Haiti Earthquake Quotes

We've searched our database for all the quotes and captions related to Haiti Earthquake. Here they are! All 20 of them:

It never ceases to amaze me that in times of amazing human suffering somebody says something that can be so utterly stupid.
Robert Gibbs
I said, "Nég Mawon toujou kanpé!!" —the free man is still standing!! And she replied, powerfully. "Cheri, Nég Mawon p'ap jamn krazé" —my dear, the free man will never be broken.
Paul Farmer (Haiti After the Earthquake)
Haiti was founderd by a righteous revolution in 1804 and became the first black republic. It was the first country to break the chains of slavery, the first to force Emperor Napoleon to retreat, and the only to aid Simón Bolívar in his struggle to liberate the indigenous people and slaves of Latin America from their colonial oppressors.
Paul Farmer (Haiti After the Earthquake)
It is with this surety that we must stand with Haiti, a country whose spirit and people will never be broken, and work in solidarity toward the future the Haitian people deserve.
Paul Farmer (Haiti After the Earthquake)
land of high mountains” is the aboriginal meaning of the word Haiti).
Mitch Albom (Finding Chika: A Little Girl, an Earthquake, and the Making of a Family)
[For] decades, researchers have told us that the link between cataclysm and social disintegration is a myth perpetuated by movies, fiction, and misguided journalism. In fact, in case after case, the opposite occurs: In the earthquake and fire of 1906, Jack London observed: "never, in all San Francisco's history, were her people so kind and courteous as on this night of terror." "We did not panic. We coped," a British psychiatrist recalled after the July 7, 2005, London subway bombings. We often assume that such humanity among survivors, what author Rebecca Solnit has called "a paradise built in hell," is an exception after catastrophes, specific to a particular culture or place. In fact, it is the rule.
Jonathan M. Katz (The Big Truck that Went By: How the World Came to Save Haiti and Left Behind a Disaster)
At least ten times as many people died from preventable, poverty-related diseases on September 11, 2011, as died in the terrorist attack on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon on that black day. The terrorist attacks led to trillions of dollars being spent on the ‘war on terrorism’ and on security measures that have inconvenienced every air traveller since then. The deaths caused by poverty were ignored. So whereas very few people have died from terrorism since September 11, 2001, approximately 30,000 people died from poverty-related causes on September 12, 2001, and on every day between then and now, and will die tomorrow. Even when we consider larger events like the Asian tsunami of 2004, which killed approximately 230,000 people, or the 2010 earthquake in Haiti that killed up to 200,000, we are still talking about numbers that represent just one week’s toll for preventable, poverty-related deaths — and that happens fifty-two weeks in every year.
Peter Singer (Practical Ethics)
On-the-ground activism has always opened my eyes. Visiting Haiti after the earthquake in 2010 broke my heart. Haiti is the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere, devastated by natural disasters and corruption, but it’s only an hour from Miami. That always confused me—that it’s so close, but so far out of our consciousness and minds. It’s criminally selfish to turn a blind eye. What I saw there will never leave me—everything in rubble, people searching for survivors and finding dead bodies under the rocks. Widespread chaos and emotional devastation.
Pamela Anderson (Love, Pamela: A Memoir)
When you’re married to the president, you come to understand quickly that the world brims with chaos, that disasters unfurl without notice. Forces seen and unseen stand ready to tear into whatever calm you might feel. The news could never be ignored: An earthquake devastates Haiti. A gasket blows five thousand feet underwater beneath an oil rig off the coast of Louisiana, sending millions of barrels of crude oil gushing into the Gulf of Mexico. Revolution stirs in Egypt. A gunman opens fire in the parking lot of an Arizona supermarket, killing six people and maiming a U.S. congresswoman. Everything was big and everything was relevant. I read a set of news clips sent by my staff each morning and knew that Barack would be obliged to absorb and respond to every new development. He’d be blamed for things he couldn’t control, pushed to solve frightening problems in faraway nations, expected to plug a hole at the bottom of the ocean. His job, it seemed, was to take the chaos and metabolize it somehow into calm leadership—every day of the week, every week of the year.
Michelle Obama (Becoming)
Even if making precise predictions about which societies will prosper relative to others is difficult, we have seen throughout the book that our theory explains the broad differences in the prosperity and poverty of nations around the world fairly well. We will see in the rest of this chapter that it also provides some guidelines as to what types of societies are more likely to achieve economic growth over the next several decades. First, vicious and virtuous circles generate a lot of persistence and sluggishness. There should be little doubt that in fifty or even a hundred years, the United States and Western Europe, based on their inclusive economic and political institutions, will be richer, most likely considerably richer, than sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East, Central America, or Southeast Asia. However, within these broad patterns there will be major institutional changes in the next century, with some countries breaking the mold and transitioning from poor to rich. Nations that have achieved almost no political centralization, such as Somalia and Afghanistan, or those that have undergone a collapse of the state, such as Haiti did over the last several decades - long before the massive earthquake there in 2010 led to the devastation of the country's infrastructure - are unlikely either to achieve growth under extractive political institutions or to make major changes toward inclusive institutions. Instead, nations likely to grow over the next several decades - albeit probably under extractive institutions - are those that have attained some degree of political centralization. In sub-Saharan Africa this includes Burundi, Ethiopia, Rwanda, nations with long histories of centralized states, and Tanzania, which has managed to build such centralization, or at least put in place some of the prerequisites for centralization, since independence. In Latin America, it includes Brazil, Chile, and Mexico, which have not only achieved political centralization but also made significant strides toward nascent pluralism. Our theory suggests that sustained economic growth is very unlikely in Colombia. Our theory also suggests that growth under extractive political institutions, as in China, will not bring sustained growth, and is likely to run out of steam. Beyond these cases, there is much uncertainty. Cuba, for example, might transition toward inclusive institutions and experience a major economic transformation, or it may linger on under extractive political and economic institutions. The same is true of North Korea and Burma (Myanmar) in Asia. Thus, while our theory provides the tools for thinking about how institutions change and the consequences of such changes, the nature of this change - the role of small differences and contingency - makes more precise predictions difficult.
Daron Acemoğlu (Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty)
Today, Ushahidi, headquartered in the iHub building, is a global nonprofit, crowd-sourced emergency mapping system available in 30 languages and 159 countries. It has been deployed in thousands of international events and crises, including the Haiti earthquake, the Japanese tsunami, wildfires in Russia and the Deepwater Horizon oil spill in Louisiana. In the aftermath of Nairobi’s horrific Westgate Mall terrorist attack in 2014, it mapped out donor blood drive locations in the city. Juliana Rotich jokes wryly, “If we had known it was going to become so international, we would have given it a more user-friendly name.
Ashish J. Thakkar (The Lion Awakes: Adventures in Africa's Economic Miracle)
two-thirds of the colony’s slave population at the start of the 1790s had been born in Africa, nearly all arriving after the last great earthquake on Saint-Domingue.7 The white masters refused to educate slaves, if they could communicate with them at all.
Jonathan M. Katz (The Big Truck That Went By: How the World Came to Save Haiti and Left Behind a Disaster)
televangelist Pat Robertson took to the world’s airwaves and tried to suggest that the earthquake was God’s vengeance for the Haitian Revolution, alleging that the slaves had sold their souls to Satan at Bwa Kayiman in return for the power to overthrow their masters.
Mambo Chita Tann (Haitian Vodou: An Introduction to Haiti's Indigenous Spiritual Tradition)
Never before has anyone figured out how to rent out American foreign policy, how to convert the position of secretary of state into a personal money machine. Hillary, with Bill’s help, figured out not only how to shake down Russian oligarchs and Canadian billionaires by offering them control of America’s uranium assets; she also figured out how to rob the island nation of Haiti in the wake of the 2010 earthquake. It’s one thing to rip off the world’s rich; it takes a special kind of chutzpah to steal from the poorest of the poor.
Dinesh D'Souza (Hillary's America: The Secret History of the Democratic Party)
As Peter Schweizer, author of a forthcoming book entitled Clinton Cash, has noted, when it came to getting lucrative government contracts to rebuild Haiti after its devastating 2010 earthquake, “if you wanted a contract, if you wanted to do business in Haiti, you had to have relationships with a Clinton.” That is the kind of president and presidency Hillary’s donors know they’re buying.
Anonymous
Fragility is the single most salient cause of displacement around the world today. Even factors that may become increasingly common drivers of flight like climate change and natural disasters are only likely to cause mass cross-border movements if they affect fragile states. When Hurricane Katrina struck New Orleans it did not require people to leave the United States. In contrast, when the earthquake struck Haiti many people fled to the neighbouring Dominican Republic because they could not find a domestic remedy or resolution to their situation.
Alexander Betts (Refuge: Transforming a Broken Refugee System)
how the Clintons ripped off literally billions of dollars that had been donated to help those left alive after the devastating Haiti earthquake.
Michael Knight (President Trump And The New World Order: The Ramtha Prophecy)
Un pays n'est jamais corrompu, ce sont ses dirigeants qui peuvent l'être.
Dany Laferrière (The World is Moving Around Me: A Memoir of the Haiti Earthquake)
Chaque décennie a son vocabulaire. La fréquence de certains mots dans les médias nous renseigne sur l'état des choses. Les deux favoris ont été pendant longtemps: dictature et corruption. Pour la première fois on entend reconstruction. Un mot vraiment nouveau. Et cela même si beaucoup de gens n'y croient pas trop.
Dany Laferrière (The World is Moving Around Me: A Memoir of the Haiti Earthquake)
His mouthpiece in Venezuela, ViVe TV, issued a press release in January 2010, saying the 200,000 innocent victims of the awful Haiti earthquake were really killed by an American “earthquake weapon.”11
Donald J. Trump (Time to Get Tough: Make America Great Again!)