Francophone Quotes

You ever want to negotiate a hostage situation in Quebec, I'm your man. Send me in for a little parley and the francophone miscreants will flee, hands over bleeding ears.

Francophones are never impressed that anyone else can speak French.

When a Quebecker is interviewed for French TV, he or she is often subtitled in ‘normal’ French, as if the language they speak in francophone Canada is so barbarous that Parisians won’t be able to understand

The meaningless wordplays of modish francophone savants, splendidly exposed in Alan Sokal and Jean Bricmont’s Intellectual Impostures (1998), seem to have no other function than to impress the gullible.

When the Bolide Fragmentation Rate shot up through a certain level on Day 701, marking the formal beginning of the White Sky, a number of cultural organizations launched programs that they had been planning since around the time of the Crater Lake announcement. Many of these were broadcast on shortwave radio, and so Ivy had her pick of programs from Notre Dame, Westminster Abbey, St. Patrick’s Cathedral, the Imperial Palace in Tokyo, Tiananmen Square, the Potala Palace, the Great Pyramids, the Wailing Wall. After sampling all of them she locked her radio dial on Notre Dame, where they were holding the Vigil for the End of the World and would continue doing so until the cathedral fell down in ruins upon the performers’ heads and extinguished all life in the remains of the building. She couldn’t watch it, since video bandwidth was scarce, but she could imagine it well: the Orchestre Philharmonique de Radio France, its ranks swollen by the most prestigious musicians of the Francophone world, all dressed in white tie and tails, ball gowns and tiaras, performing in shifts around the clock, playing a few secular classics but emphasizing the sacred repertoire: masses and requiems. The music was marred by the occasional thud, which she took to be the sonic booms of incoming bolides. In most cases the musicians played right through. Sometimes a singer would skip a beat. An especially big boom produced screams and howls of dismay from the audience, blended with the clank and clatter of shattered stained glass raining to the cathedral’s stone floor. But for the most part the music played sweetly, until it didn’t. Then there was nothing.

What would happen if a majority of francophones and anglophones consciously thought of themselves as being from here, not there? Being from here meant that a quite different political philosophy could somehow emerge. What if these francophones and anglophones decided to work together to develop such a political philosophy? The British, the compacts, the Tories and even the dwindling group of Whigs would not see this coming because of their belief that politics was all about race, religion, language and the division of the public spoils – patronage, contracts, land.

Most of our brains are out, but it is good what they did for themselves by leaving this country. They are Cameroon’s reserve for development, for the day that this country shall be free. Your late father was an intelligent man. He was even more than that. He was a sage. He once said to me that the intelligent Bamilekés are those who have sought a better future for themselves and for their families in British Cameroons. He was right. They have not been brainwashed as much as their francophone brothers have. If he were alive today, I am sure he would have judged that the intelligent Cameroonians are those who have sought refuge out of Cameroon.

Seigneur je suis très fatigué. Je suis né fatigué. Et j'ai beaucoup marché depuis le chant du coq Et le morne est bien haut qui mène à leur école. Seigneur, je ne veux plus aller à leur école, Faites, je vous en prie, que je n'y aille plus. Je veux suivre mon père dans les ravines fraîches Quand la nuit flotte encore dans le mystère des bois Où glissent les esprits que l'aube vient chasser. Je veux aller pieds nus par les rouges sentiers Que cuisent les flammes de midi, Je veux dormir ma sieste au pied des lourds manguiers, Je veux me réveiller Lorsque là-bas mugit la sirène des blancs Et que l'Usine Sur l'océan des cannes Comme un bateau ancré Vomit dans la campagne son équipage nègre... Seigneur, je ne veux plus aller à leur école, Faites, je vous en prie, que je n'y aille plus. Ils racontent qu'il faut qu'un petit nègre y aille Pour qu'il devienne pareil Aux messieurs de la ville Aux messieurs comme il faut Mais moi je ne veux pas Devenir, comme ils disent, Un monsieur de la ville, Un monsieur comme il faut. Je préfère flâner le long des sucreries Où sont les sacs repus Que gonfle un sucre brun autant que ma peau brune. Je préfère vers l'heure où la lune amoureuse Parle bas à l'oreille des cocotiers penchés Ecouter ce que dit dans la nuit La voix cassée d'un vieux qui raconte en fumant Les histoires de Zamba et de compère Lapin Et bien d'autres choses encore Qui ne sont pas dans les livres. Les nègres, vous le savez, n'ont que trop travaillé. Pourquoi faut-il de plus apprendre dans les livres Qui nous parlent de choses qui ne sont point d'ici ? Et puis elle est vraiment trop triste leur école, Triste comme Ces messieurs de la ville, Ces messieurs comme il faut Qui ne savent plus danser le soir au clair de lune Qui ne savent plus marcher sur la chair de leurs pieds Qui ne savent plus conter les contes aux veillées. Seigneur, je ne veux plus aller à leur école.

Pierre Eliot Trudeau's gift of an official policy of multiculturalism appeared in our midst in a period of rapid influx of third world immigrants into Canada, as well as in a moment of growing intensity of the old English-French rivalry....In this context the proclamation of multiculturalism could be seen as a diffusing or muting device for francophone national aspirations, as much as a way of coping with the non-European immigrants' arrival. It also sidelined the claims of Canada's aboriginal population, which had displayed a propensity toward armed struggles for land claims, as exemplified by the American Indian Movement (AIM). The reduction of these groups' demands into cultural demands was obviously helpful to the nationhood of Canada with its hegemonic anglo-Canadian national culture....It is not an accident that Bissoondath, who confuses between antiracism and multiculturalism, should fall for a political discourse of assimilation which keeps the so-called immigrants in place through a constantly deferred promise....As the focus shifts from processes of exclusion and marginalization to ethnic identities and their lack of adaptiveness, it is forgotten that these officially multicultural ethnicities, so embraced or rejected, are themselves the constructs of colonial - orientalist and racist - discourses.

Dès le moment où j’ai commencé à défendre l’amazighité en 1978. Au gouvernement de l’époque, Mahjoubi Aherdane et M’hamed Douiri ne cessaient de se chamailler au sujet de l’amazighité. Mohamed Benhima, alors ministre de l’Intérieur, m’a demandé, en tant qu’intellectuel, de donner mon avis là-dessus en rédigeant un rapport. On m’a laissé le choix de le faire en arabe ou en français. Je l’ai finalement écrit en arabe, pour qu’on n’aille pas croire que la défense des Berbères est une affaire de francophones. Mais le contenu de ce que j’ai dit n’a pas plu à tout le monde. D’autant que j’ai réitéré dans mon explication une conviction profonde très peu partagée. J’ai rappelé que ce qui faisait croire aux Berbères que la langue arabe était supérieure à la langue berbère n’est rien d’autre que la prédominance du sentiment religieux. Or, ce sentiment s’amenuisant, il n’était plus possible de s’appuyer dessus pour évacuer la culture berbère. Le fait que nous ayons créé, des amis et moi, en 1980, une association de défense des droits amazighs n’a pas forcèment plu. Tout cela s’est malheureusement terminé par l’arrestation de membres fondateurs de l’association et par la condamnation à deux ans de prison de l’un d’entre eux. En ce qui me concerne, personnellement, ces événements ont précipité mon départ du Collège royal dont j’avais été directeur de 1976 à 1982. J’ai tenu à partir dans la dignité et Hassan II, que Dieu ait son âme, m’a facilité la tâche. [Interview Economia, Octobre 2010]

The mixture of a solidly established Romance aristocracy with the Old English grassroots produced a new language, a “French of England,” which came to be known as Anglo-Norman. It was perfectly intelligible to the speakers of other langues d’oïl and also gave French its first anglicisms, words such as bateau (boat) and the four points of the compass, nord, sud, est and ouest. The most famous Romance chanson de geste, the Song of Roland, was written in Anglo-Norman. The first verse shows how “French” this language was: Carles li reis, nostre emperere magnes, set anz tuz pleins ad estéd en Espaigne, Tresqu’en la mer cunquist la tere altaigne… King Charles, our great emperor, stayed in Spain a full seven years: and he conquered the high lands up to the sea… Francophones are probably not aware of how much England contributed to the development of French. England’s court was an important production centre for Romance literature, and most of the early legends of King Arthur were written in Anglo-Norman. Robert Wace, who came from the Channel Island of Jersey, first evoked the mythical Round Table in his Roman de Brut, written in French in 1155. An Englishman, William Caxton, even produced the first “vocabulary” of French and English (a precursor of the dictionary) in 1480. But for four centuries after William seized the English crown, the exchange between Old English and Romance was pretty much the other way around—from Romance to English. Linguists dispute whether a quarter or a half of the basic English vocabulary comes from French. Part of the argument has to do with the fact that some borrowings are referred to as Latinates, a term that tends to obscure the fact that they actually come from French (as we explain later, the English worked hard to push away or hide the influence of French). Words such as charge, council, court, debt, judge, justice, merchant and parliament are straight borrowings from eleventh-century Romance, often with no modification in spelling. In her book Honni soit qui mal y pense, Henriette Walter points out that the historical developments of French and English are so closely related that anglophone students find it easier to read Old French than francophones do. The reason is simple: Words such as acointance, chalenge, plege, estriver, remaindre and esquier disappeared from the French vocabulary but remained in English as acquaintance, challenge, pledge, strive, remain and squire—with their original meanings. The word bacon, which francophones today decry as an English import, is an old Frankish term that took root in English. Words that people think are totally English, such as foreign, pedigree, budget, proud and view, are actually Romance terms pronounced with an English accent: forain, pied-de-grue (crane’s foot—a symbol used in genealogical trees to mark a line of succession), bougette (purse), prud (valiant) and vëue. Like all other Romance vernaculars, Anglo-Norman evolved quickly. English became the expression of a profound brand of nationalism long before French did. As early as the thirteenth century, the English were struggling to define their nation in opposition to the French, a phenomenon that is no doubt the root of the peculiar mixture of attraction and repulsion most anglophones feel towards the French today, whether they admit it or not. When Norman kings tried to add their French territory to England and unify their kingdom under the English Crown, the French of course resisted. The situation led to the first, lesser-known Hundred Years War (1159–1299). This long quarrel forced the Anglo-Norman aristocracy to take sides. Those who chose England got closer to the local grassroots, setting the Anglo-Norman aristocracy on the road to assimilation into English.

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Though not a man of action himself – it was one of Camus’s more hurtful gibes that Sartre ‘tried to make history from his armchair’ – he was always encouraging action in others, and action usually meant violence. He became a patron of Frantz Fanon, the African ideologue who might be called the founder of modern black African racism, and wrote a preface to his Bible of violence, Les Damnés de la terre (1961), which is even more bloodthirsty than the text itself. For a black man, Sartre wrote, ‘to shoot down a European is to kill two birds with one stone, to destroy an oppressor and the man he oppresses at the same time.’ This was an updating of existentialism: self-liberation through murder. It was Sartre who invented the verbal technique (culled from German philosophy) of identifying the existing order as ‘violent’ (e.g. ‘institutionalized violence’), thus justifying killing to overthrow it. He asserted: ‘For me the essential problem is to reject the theory according to which the left ought not to answer violence with violence.’59 Note: not ‘a’ problem but ‘the essential’ problem. Since Sartre’s writings were very widely disseminated, especially among the young, he thus became the academic godfather to many terrorist movements which began to oppress society from the late 1960s onwards. What he did not foresee, and what a wiser man would have foreseen, was that most of the violence to which he gave philosophical encouragement would be inflicted by blacks not on whites but on other blacks. By helping Fanon to inflame Africa, he contributed to the civil wars and mass murders which have engulfed most of that continent from the mid-1960s onwards to this day. His influence on South-East Asia, where the Vietnam War was drawing to a close, was even more baneful. The hideous crimes committed in Cambodia from April 1975 onwards, which involved the deaths of between a fifth and a third of the population, were organized by a group of Francophone middle-class intellectuals known as the Angka Leu (‘the Higher Organization’). Of its eight leaders, five were teachers, one a university professor, one a civil servant and one an economist. All had studied in France in the 1950s, where they had not only belonged to the Communist Party but had absorbed Sartre’s doctrines of philosophical activism and ‘necessary violence’. These mass murderers were his ideological children.

The environment in which our leaders govern today is largely controlled by a combination of the legacies of the Berlin Conference and the Pact for The Continuation of Colonization. This combination is nothing other than a ridiculous formula to guarantee the continued exploitation and colonization of the fourteen African nations. It is a recipe for the perpetual failure of these nations. Imagine yourself having just been elected President of one of these francophone countries. On your first day in office your Chief of Staff would walk up to you and read out to you the Do’s and Don’ts as stipulated by the Pact for the Continuation of Colonization. You have given up your finances, military and natural resources. What power do you have left? How can any leader run a country without control of the building blocks of the country?

What made Quebec unique, for Valaskakis, was that it escaped the prison of monolithism that entrapped so many other societies. Montreal symbolized “a veritable mosaic of nationalities, ideas, and points of view. Here we have an open society, and therefore a rich and fertile one. Here we have, in opposition to the old European capitals, a human dimension which is a language without nationality, an aggregate of values, a free spirit.” But Montreal was not only different from Europe – it was also an alternative to the rest of North America. “This character,” he argued, “exists only because of francophone Quebec culture which, through its vitality, has foiled North America. And it is this same society which can either remain multi-dimensional or itself become monolithic.” He worried that nationalism had the potential of denying Quebec’s diversity, and that, if this were to happen, the “transatlantic and multicultural symbiosis of Quebec will be eliminated. The American melting-pot will be neutralized, but only to be replaced by a new French-language one. Individualities will be broken, dissidents will be treated as foolish and a monolithism as ruthless … and as ugly as its American version will transform us.” “We can therefore ask ourselves,” he wrote, “what would be the interest of being ‘melted’ in French rather than in English?

Who would I be had my family sent me to French school? Would I be as I think I am but am not exactly (when your identity is hybrid, you may learn to define yourself by how others define you, which is by exclusion, like a multiple-choice question when you're not sure of the answer), a francophone civilian and an English-language writer? Or would I have been a French-language writer who occasionally read in English?

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Belgium’s chequered linguistic history shows that neither principle, even when sensitively applied, is without difficulties. Dutch speakers resent the fact that French now dominates in the capital, a city squarely in the Dutch-speaking zone. They also complain of the tache d’huile (oil slick) effect, in which Brussels-based francophones take residence in officially Dutch-speaking suburbs, and turn them into de facto francophone areas. French speakers, on the other hand, resent being required to use Dutch in areas where they have become the majority language group.

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Musee de l'Homme.

Ken Dryden, writing in “The Game” (1983), his celebrated rumination on hockey and on the particular experience of playing for Le Bleu-Blanc-Rouge, as Francophones call the Canadiens, described the old Montreal Forum as “hockey’s shrine, a glorious melting pot of team, city, and sporting tradition.

Je vois le peintre et son épouse, tous deux francophones, je vois des tableaux, quelques phrases sont échangées et c’est entre nous un coup de foudre mutuel qui devait se perpétuer plus de trente ans, jusqu’à ce que mort s’ensuive. La cordialité réfléchie et directe de l’intelligente Suzanne Donnelly Jenkins y sera pour beaucoup.

This interest in Elissa, as well as a more general identification with the Phoenician past, went well beyond state propaganda: the distance between Rome and Carthage is embraced in two novels by the francophone writer Fawzi Mellah, Le conclave des pleureuses (1987) and Elissa, la reine vagabonde (1988), which treat Elissa’s story from a variety of local perspectives, including the suggestion that she has been misrepresented in the European tradition and in particular in the work of Virgil, who according to one of Mellah’s characters “disfigures” the queen by calling her Dido and ascribing to her a love affair with a Greek sailor, “a vagabond unworthy of our Elissa.”47

We’re not just going to win this thing. We’re going to win it in a landslide!” Watching this exceptional group of young people — we called them “the twenty-sevens” because no more than a couple were over thirty — shouting, yelling, laughing, screaming, celebrating, talking about their victory, about what they had accomplished, I have to admit I got a little emotional. My eyes started to well up. I snuck out the back door, into the same alley where a few hours earlier I’d received the news that my political career was finished. Quite the contrary. An entirely new chapter was just beginning. In the end, the Liberals had been right to fear us for all those years, because not only did we win in Outremont by a margin of 4,441 votes over the Liberal candidate, but two-thirds of self-identified Bloc supporters voted for us. These were people who might have voted Yes in the last referendum because they wanted Québec to be respected in the Canadian federation, or else they were progressives for whom voting Conservative was not an option but who refused to vote for the scandal-ridden Liberals. Although very multicultural, Outremont is a majority francophone riding. French-speaking Québecers, including many passionate federalists, are rightly preoccupied with preserving their language, culture, and identity.

Now, twelve years after the 1995 referendum had brought the country to the brink of breakup, the voters in a francophone, nationalist riding dumped the Liberals and abandoned the Bloc, signalling their willingness to return to the Canadian conversation.

It was, reflected Gamache, one of the fundamental differences between anglophone and francophone Quebecers; the English believed in individual rights and the French felt they had to protect collective rights. Protect their language and culture.

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Il y a tout cet univers qu’on partageait. Un monde qui n’existait qu’entre toi et moi. Et dans ce monde-là, mon centre était quelque part légèrement à l’extérieur de moi, dans un endroit à la rencontre de nous deux.

À chercher l’intensité et la proximité sans tomber dans le besoin de. Je ne sais pas si l’humain est une chose si forte qu’on est vraiment capables d’aller jouer dans l’un sans toucher un peu à l’autre.

Je réalise, avec ta mort, que se protéger ne sert à rien. Le pire arrive pareil. Et rien ne protège contre le pire. Aussi bien vivre plus.

C’est vrai, je suis vraiment chiante, loin d’être simple. Mais je tiens ensemble.

Évidemment, il faut aussi tenir en dedans, en soi et pour soi, être capable d’arriver à un état de joie interne, d’apaisement, sans raison, sentir qu’on coïncide, que notre vie coïncide. Et c’est ça, je pense, que tu ne trouvais pas.

On ne peut pas réécrire le passé à partir de la mort, ça ne marche pas comme ça.

Mais ce matin, en pensant à toi, c’est le meilleur que j’ai vu – ce que tu aurais voulu être tout le temps, ce que personne n’est tout le temps. Et je me suis dit que la perfection n’existe que morte.

J’ai cru en toi jusqu’à ce qu’il n’y ait plus de toi.

n’arrive pas à te sortir de moi. L’impression qu’il faudrait que j’excave, un à un, les tentacules desséchés de ton cadavre. Et je n’ai pas envie. Souvent, je sens tes doigts accrochés à l’intérieur de mes côtes, de mon cœur, des petites serres dans mon dedans. Et même si ça fait mal, une certaine présence est mieux qu’aucune.

Il faut croire que ton cercueil n’a pas suffi – je t’attends encore.

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The Aboriginal opportunity today is the equivalent of the Quebec issue in the 1960s and 70s. As with the francophones of that era, so the Aboriginals today are ready for a struggle to right the wrongs. And a growing number of non-Aboriginal Canadians are with them.

Se goinfrer dans le buffet des cultures sans y apporter un seul plat, voilà l'égoïsme du nouvel homme du monde made in Montreal. J'en avais ma claque de cette métropole où tout est in, sauf le Québec francophone.

The resources committed to Aboriginal language programs are far fewer than what is committed to French in areas where French speakers are in the minority. For example, the federal government provides support to the small minority of francophones in Nunavut in the amount of approximately $4,000 per individual annually. In contrast, funding to support Inuit-language initiatives is estimated at $44 per Inuk per year.

Moi, je t'offrirai Des perles de pluie Venues de pays où il ne pleut pas

Fondé sur l'indépendance éditoriale et la passion du cyclisme, Le Blog du cycliste s'est imposé comme la référence francophone pour comprendre et vivre le vélo dans toutes ses dimensions. Notre mission est de rendre accessible la complexité du cyclisme moderne, où nous décryptons des données physiologiques, les stratégies de course, les performances des champions à travers des analyses scientifiques et les évolutions technologiques du matériel.

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