ever was. It has destroyed the idea of that unity and the reality of living so uniquely astride an international border. This ‘real idea’ was always a work-in-progress, and for the moment it is lost. Yet that real idea of unity had great value.

El gobierno estadounidense ha advertido que en México hay una forma de contrainsurgencia encabezada por los cárteles del narcotráfico, que en potencia podrían tomar el gobierno; esto haría necesaria una respuesta militar por parte de EEUU, ya que la fuerza militar y policiaca de México es escasa e inadecuada. Hay allí un doble juego de discurso y prácticas formales e informales, la explicitación de su pensamiento interno y las retractaciones ante el protocolo de las relaciones bilaterales. Para usos públicos el discurso cumple un asedio geopolítico. Mientras tanto, sus distintas agencias operan su propia agenda.

But the ugly truth is that a huge number of weapons made or sold in the United States go to Mexican cartels. This is an irrefutable fact. Mexico itself has almost no gun stores and weapons factories and gives away few licenses. Almost all weapons in the hands of cartel armies are illegal. In 2008, Mexico submitted the serial numbers from close to six thousand guns they had seized from gangsters to the U.S. Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms. About 90 percent, or 5,114 of the weapons, were traced to American gun sellers. The ATF and Obama administration acknowledged America’s responsibility in this tragedy. But the gun lobby still refused to concede the point. What about tens of thousands of other seized weapons in Mexico that hadn’t been traced? gun activists said. The Mexican government, they alleged, was only tracing guns that looked as if they had come from America to sway the debate. So to make it easier to trace weapons seized in Mexico, the ATF introduced a new computer system. Between 2009 and April 2010, this traced another 63,700 firearms to U.S. gun stores.18 And those are only the ones they have captured. People can argue endlessly about the exact percentages, but the underlying fact is that tens of thousands of guns go from American stores to Mexican gangsters.

Then he offered the colonel $6 million, a bribe from Pablo Escobar to call off the hunt. Better yet, the officer explained, “Continue the work, but do not do yourself or Pablo Escobar any real damage.” Pablo also wanted a list of any snitches inside his own organization. Sometimes the fate of an entire nation can hinge on the integrity of one man.

A half century later, La Violencia bred a new colorful menagerie of outlaws, men who went by names like Tarzan, Desquite (Revenge), Tirofijo (Sureshot), Sangrenegra (Blackblood), and Chispas (Sparks). They roamed the countryside, robbing, pillaging, raping, and killing, but because they were allied with none of the major factions, their crimes were seen by many common people as blows struck against power.

Most chemicals that give humans a buzz evolved to disrupt insect nervous systems. If our brains used different chemicals, we would not be so vulnerable. However, we have common ancestors with insects. It was long ago, about 500 million years ago, when our ancestors split off from the arthropod lines that became modern insects. However, our neurochemicals remain about the same as theirs. Fortunately, most plant neurotoxins don’t kill us. We have evolved to eat plants, and we are much larger than insects, so low doses are not fatal. But drugs can hijack our motivation mechanisms and take control of our lives.

Criminalization and interdiction have filled prisons and corrupted governments in country after country. However, increasingly potent drugs that can be synthetized in any basement make controlling access increasingly impossible. Legalization seems like a good idea but causes more addiction. Our strongest defense is likely to be education, but scare stories make kids want to try drugs. Every child should learn that drugs take over the brain and turn some people into miserable zombies and that we have no way to tell who will get addicted the fastest. They should also learn that the high fades as addiction takes over.

On December 1, 2006, federal deputies were brawling in Mexico’s Congress hours before Felipe Calderón was due to enter the chamber to be sworn in as president. It was a fight for space. The leftist deputies claimed their candidate, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, had really won the election but been robbed of his rightful victory. They were trying to gain control of the podium to stop Calderón from taking the oath and assuming office. The conservative deputies were defending the podium to allow the presidential accession. The conservatives won the scrap. There were more of them, and they seemed to be better fed. Among those attending the ceremony were former U.S. president George Bush (Bush the First) and California governor Arnold Schwarzenegger. I was covering the Congress door, snatching interviews as guests went in. The elderly Bush hobbled past with six bodyguards with bald heads and microphones at their mouths. I asked him what he thought about the ruckus in the chamber. “Well, I hope that Mexicans can resolve their differences,” he replied diplomatically. Schwarzenegger strolled past with no bodyguards at all. I asked what he thought about the fisticuffs. The Terminator turned round, stared intensely, and uttered three words: “It’s good action!” I phoned the quote back to headquarters and it went out on a wire story. Suddenly, Schwarznegger’s statement was being bounced around California TV stations. Then the BBC led their newscast with it: “It takes a lot to impress Arnold Schwarznegger but today when he was in Mexico …” I got frantic phone calls from the governor’s office in Los Angeles. Was his quote perhaps being used out of context? Well, I replied, I asked him straight and he told me straight.

When you go back to Pablo Ecobar, this guy blew up a passenger plane, police headquarters, funded guerrillas to kill Supreme Court justices, and had the number one Colombian presidential candidate assassinated. Now there is no organization in Colombia that can go toe-to-toe with the government, that can threaten the national security of Colombia. In each successive generation of traffickers there has been a dilution of their power. “Pablo Escobar lasted fifteen years. The average kingpin here now lasts fifteen months. If you are named as a kingpin here, you are gone. The government of Colombia and the government of the United States will not allow a trafficker to exist long enough to become a viable threat.” In this analysis, drug enforcement can be seen as a giant hammer that keeps on falling. Any gangster that gets too big gets smashed by the hammer. This is known as cartel decapitation, taking out the heads of the gang. The villains are kept in check. But the drug trade does go on, and so does the war.

Evidence of police working for the insurgent Zetas was startling, but would soon become depressingly typical in Mexico. Time and time again, federal troops rolled into cities and accused local police of being deeply entwined with gangsters. Officers no longer just turned a blind eye on smuggling, but worked as kidnappers and assassins in their own right, a grave fragmentation of the state. To aggravate this problem, many federal officers were also found working for gangsters, normally different factions of the Sinaloa Cartel. So as federal troops rounded up Zetas, observers asked whom they were serving: the public or Sinaloan capos? These revelations underline a central problem in the Mexican Drug War. The PRI years featured a delicate dance of corruption; in the democratic years, it turned to a corrupt dance of death. In the old days, police officers were rotten, but at least they worked together. In democracy, police work for competing mafias and actively fight each other. Gangsters target both good police who get in their way and bad police who work for their rivals. For policy makers it becomes a Gordian knot. Added to this thorny issue of corruption is a more fundamental problem of drug-law enforcement. Every time you arrest one trafficker, you are helping his rival. In this way, when the federal police stormed Zetas safe houses, they were scoring victories for Sinaloans, whether they liked it or not. Arrests did not subdue violence, but only inflamed it.

But the dynamics of Mexican cartels have also developed in distinct ways from Colombia. Mexico has seven major cartels—Sinaloa, Juárez, Tijuana, La Familia, Beltrán Leyva, the Gulf, and the Zetas—so it is hard to decapitate them all at once. When leaders such as Osiel Cárdenas are taken out, their organizations have only become more violent, as rival lieutenants fight to become top dog. Groups such as the Zetas and Familia have also become powerful because of their brand names rather than the reputation of their capos. Even if Zetas leader Heriberto Lazcano, the Executioner, is arrested, the Zetas will likely continue as a fearsome militia. Whether the cartels will get weaker or not, everybody agrees that Mexico needs to clean up its police to move forward. Different corrupt cops firing at each other and working for rival capos is nobody’s vision of progress. Such police reform is of course easier said than done. Mexican presidents have talked about it for years, going through numerous cleanups and reorganization of forces, only to create new rotten units. A central problem is the sheer number of different agencies. Mexico has several federal law enforcement departments, thirty-one state authorities, and 2,438 municipal police forces. However, in October 2010, Calderón sent a bill to be approved by Congress that could make a real difference to the police. His controversial proposal was to absorb all Mexico’s numerous police forces into one unified authority like the Colombians have. It is a colossal reform with a huge amount of technical problems. But such a reform could be a key factor in pulling Mexico away from the brink. Even if drugs are eventually legalized, a single police force would be a better mechanism to fight other elements of organized crime, such as kidnapping. The approach has many critics. Some argue it would only streamline corruption. But even that would be a better thing for peace. At least corrupt cops could be on the same side instead of actively gunning each other down. Others argue an all-powerful force would be authoritarian. Maybe. But any such force would still be controlled by democratic government. The spiderweb of different police forces only worked because one party ran everything. In democracy, this arrangement needs reform. If a crucial cause of the breakdown in Mexico has been the fragmentation of government power, then a way forward could be to unify its police under one command. Some of the fundamental problems and core solutions lie in Mexico’s institutions.

Nevada de Santa Marta, the northernmost Andean range in Colombia. Things happen in Colombia. Like the Logui being manipulated and murdered by assorted bad actors: right-wing paramilitaries, left-wing guerrillas, narco-traffickers. I feel the Logui’s pain. Not that the Logui reveal their feelings. They simply observe that there are two kinds of people:

José Antonio Zorrilla, director de la Federal de Seguridad, manda matar a Manuel Buendía, de quien se reputa amigo, para evitar que Buendía publique qué comandantes de la Federal de Seguridad protegen a los narcos.

Being good or evil in Colombia depended upon the perspective of who was viewing it.

—Cuando muera, lo único que quiero es que me sepulten aquí y siembren una ceiba encima. Ah, y no quiero que vengan a visitarme nunca, porque el cuerpo es una herramienta que nos dan para estar en la tierra.

No conocí el rancho Neverland de Michael Jackson en Estados Unidos, pero creo que Nápoles tenía poco que envidiarle, pues allí todo era aventura, desde que uno llegaba hasta que se iba.

—Grégory, un día decidí poner a prueba mis miedos y lo mejor era entrar a medianoche en el cementerio para sacar una calavera de una tumba. Nadie me espantó ni me pasó nada. Después de limpiarla, la pinté y la dejé sobre mi escritorio como pisapapeles —contó un día mi padre. Mi

—Me da pena por usted, pero yo no hago negocios lícitos. Un

transportaban en un solo viaje de ocho a doce toneladas con la complicidad de la policía, el ministerio de Defensa y la propia presidencia del Gobierno mejicano. Eran los tiempos felices de Carlos Salinas de Gortari, con los narcos traficando a la sombra de Los Pinos;

que uno de sus principales contactos dentro de Estados Unidos para vender la droga era el conocido cantante Frank Sinatra.

Among the organizational means that humans have used to commit aggression against each other, those recognized as governments have been by far the most harmful. However they have not been the only institutional instruments of aggression. Other institutions – churches, corporations, groups such as the mafia and the narco-cartels, etc. – have also committed aggression on a scale that exceeds the individual capacity for evil. Although they did not call themselves governments, one could say they acted governmentally. Meanwhile, though rarely, some governments have mostly left people in peace. Therefore I say that government is as government does.

As far as I can tell, answers about Alves. Whoever this Otero is, he was looking for something specific. Money is easy to trace, but Blanco and his girlfriend looked like they were subjected to some serious narco-interrogation, followed by a lethal cocktail. Either way, I’m sure Otero didn’t expect someone like me to show up before Blanco was dead.

The bottom line is that drugs are good money even to wealthy people, and plenty have no moral dilemmas about the business.

En México, es muy peligroso indagar los nexos del poder político y el crimen organizado, pero no tanto como el hecho de ser una mujer y vivir en una sociedad que, día tras día, descubre cuánto su rostro tiende a multiplicar en otras partes la desolación de Ciudad Juárez.

Podrían estar con mujeres que para muchos parecían inaccesibles, y no tenían que secuestrarlas, violentarlas o asesinarlas, como ocurre a miles de mujeres en México, sino comprar su compañía. Al tener a estas mujeres, el valor de todas las demás disminuía; qué más daba utilizarlas, traficarlas, esclavizarlas, convertirlas en niñas sicarias o en burros de carga de droga. La degradación voluntaria de estas mujeres famosas que iban con los narcotraficantes indirectamente condenaba a todas las demás.

pirobo.

Cuando todo está putrefacto, artistas, políticos y narcotraficantes pueden sentarse a la misma mesa, comer del mismo plato y compartir las mismas mujeres. Todo a costa de los miles de víctimas.

armoured

El semanario reveló que en un cateo realizado a las propiedades de El Mexicano, las autoridades de Colombia encontraron un convenio por 60 millones de dólares que familiares del narcotraficante habrían pagado al gobierno de Estados Unidos a cambio de no ser involucrados en actividades ilícitas y mantener a salvo el resto del dinero del capo. La pregunta obligada es si Rodríguez Gacha realmente está muerto o fue el pago de su jubilación por los servicios prestados: dinero a cambio de impunidad y silencio.

The first court-authorized narco analysis test in India was done at the Sabarmati jail in Gujarat in 1989 by a young behavioural scientist named Dr S.L. Vaya. At the time police liberally, but completely illegally, injected sodium pentothal (or truth serum) into suspects. Dr Vaya felt that a valuable investigative tool such as this needed to be legitimized, and administered by professionals.

Where can you steer clear of bandits? Where do the drugs go over? Where can you avoid getting kidnapped by the narcos? Where is there a spot left with no wall, no robbers, and no narcos? Nobody has been able to answer this last question.

No hay ninguna sociedad ni grupo humano sin crimen. Nadie está intentando erradicar el crimen, pero tenemos que transformarlo para que no sea un problema de seguridad nacional y sólo se convierta en un problema criminal local.

Los grupos armados privados han sido a través de la historia reciente palanca para la expulsión y el desplazamiento de campesinos, indígenas y afrocolombianos. La Ley 48 de 1968 facultó la creación de grupos armados civiles, pero fue declarada inconstitucional en los 80. A mediados de los 90 reaparecieron como «cooperativas de seguridad» (Convivir) y de nuevo ilegalizadas por la Corte Constitucional en 2000. Su función es defender a sangre y fuego el statu quo y reprimir las demandas locales que se salgan del control clientelista. Desplazada la población y concentradas sus tierras, los paramilitares adquieren un enorme poder local, se convierten en señores de la guerra. El narcotráfico se fortaleció de manera asombrosa. Los narcos participaron en campañas electorales y creció su injerencia sobre las ramas del poder público y su control sobre el paramilitarismo. Esto intensificó la guerra contra las guerrillas y aceleró y justificó la intervención norteamericana

De acuerdo con cálculos de Naciones Unidas, 12.3 por ciento de los ciudadanos de Estados Unidos de entre 15 y 64 años de edad usaron marihuana o cannabis el año pasado. En Inglaterra y Gales, en comparación, esa cifra fue de 7.4 por ciento; en Alemania fue más baja, 4.7 por ciento, igual que en Holanda, donde se situó en 5.4 por ciento. Con respecto a la cocaína, la heroína y las metanfetaminas, los ciudadanos estadounidenses una vez más alcanzaron el nivel más alto o estuvieron muy cerca. La DEA calcula que en Estados Unidos se gastan 65 mil millones de dólares en drogas ilegales al año, y RAND Corporation estima que dicha cifra se distribuye de la siguiente manera: 36 mil millones de dólares en cocaína, 11 mil millones en heroína, 10 mil millones en marihuana, 5 mil 800 millones en metanfetaminas y 2 mil 600 millones de dólares en el resto de las drogas ilegales en conjunto. Estados Unidos calcula que los cárteles mexicanos de la droga ganan entre 18 mil millones y 40 mil millones de dólares al año por la venta de drogas en Estados Unidos, que luego se llevan de contrabando de regreso a su país para lavarlo.

She froze when she thought she heard movement in a nearby copse of trees, then scanned the area. Probably just an animal. They tended to be in jungles. She turned back to the stream— “Put your hands on your head.” Not an animal. As she slowly stood and turned, she recognized that these weren’t locals. These were bad guys, three of them with machine guns aimed at her face. In her present mood that equaled: Why, I believe I’ll turn them into frogs! Just as she reached for the mirror in her pocket, they cocked their weapons. The oldest man was clearly the leader, and his tone was deadly as he said, “Your hands on your head—or I’ll put a bullet into it.” He didn’t have a thick accent. These must be the international narco-terrorists, the ones who made the cartel look mild. So much for the mirror’s judgment. Unless this was still better than Bowen.

uno se pregunta hasta donde ha llegado la metástasis de la corrupción. Al mirar a los jóvenes europeos y norteamericanos disfrutar de sus drogas sin culpa, al mirar algunos intelectuales mexicanos acusar de asesino al presidente mientras consumen drogas sin sentir que contribuyen de alguna manera al problema, me llega un profundo desaliento.

Espero el dia que podamos recuperar la cuidad y salgamos, bailemos, cantemos, juguemos en sus calles. Anhelo el día que podamos amar, reír y vivir de nuevo en Cuidad Juarez, en Mexico.

»[...] El solo hecho de nombrarlo produce todo tipo de reacciones encontradas, desde una explosiva alegría hasta un profundo temor, desde una gran admiración hasta un cauteloso desprecio. Para nadie, sin embargo, el nombre de Pablo Escobar es indiferente.»

Rubbing a clit to competin and sawing off someone's foot seemed to use all the same muscles.

Colombia anula la fumigación en un gran cambio contra el narco

...jovencitos de 15 años desesperanzados de la vida, que buscan dinero rápido y encuentran muerte exprés

and seriously jeopardizing our nation’s internal security, nothing is at stake! To many Americans living in the heartland or far from border crossing hotspots, the “immigration” issue is a distant concern. Or at least we wish it were. But we also know that Mexico has become a Narco-State run by drug cartels vying to supply Americans’ insatiable appetite for marijuana and, increasingly, cocaine and heroin. And U.S. intelligence has linked these drug cartels to Islamic terrorist organizations with their operations spread all across the Latin America jungles.

There is a saying in the Mexican drug trade that it is better to live one good year than ten bad ones. Many young men enter the industry expecting to enjoy a decadent life for a short time before being incarcerated or killed. Young narcos behave recklessly: they go to night clubs, they race Bentleys, and they post pictures of themselves online with their co-conspirators (and with the occasional dead body). The only traffickers in Sinaloa who beat the odds are those who are content to follow a more austere life in the mountains.

¡Ah, los '90, años de sufrires sencillos tan alternativos! cuando entonces las guerras del crimen organizado (gobierno y narco) aún hibernaban.

Nada é credível para um narco, se não for pago. Quanto mais alto for o preço, maior confiança transmite.

Diamante. Esmeralda. Con los nombres de estas dos piedras preciosas, mi padre y Gustavo identificaron sus cargamentos de cocaína. Un sello con la imagen de esas gemas era impreso en cada paquete de un kilo.

At trial, it became clear that in the macho, mustache-man world of drug-trafficking, Chapo had as much use for women, seducing them with saccharine forevers, then putting them to work in his stable—as buyers, as Blackberry-tapping go-betweens to preserve his anonymity on deals—involving their family members because there’s no glue stronger than blood.

Era el único lugar donde nunca nadie había podido entrar, salvo durante la pandemia, cuando parte de los trabajadores del programa se habían camuflado con barbijos, cofias y capas entre los enfermeros que ingresaban a vacunar contra el covid. La torre once era la contracara de lo que se había avanzado en el resto del barrio. El edificio tiene once pisos. Y el único acceso es por la escalera, porque el ascensor fue desmantelado. Solo quedó el hueco vacío, que se transformó en una especie de compost vertical, porque los habitantes de los departamentos, en su mayoría usurpados, lo usaban de basurero. El olor era nauseabundo porque los residuos ocupaban varios pisos.

In sum, it was the Dutch who led the way in enmeshing opium with colonialism, and in creating the first imperial narco-state, heavily dependent on drug revenues

Cuando el llamado Divo de Juárez estaba en uno de sus mejores momentos lo contrataron para una fiesta de Don Neto. Una muy especial. Eran los tiempos cuando en todas partes sonaba su canción “Querida”, una de las más populares en su historia discográfica. “Querida, cada momento de mi vida, yo pienso en ti más cada día, mira mi soledad…” La fiesta fue en el rancho La Herradura ubicado por la carretera que conduce al Aeropuerto Internacional de Guadalajara, en el pueblo de Atequiza. El invitado de honor de Don Neto era el tristemente célebre colombiano Pablo Escobar. Uno de los acompañantes de Escobar que tenía la confianza para jugarle bromas pesadas se acercó a Juan Gabriel y le ofreció un millón de dólares si le daba un beso al capo colombiano. —No, me va a matar —respondió temeroso el Divo. —No te mata. —No me vas a dar el dinero. —Sí te lo doy. El cantante, seguramente más por intimidación que por dinero, fue y sorpresivamente le plantó un beso en los labios a Escobar. Lira vio la escena con los ojos abiertos como plato, estupefacto. Instantáneamente Escobar sacó su pistola, Don Neto también. El compañero de Escobar se levantó de inmediato y le explicó que era una broma orquestada por él. Don Neto soltó la carcajada, a Escobar no le causó ninguna gracia, pero tuvo que aguantar y también rio para no sentirse más ridículo. Juan Gabriel ya no continuó el show y se esfumó antes de que Escobar cambiara de opinión.

Los narcos no crearon sus formas de agresión sino que respondieron al tipo de violencia con la que fueron atacados

Infant-conditioning and narco-hypnosis are far more efficient, as instruments of government, than clubs and prisons, and that the lust for power can be just as completely satisfied by suggesting people into loving their servitude as by flogging and kicking them into obedience.

daughters (the narco family man,

Mujeres que forman parte de la corte en el reino de los narcos y se amoldan a las reglas machistas que les son impuestas y en “recompensa” disfrutan del botín obtenido de masacres, corrupción y violencia, cuyas principales víctimas son otras mujeres.

Con la declaración de Dámaso, la imagen de esposa amorosa de ojos de muñeca con pestañas gigantes que ladeaba la cabeza una y otra vez negando que supiera del involucramiento de su esposo en el narcotráfico y de su fuga, pasó a ser la de Judy, la triste marioneta esposa de Punch, que forma parte del tradicional teatro inglés de títeres de cachiporra. El argumento principal es el de una comedia negra en la que Punch es violento y abusivo, y siempre está dando garrotazos igual a bestias salvajes que a la autoridad, pero principalmente a su esposa Judy, quien es su comparsa.

El propio Arturo Beltrán Leyva era escoltado con regularidad por elementos policiacos, así como los cargamentos de droga que traficaba a través de México.

You should appreciate turning out as well as you did." He took her hand and squeezed gently. "You grew up in a narcissistic, boozy, scandalous Hollywood household. But with a lot of hard work and determination, you freed yourself. Now you're engaged to a narcissistic, narco-terrorizing, double crossing Hollywood movie star. Isn't that progress?

This is a case about power. About corruption

Along the way they will be preyed upon by cartels, police, Mexican immigration authorities, maras and random rural gangs, robbed, enslaved, forced into narco assassin squads, and raped—an estimated eight out of ten migrant women who attempt to cross Mexico suffer sexual abuse along the way, sometimes at the hands of fellow migrants. Migrants are kidnapped en masse by Zetas, with the complicity of corrupted and terrorized local police and other authorities and of treacherous coyotes, so that their families back home or awaiting them in the US can be extorted; meanwhile the captives are tortured, raped and sometimes massacred. Thousands upon thousands of migrants have been murdered in Mexico, and many others die by falling from “La Bestia”; as many as seventy thousand, some experts estimate, lie buried along the “death corridor” of the migrants’ trail.

Es tan torrencial el dinero que surge de la instalación de laboratorios de cocaína, las cocinas donde localmente sale la sustancia terminada, que algo jamás visto irrumpe. La sed por beber de ese río de dinero incesante y sin bordes moviliza a cada sector de la policía. Y termina por anarquizar algo que hasta las instituciones más carcomidas por la corrupción deben mantener para sobrevivir: el don de mando. Eso que pasa en Rosario no tendrá parangón en el país. El manantial de la droga desordena la calle y el flujo de efectivo que genera se devora en cinco años la capacidad policial de gobernar el orden público. El fervor desordenado de la policía por recaudar genera un caos. Cada área de la fuerza saca dinero de los narcos.

For the narcos, getting a ballad about them is like getting a doctorate,” Conrado says. Conrado tells me the story of one low-level trafficker who paid to get a particularly catchy ballad made about him. Soon everyone played it on his car stereo. “The crime bosses were like, ‘Bring me the guy from that song. I want him to do the job for me.’ So he rose through the ranks because of the song.” “So what has happened to him now?” I asked. “Oh, they killed him. He got too big. It was because of the song, really.