Kerensky Quotes

Jesus," Kerensky said, looking around. "You people. I have one of the most incredible experiences I'll ever have, talking with the one person who really gets me - who really understands me - and you're all down here thinking I'm performing some sort of time-travelling incestuous masturbation thing.

Without Rasputin, there could have been no Lenin.” ALEXANDER KERENSKY

Ill-timed German aggression had tipped Wilson onto their side. But if the Russian revolution had started a few months earlier, if Germany had postponed its decision to resume unrestricted U-boat warfare until the spring, or if Wilson had been able to stay out of the war until May, what might have been the result? Could the war have continued? Might democracy in Russia have been saved? As the departing German ambassador to Washington Count Bernstorff noted in agonized retrospect: If Germany over the winter of 1916–17 had ‘accepted Wilson’s mediation, the whole of American influence in Russia would have been exercised in favour of peace, and not, as events ultimately proved, against’ Germany. ‘Out of Wilson’s and Kerensky’s Peace programme’, Germany could surely have rescued a peace

Kerensky, yes, Kerensky – I think we have to say one of the great wets of history.

Now What?" Kerensky said. "We wait," Dahl said. "For how long?" Kerensky said, " As long as dramatically appropriate," Dahl said.

An army cannot be built without reprisals. Masses of men cannot be led to death unless the army command has the death-penalty in its arsenal. So long as those malicious tailless apes that are so proud of their technical achievements—the animals that we call men—will build armies and wage wars, the command will always be obliged to place the soldiers between the possible death in the front and the inevitable one in the rear. And yet armies are not built on fear. The Tsar's army fell to pieces not because of any lack of reprisals. In his attempt to save it by restoring the death-penalty, Kerensky only finished it. Upon the ashes of the great war, the Bolsheviks created a new army. These facts demand no explanation for any one who has even the slightest knowledge of the language of history. The strongest cement in the new army was the ideas of the October revolution, and the train supplied the front with this cement.

The vote for the Constituent Assembly showed that if a determined leader such as Kerensky or Kornilov decided to rally patriotic feeling across the country, that feeling could turn against the German invader as well as Lenin’s Bolshevik accomplices

The time had come for no more czars. Russia was on the verge of violent revolution; only a complete break from the past, Kerensky insisted, would persuade the masses that a new, more just future was dawning, and that the forces of despotism were now yielding to the forces of freedom.

You're mistaking this period when every nut is an individualist for a period of individualism. Wilson has only been powerful when he has represented; he's had to compromise over and over again. Just as soon as Trotsky and Lenin take a definite, consistent stand they'll become merely two-minute figures like Kerensky. Even Foch hasn't half the significance of Stonewall Jackson. War used to be the most individualistic pursuit of man, and yet the popular heroes of the war had neither authority nor responsibility: Guynemer and Sergeant York. How could a schoolboy make a hero of Pershing? A big man has no time really to do anything but just sit and be big.

I am Kai Allard-Liao. I am a killer of men.” He opened the Hatchetman’s arms wide. “This pass is mine to ward. I offer those who wish to challenge me a warrior’s death, but I beg an indulgence of those who would accept my offer. Your smaller companions have forced me to exhaust my autocannon ammunition and they destroyed one of my lasers.” He brought the ‘Mech’s hands together to grip the hatchet’s haft. “I have only this club with which to defend myself. I will kill you all, alone or in groups.

There was no more reasonable sequitur between “provocation” and “reaction” in the case of the French Revolution than in the case of the Jews and the Nazis, the Armenians and the young Turks, the old Russian regime, the Kerensky interlude and bolshevism, Portuguese colonial rule in Angola and the horrors perpetrated by savage monsters of Holden Roberto’s “Liberation Front,” the Belgian administration in the Congo and the delirious atrocities of Gbenye and Mulele, British colonialism in Kenya and the Mau-Mau. We have to face the fact that man is not “good”—only the extraordinary man is, only the heroic saint or the saintly hero, while the noble savage belongs to the world of fairy tales.

Honor is a thin cloak against the chill of a grave.

Kerensky. He was deeply committed to Russia’s continuing the war—one reason the other Entente powers should have been eager to support him. But Kerensky did have one weakness that would ultimately prove fatal. As Russia was headed on its revolutionary course from autocracy to constitutional democracy, Kerensky fully expected there would be those who would try to derail its new destiny—but he assumed they would come from Russia’s pro-czarist right, not from his supposed allies on the left. All his reading of history, especially the history of the French Revolution, had led him to this conclusion: what revolutions had to fear most was counterrevolution by those trying to reverse direction.

In order to mount a revolution, numbers are never enough. Revolutions are usually made by small networks of agitators rather than by the masses. If you want to launch a revolution, don’t ask yourself, ‘How many people support my ideas?’ Instead, ask yourself, ‘How many of my supporters are capable of effective collaboration?’ The Russian Revolution finally erupted not when 180 million peasants rose against the tsar, but rather when a handful of communists placed themselves at the right place at the right time. In 1917, at a time when the Russian upper and middle classes numbered at least 3 million people, the Communist Party had just 23,000 members.19 The communists nevertheless gained control of the vast Russian Empire because they organised themselves well. When authority in Russia slipped from the decrepit hands of the tsar and the equally shaky hands of Kerensky’s provisional government, the communists seized it with alacrity, gripping the reins of power like a bulldog locking its jaws on a bone.

In just a bony fistful of years, classical Russian food culture vanished, almost without a trace. The country's nationalistic euphoria on entering World War I in 1914 collapsed under nonstop disasters presided over by the 'last of the Romanovs': clueless, autocratic czar Nicholas II and Alexandra, his reactionary, hysterical German-born wife. Imperial Russia went lurching toward breakdown and starvation. Golden pies, suckling pigs? In 1917, the insurgent Bolsheviks' banners demanded simply the most basic of staples - khleb (bread) - along with land (beleaguered peasants were 80 percent of Russia's population) and an end to the ruinous war. On the evening of October 25, hours before the coup by Lenin and his tiny cadre, ministers of Kerensky's foundering provisional government, which replaced the czar after the popular revolution of February 1917, dined finely at the Winter Palace: soup, artichokes, and fish. A doomed meal all around.

They would take advantage of an uprising to seize the reins themselves; they would turn upon their allies as they had done with Kerensky in Russia.

a bold MechWarrior is one who manages to survive his own stupidity, and a hero is a bold MechWarrior who survives rescuing other bold MechWarriors from even greater stupidity.

The most elegant speeches may sway the hearts and minds of men, but not one ever stopped a bullet.

I am Kai Allard-Liao. I am a killer of men.

STUDENTS OF HISTORY HAVE long observed the tendency of social movements to overflow their channels. Moderate reformers seize power from tired regimes and alter the traditional way of things, and then extremists wrest power from the moderates; a Robespierre succeeds a Danton; a Lenin succeeds a Kerensky. Often it is not actual suffering but the taste of better things that excites people to revolt.

Duvall sighed. “Anatoly,” she said. “It’s me.” “Maia?” Kerensky said. “They got you too. Don’t worry. I won’t let these bastards do anything to you. Do you hear me, you sons of bitches?” Hester looked over to Dahl disbelievingly. Dahl shrugged. “Anatoly,” Maia said, more forcefully. “They didn’t get me too.” “What?” Kerensky said. Then, after a minute, “Oh.

cousin and double, who deferred to her in all things, was forced to abdicate. Nicky turned to Georgie for refuge, to which the Prime Minister of the Provisional Government, Alexander Kerensky, agreed and

30.09.1967 A 10h, nous sommes allés à l'Hermitage, l'ancienne résidence des Tsars et le siège du gouvernement provisoire de Kerensky jusqu'au 17 octobre 1917. Depuis la Révolution, il est transformé en musée qui renferme les plus riches collections d'art, de peinture, de joaillerie du monde. Les révolutionnaires qui ont envahi le palais, plus exactement les palais qui constituent l'ensemble de l'Hermitage, ne se sont pas emparés des trésors des Tsars - qui sont inestimables- pour les trafiquer au marché noir. Pas plus que les révolutionnaires chinois n'ont pillé les trésors inestimables du Palais impérial à Pékin. Les salles qui servent de dépositions sont d'une architecture variée et on ne peut plus somptueuses.

Would you like some help with your duct work, sir?” Dahl asked. “Please,” Kerensky said. *

Democracy' was a sociological term in Russia in 1917, denoting the masses, the lower class, at least as strongly as it did a political method. For many b those heady moments, Kerensky exemplified 'the democracy'.

Kerensky he dismissed in yet another snappy line, describing him as ‘a balalaika on which they play to deceive the workers and peasants’.

First, I want my pants,” Kerensky said. Everyone turned to Duvall, who gave everyone a what? expression and then pulled Kerensky’s pants out of her duffel and threw them at him. “Second,” Kerensky said, fumbling into his pants, “I want to know why we’re here.

Anastasius means ‘one who will rise again,’ or resurrection. ‘Focht’ is an old German name meaning ‘one who fights.

An army cannot be built without reprisals. Masses of men cannot be led to death unless the army command has the death-penalty in its arsenal. So long as those malicious tailless apes that are so proud of their technical achievements – the animals that we call men – will build armies and wage wars, the command will always be obliged to place the soldiers between the possible death in the front and the inevitable one in the rear. And yet armies are not built on fear. The Czar’s army fell to pieces not because of any lack of reprisals. In his attempt to save it by restoring the death-penalty, Kerensky only finished it. Upon the ashes of the great war, the Bolsheviks created a new army. These facts demand no explanation for any one who has even the slightest knowledge of the language of history. The strongest cement in the new army was the ideas of the October revolution, and the train supplied the front with this cement.

En los últimos tres años, Kerensky ha encajado tres disparos, ha sufrido cuatro enfermedades mortales, ha sido aplastado por un montón de rocas, herido en un accidente de lanzadera, sufrido quemaduras cuando el panel de control del puente le explotó en la cara, experimentado una descompresión atmosférica parcial, padecido de inestabilidad mental inducida, encajado las mordeduras de dos animales venenosos y perdido el control de su propio cuerpo a manos de un parásito alienígena. Eso antes de la reciente plaga y nuestra misión de desembarco.

There is no way of knowing, but history can supply clues, and there was one historical comparison that immediately presented itself to Kissinger the European, the pessimist, the worrier who bit his fingernails down to the quick. The example of Russia in 1917 was never far from his thinking. From February 1917 to October 1917, Russia was ruled by a moderate revolutionary and democrat, Alexander Kerensky. But in the turmoil of war and upheaval he was unable to maintain power against the more radical Leninists with their simple answers to complex questions. He was overthrown and Europe, not to mention the rest of the world, was upended for the next 70 years. Every revolution, in Kissinger’s view, tossed up its Kerenskys—sane, reasonable, well-meaning idealists with no grasp of the realities of power. For them, good intentions were a substitute for weapons (whereas hard-headed Marxists from Regis Debray to Mao Zedong believed power came out of the barrel of a gun). Inevitably, they ended up being devoured.

Vladimir Lenin, for example, was also a member of a Freemasonic lodge.5 The Prime Minister of Russia, Kerensky, was also a known member of the Russian Freemasonic Orient;

Three ladies Cavendish turned around to Kit at that moment with looks on their faces, that caused a hero of the Great War, the rescuer of Kerensky and countless other perilous missions to wish he could shrink into the wall. Such is the implicit power wielded by the distaff side of humanity.