Marcel Mauss Quotes

It is not simply to show power...that a man...throws coppers into the sea...In doing this he is also sacrificing to the gods and spirits...

Care of the mouth. — Technique of coughing and of spitting. Here is a personal observation. A little girl did not know how to spit and each of her colds was aggravated as a result. I gathered this information. In her father's village and in his family in particular, au Berry, no one knows how to spit. I taught her how to spit. I gave her four sous per spit. As she wanted to have a bicycle, she learned how to spit. She was the first in the family to know how to spit. (Marcel Mauss, "Les techniques du corps," in Anthropologze et Sociologze. [Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1935, p. 383.)

They are also difficult to reconcile with archaeological evidence of how cities actually began in many parts of the world: as civic experiments on a grand scale, which frequently lacked the expected features of administrative hierarchy and authoritarian rule. We do not possess an adequate terminology for these early cities. To call them ‘egalitarian’, as we’ve seen, could mean quite a number of different things. It might imply an urban parliament and co-ordinated projects of social housing, as with some pre-Columbian centres in the Americas; or the self-organizing of autonomous households into neighbourhoods and citizens’ assemblies, as with prehistoric mega-sites north of the Black Sea; or, perhaps, the introduction of some explicit notion of equality based on principles of uniformity and sameness, as in Uruk-period Mesopotamia. None of this variability is surprising once we recall what preceded cities in each region. That was not, in fact, rudimentary or isolated groups, but far-flung networks of societies, spanning diverse ecologies, with people, plants, animals, drugs, objects of value, songs and ideas moving between them in endlessly intricate ways. While the individual units were demographically small, especially at certain times of year, they were typically organized into loose coalitions or confederacies. At the very least, these were simply the logical outcome of our first freedom: to move away from one’s home, knowing one will be received and cared for, even valued, in some distant place. At most they were examples of ‘amphictyony’, in which some kind of formal organization was put in charge of the care and maintenance of sacred places. It seems that Marcel Mauss had a point when he argued that we should reserve the term ‘civilization’ for great hospitality zones such as these. Of course, we are used to thinking of ‘civilization’ as something that originates in cities – but, armed with new knowledge, it seems more realistic to put things the other way round and to imagine the first cities as one of those great regional confederacies, compressed into a small space.

Here, television succeeded in completing a fantastic operation of directed consensus building, a real power grab, an OPA [Tender offer] to the entire society, a kidnapping - an unheralded success story on the path towards an integral telemorphosis of society. Television created a global event (or better, a non-event), in which everyone became trapped. “A total social fact” as Marcel Mauss says - if in other societies this situation indicated the converging power of all the elements of the social, in our society it indicates the elevation of an entire society to the parody stage of an integral farce, of an image feedback relentless with its own reality. What the most radical critical critique, the most subversive delirious imagination, what no Situationist drift could have done… television has done.

We may not like to think of it when we say -it is more blessed to give than to receive-, but it is the giving that creates dominance. As Marcel Mauss reminds us: - To give is to show one’s superiority, to show that one is something more and higher, that one is magister. To accept without returning or repaying more is to face subordination, to become a client and subservient, to become minister. – The archetypal minister is the child, who cannot repay what he or she receives, at least not until much later if ever. Thus, if nurturance is linked to dominance, receiving is linked to submission. These elementary facts of human life must surely be kept in mind as we consider the relation between gods and men, rulers and people, in hierarchical societies.

In the early twentieth century, the anthropologist Bronislaw Malinowski ventured to the Trobriand Islands, part of present-day Papau New Guinea, in order to study the region's practice of gift exchange. People of the islands would travel great distances to offer one another symbolic, seemingly worthless necklaces and armbands. Malinowski believed he was observing a kind of soft power. Gift exchange was not a form of altruism, since there was the expectation of reciprocity. And it wasn't random, since the flow of gifts followed discernible patterns. Instead, he argued that this act of giving and receiving bound everyone in a political process. The expansion of these exchanges across the islands represented an expansion of political authority. The sociologist Marcel Mauss found Malinowski's explanation insufficient. He felt that Malinowski placed too much emphasis on transaction, rather than how feelings of indebtedness actually work. In 1923, he published "Essay on the Gift," which placed Malinowski's island networks in conversation with gifting practices in other societies, like indigenous traditions in the Americas, systems of communal ownership in China. Mauss introduced the idea of delayed reciprocity. You give expecting to receive. Yet we often give and receive according to intermittent, sometimes random intervals. That time lag is where a relationship emerges. Perhaps gifts serve political ends. But Mauss believed that they strengthened the bonds between people and communities. Your obligation isn't just to repay the gift according to a one-to-one ratio. You're beholden to the "spirit of the gift", a kind of shared faith. Every gesture carries a desire for connection, expanding one's ring of associations.

Little wonder, then, that the influential French anthropologist Marcel Mauss, in describing the social pressures surrounding the gift-giving process in human culture, can state, “There is an obligation to give, an obligation to receive, and an obligation to repay.”12

Mauss surtout, mais aussi Hubert semblent terrifiés. Louis Gernet dira qu'il a vu Marcel Mauss, « accompagné d'Hubert, leur manuscrit sous le bras, n'osant pas s'aventurer jusqu'au bureau de Durkheim pour le lui présenter59 ». Georges Davy racontera une histoire semblable : un jour, alors qu'il prenait une bière avec Mauss dans un café, place de la Sorbonne, il a vu Durkheim marcher dans la cour de la Sorbonne. Mauss, énervé, lui a dit : « Vite, cache-moi. Mon oncle s'en vient. » Il s'est alors caché derrière un arbre pour échapper au regard de son oncle et mentor

No es de extrañar que el influyente antropólogo francés Marcel Mauss, cuando describe las presiones sociales que surgen en torno a los ofrecimientos de regalos, dice que hay una obligación de dar, una obligación de recibir y una obligación de corresponder.

Il n'y a pas d'autre morale, ni d'autre économie, ni d'autres pratiques sociales que celles-là. Les Bretons, les Chroniques d'Arthur, racontent comment le roi Arthur, avec l'aide d'un charpentier de Cornouailles inventa cette merveille de sa cour : la « Table Ronde » miraculeuse autour de laquelle les chevaliers ne se battirent plus. Auparavant, « par sordide envie », dans des échauffourées stupides, des duels et des meurtres ensanglantaient les plus beaux festins. Le charpentier dit à Arthur : « Je te ferai une table très belle, où ils pourront s'asseoir seize cents et plus, et tourner autour, et dont personne ne sera exclu... Aucun chevalier ne pourra livrer combat, car là, le haut placé sera sur le même pied que le bas placé. » Il n'y eut plus de « haut bout » et partant, plus de querelles. Partout où Arthur transporta sa Table, joyeuse et invincible resta sa noble compagnie. C'est ainsi qu'aujourd'hui encore se font les nations, fortes et riches, heureuses et bonnes. Les peuples, les classes, les familles, les individus, pourront s'enrichir, ils ne seront heureux que quand ils sauront s'asseoir, tels des chevaliers, autour de la richesse commune. Il est inutile d'aller chercher bien loin quel est le bien et le bonheur. Il est là, dans la paix imposée, dans le travail bien rythmé, en commun et solitaire alternativement, dans la richesse amassée puis redistribuée dans le respect mutuel et la générosité réciproque que l'éducation enseigne.

«El gato es el único animal que ha logrado domesticar al hombre». MARCEL MAUSS

The war, that was meant to be over in a few weeks, or, at worst, a few months, dragged on for four grinding years. All generations felt the lash, but the cut ran deepest among the young men. During the hostilities Emile Durkheim lost many of his most talented students: Maxime David, Antoine Bianconi, Charles Peguy, Jean Rainier and Robert Hertz, all perished at the Front... When he learned the sad news that his son, Andre´ had succumbed from his battle wounds, he wrote, in a letter to his nephew, Marcel Mauss, ‘I feel detached from all worldly interests. I don’t know if I ever laughed much, but I’m through with laughing . . . due to no longer having any temporal interest’ (Besnard and Fournier, 1998: 508)... Durkheim died on 15 November 1917, nearly a full year before the Armistice brought hostilities to an end. One cannot rid oneself of the feeling that he died of a broken heart… It was not just his son, his most promising students and the children of others, who had died. The rational hopes of the Enlightenment, and the positive sociology of La Belle Epoque, lay in shreds. (Chris Rojek, The longue durée of Spengler’s thesis of the Decline of the West, 2017)

İskandinav uygarlığında ve daha birçok başkalarında, değiş tokuşlar ve sözleşmeler, teoride gönüllü gerçekte ise zorunlu olarak yapılan ve geri verilen hediyeler şeklinde ortaya çıkar.