Euro Final Quotes

On August 16, 2012, the South African police intervened in a labor conflict between workers at the Marikana platinum mine near Johannesburg and the mine’s owners: the stockholders of Lonmin, Inc., based in London. Police fired on the strikers with live ammunition. Thirty-four miners were killed.1 As often in such strikes, the conflict primarily concerned wages: the miners had asked for a doubling of their wage from 500 to 1,000 euros a month. After the tragic loss of life, the company finally proposed a monthly raise of 75 euros.

On August 16, 2012, the South African police intervened in a labor conflict between workers at the Marikana platinum mine near Johannesburg and the mine’s owners: the stockholders of Lonmin, Inc., based in London. Police fired on the strikers with live ammunition. Thirty-four miners were killed.1 As often in such strikes, the conflict primarily concerned wages: the miners had asked for a doubling of their wage from 500 to 1,000 euros a month. After the tragic loss of life, the company finally proposed a monthly raise of 75 euros.2 This episode reminds us, if we needed reminding, that the question of what share of output should go to wages and what share to profits—in other words, how should the income from production be divided between labor and capital?—has always been at the heart of distributional conflict. In traditional societies, the basis of social inequality and most common cause of rebellion was the conflict of interest between landlord and peasant, between those who owned land and those who cultivated it with their labor, those who received land rents and those who paid them. The Industrial Revolution exacerbated the conflict between capital and labor, perhaps because production became more capital intensive than in the past (making use of machinery and exploiting natural resources more than ever before) and perhaps, too, because hopes for a more equitable distribution of income and a more democratic social order were dashed. I will come back to this point. The Marikana tragedy calls to mind earlier instances of violence. At Haymarket Square in Chicago on May 1, 1886, and then at Fourmies, in northern France, on May 1, 1891, police fired on workers striking for higher wages. Does this kind of violent clash between labor and capital belong to the past, or will it be an integral part of twenty-first-century history?

Se il Paese diventa terra di conquista Francesco Manacorda | 673 parole Da ieri, con la stretta finale delle trattative per l’ingresso della China National Chemical Corporation nella società che controlla la Pirelli con oltre il 26% del capitale, il termine «scatole cinesi» ha in Italia un significato più letterale. Le scatole cinesi sono quelle società che incastrate una sopra l’altra consentono all’azionista che sta in cima di controllare le attività che stanno sotto con un impegno di capitale limitato. È ad esempio il metodo che ha consentito a Marco Tronchetti Provera di controllare la Pirelli, di cui è presidente e amministratore delegato, con una partecipazione che di fatto ammonta a poco più del 6% del capitale della società produttiva. Ma tra poco, appunto, sopra la Pirelli ci sarà una vera scatola cinese, visto che quella quota del 26% e rotti con cui la finanziaria Camfin la controlla verrà ceduta a una nuova società il cui azionista di maggioranza dovrebbe essere proprio il colosso chimico di Pechino. Sarebbe un esercizio inutile e anche un po’ stucchevole lamentare il passaggio del controllo di un altro grande gruppo italiano nelle mani di un socio di maggioranza straniero. In un’epoca di mercati aperti - anche se non simmetricamente aperti, visto che per gli europei è decisamente più difficile investire in Cina che non viceversa - non ci deve essere scandalo nella mobilità dei capitali. E un «mercatista» puro zittirebbe qualsiasi obiezione con pochi numeri: i cinesi valorizzano il titolo Pirelli 15 euro per azione, un livello che non raggiungeva da un quarto di secolo; ne beneficia ovviamente Tronchetti, ma ne beneficeranno anche tutti gli altri azionisti grandi e piccoli del gruppo, visto che la nuova società dovrebbe lanciare un’Opa a 15 euro per levare la Pirelli da Piazza Affari e poi riportarne in Borsa una parte dopo qualche anno. Ma non pare nemmeno che si possa gioire troppo, esaltando una presunta attrattività del sistema italiano per gli investitori stranieri: i cinesi non vengono certo ad aprire una fabbrica partendo dal nulla, attratti dalle ottime condizioni che l’Italia pratica per le imprese; invece acquisiscono di fatto brand e tecnologie di una società che fa la gran parte del suo fatturato all’estero e offrono - almeno a giudicare dal primo comunicato emesso ieri mattina - solo l’assicurazione che Pirelli «manterrebbe gli headquarter in Italia» - particolari garanzie di radicamento. Meglio concentrarsi allora su un paio di elementi che sono assai sintomatici della situazione italiana. Il primo è che nella maggior parte dei casi le aziende italiane invece di aggregare altre società dello stesso settore all’estero - Fca, Autogrill e Luxottica sono alcune delle eccezioni che vengono in mente, ma ce ne sono altre, anche se di taglia più ridotta - vengono aggregate. È una condanna di aziende sottocapitalizzate e di dimensioni grandi, ma non abbastanza grandi da competere da sole sul mercato globale. Ed è una condanna dell’Italia, dove questa tipologia di società abbonda. Il secondo tema è quello della distinzione tra proprietà e controllo di un’azienda. Spesso nelle aziende a proprietà familiare la presenza di manager esterni viene vista come un fattore positivo. In Pirelli l’inversione di questo meccanismo è evidente: Marco Tronchetti Provera, azionista «in chiaro» con poco più del 6% è presidente e ad. E in tutti i passaggi di questi anni in cui ha trovato soci da far entrare nel capitale - prima i genovesi Malacalza con i quali non è finita benissimo, poi i russi di Rosneft, ostacolati dalle sanzioni Ue contro la Russia - è stato attento a mantenere le sue cariche. Lo farà anche adesso, visto che la previsione è che resti al suo posto ancora per un quinquennio. Ruoli manageriali immutabili e azionisti che preferiscono non aprire il portafoglio, insomma, sembrano un buon viatico per diventare prede invece di cacciatori.

Germany exported its problem of a lack of competitiveness to other member states. Since 1999 this country has followed a tight policy of wage moderation while the rest of the euro zone maintained more or less constant wage increases of around 3 per cent per year. Thus, each year Germany tended to improve its competitive position vis-à-vis the rest of the euro zone – a trend partly explained by the fact that the power of German labour unions has declined significantly, more so than in other euro zone countries. Other countries with particularly close economic ties to Germany are forced to intensify their policies of wage moderation, inducing the leading country again to restrict wage increases. A vicious circle may result when everybody attempts to improve its competitiveness at the expense of the others. As in the case of the so-called race to the bottom in environmental policy, the final outcome is that these countries will not have improved their relative position, but will have adopted wage policies that do not correspond to the preferences of their citizens. At the same time, the distance between the leading group and the other member states keeps growing.

Finally, policymakers had to weigh what might happen if Greece, after a default, also abandoned the euro and returned to its own currency. One reason to do so would be to regain monetary policy independence, which might help the Greek government respond to the economic crash that was likely to follow a default. But if Greece left the euro, fears that other countries might follow would no doubt increase. Even the possibility that the eurozone might break apart would inflict damage. For example, bank depositors in a country thought to be at risk of leaving the euro would worry that their euro-denominated deposits might be forcibly converted to the new, and presumably less valuable, national currency. To avoid that risk, depositors might withdraw their euros from their own country’s banks in favor of, say, German banks (which, in an era of cross-border branching, might simply mean walking a block down the street or clicking on a bank’s website). These withdrawals could quickly degenerate into a full-fledged run on the suspect country’s banks. For these reasons, finance ministers and especially central bank governors in Europe generally, if grudgingly, concluded that they would have to assist Greece. ECB president Jean-Claude Trichet, who had decried the Lehman failure, was particularly adamant on this point and sought to persuade other European policymakers.

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Il obtient finalement la bête pour 40 000 dollars, soit 31 000 euros. Une broutille comparée à son coût de production estimé – 900 000 dollars – mais un prix non négligeable pour ce petit musée familial et privé, qui emprunte pour s'offrir le monstre sacré.

Au final, le musée s'en tire avec une facture de 120 000 euros de réparation, hors main-d'œuvre interne.

However, others are viewing the elections as a potential buying opportunity, arguing that a likely Syriza government would be less problematic for investors than initially feared, and may even be beneficial for Greece and for the euro-zone as a whole. “Greece could be the impetus to question the dogma of austerity,” said Krishna Memani, investment chief of Oppenheimer Funds. “Austerity in Europe is counterproductive and getting out of the deflationary spiral requires flexibility on the fiscal side. Portugal is not raising the issue, Spain is not raising it, or Italy. Greeks finally are so desperate they are bringing it to the forefront, and maybe it will rally more energy this time around.

The goals of taking this insidious elision between the Oriental and the ornamental as the foundation for a yellow feminist theory are, therefore: (1) to detach us from the ideal of a natural and an agential personhood that invariably accompanies critiques of power and from which the Asiatic woman is already always foreclosed; (2) to take seriously what it means to live as an object, an aesthetic supplement; (3) to attend to peripheral and alternative modes of ontology and survival; (4) and finally, to contend that the discourse of Asiatic femininity—at once pervasive and marginal, enhancing and disparaging, dated and yet contemporary—is part of a much larger debate about beauty and violence, as well as about life and artificiality, nestled in the making of modern Euro-American personhood.

While I waited for my food I padded in my slippers down the hallway to my studio and turned on the equipment. First the power strips, then the synths and samplers. Then I loaded the discs into my Akai samplers, listening to them whir and click quietly as they took code from the discs and loaded it into their Japanese sampler brains. I climbed under a table and turned on my Soundcraft twenty-four-channel mixing desk, and finally I turned on the power amplifier for the speakers. My studio was up and running and making the calm hum that is the quiet background noise of a studio, like distant traffic or a beach at night. I didn’t know what I was going to work on, so I loaded up some old gospel samples I’d had for years but never figured out how to use. Years ago I’d written a fast euro track called “Why Does My Heart?” that used these samples. Luckily I’d never released it, as it was pretty bad.

Les économistes les plus coriaces se sont cassé les dents – même celles qui sont en or – sur l'épineuse question de la vie financière à Montaubout. Le premier os à ronger (non des moindres), demeure celui de la monnaie. Madame la Présidente a refusé de plier à la dure loi de la soumission aux monnaies existantes : dollar, livre sterling, euro, franc CFA… Les autorités économiques internationales ont toute reçu la même réponse d'une clarté aveuglante : « Inutile d'avoir une monnaie unique, car elles sont toutes iniques. » L'emploi de ce mot peu usité est d'abord passé pour une coquille journalistique ; puis pour une coquetterie langagière de madame la Présidente voulant exposer sa parfaite maîtrise de la langue française, mais au final, il s'est avéré que ce n'était ni l'un, ni l'autre, mais bel et bien un choix politique et économique fort. (p. 35)

Once again, just as the Napoleonic wars of 1803-1815 had given a definitive boost to the gradual formation of Italy and Germany, the defeat of Napoleon III at Calm gave a final form to the powerful and unified German State with Berlin as capital.

I knew exactly what was going on, but I unfortunately didn't have a firearm. (Adam have most likely offered someone 6000 Euros, to end this all, then and there. Tomas. 10%) Only a mini baseball bat. A Louisville Slugger. And Martina’s weapon of choice: a broom. The witches’ vehicle. Before I could tell him to go to Hell, a neighbor exited the building and let the stranger claiming to be from the gas company inside. Now the stranger dressed in black was running up the 94 stairs. I could hear his footsteps approaching. I didn't have time to react, grab the biggest knife from the kitchen, and stand by my entrance door. He was already upstairs, right outside my apartment door. He began knocking loudly and aggressively, whether with his metal ring or a lighter. I looked through the peephole, but he had covered it with a black folder, which I soon realized was an iPad. Covering his face. Covering my eyes. The same speech repeated played through the iPad, ensuring that I wouldn't recognize his voice and open the door. „I am from the gas company, looking for Tomas Adam Nyapi.” He kept playing in a prerecorded voice on the iPad outside my door, "Open up", "It's the gas company", and "We are looking for Tomas Adam Nyapi." I was trying to pay attention and make sense of it all, trying to figure out who it could be. But the Catalan girl couldn't keep quiet and yelled at the person in Spanish with her strong Catalan accent, after a minute or two: "Who are you and what do you want? Go away before I call the police!" Suddenly, the stranger began sprinting down the 94 stairs upon realizing that I wasn't alone. In case the reason for his visit wasn't clear enough. He was running so fast that he nearly stumbled, clearly determined to prevent me from catching up with him. I swung open my door and peered down the stairwell, straining my eyes to discern his identity, but the darkness obscured any details in the vertical tunnel below. By the time he reached the bottom of the stairs, I hurried to my loggia to catch a glimpse of him. He was tall and thin, with long legs, and his strides were hurried and distinct, unlike anyone else. Deep inside, I knew it was Mario Larese. Mister Twister. I recognized his movements, but it wasn't until 2023 that I had concrete confirmation. An evidence orgy. Mario had been sent to either spy on me or seek revenge for my closure of the club, with him being responsible for triggering the landslide, the avalanche. The mafia had dispatched Mario to finish what he/they had started. With Adam and the rest of them. Mario. Adam. Nico. Ferran. „The Beatles.” „Plus Yoko.” The Nazi junkies had sent him to deliver the final blow, the fatal shot, the kill. It was Mario who was accountable - the thief, the liar, the "Romanian gypsy." To deliver „The Final Solution”, to sever ties. And keep that 60,000 as well of course. Shortly after the stranger (Mario) had left our address Martina called me on the phone.

The Treasury of Spain informed me that the companies (the criminals) had 365 days to pay me my missing salary of 60,000 Euros, according to an official court decision made in Madrid. However, I was well aware that this would only escalate the danger for both Martina and me. I knew they would not fulfill their payment obligations. They would seek cheaper methods to evade payment and would also attempt to eliminate me without facing any consequences. I was unsure whom to turn to for help. Should I ask the King of Spain, or the leaders of Israel, Brussels, Hungary, Interpol, or the Policia Nacional? How could I protect Martina from these criminals? How could I dismantle Adam's mafia? These thoughts were weighing heavily on my mind as my anticipated final departure from Spain drew near. I received a letter, from Zaragoza. The letter informed me that I owed Zaragoza approximately 1800 euros for fines accrued by Adam. It also mentioned that it had been around 1.5 years since the incident on the highway, where I received fines while I was driving the gypsy caravan. Late fees were added without question. Make it 2000. Additionally, it warned that if I failed to make payment within 15 days of receiving the letter in my mailbox, the authorities would visit me with a court order to seize belongings of mine worth at least 1800 euros. Someone disclosed my „new” address to the Zaragoza Authorities. It is possible that the Correo/Post Office/Postal Service were unable to deliver their correspondence to my previous address on Carrer Cantabria due to my absence after the same expo where the fines were incurred on the highway and the unwanted flooding of the apartment. But now. Delivered. It is possible that the biased Catalan Court, which was known by my side at this point for its corruption and/or incompetence, shared my Barcelona address with the Correo/Postal Service to ensure that the fines reached me. The corrupt and/or incompetent Ciutat de la Justicia, the so called „City of Justice”, the Catalan judicial system did not solely reserve the sharing of my home address for the mafia/s. Everything was not a direct result of the criminals’ conspiracy. But.

Twelve years ago I left Boston and New York, and moved east and west at the same time. East, to a little village in Devon, England, a town I’ve been familiar with for years, since my friends Brian and Wendy Froud and Alan Lee all live there. It had long been my dream to live in England, so I finally bought a little old cottage over there. But I decided, both for visa and health reasons, living there half the year would be better than trying to cope with cold, wet Dartmoor winters. At that point, Beth Meacham had moved out to Arizona, and I discovered how wonderful the Southwest is, particularly in the wintertime. Now I spend every winter-spring in Tucson and every summer-autumn in England. Both places strongly affect my writing and my painting. They’re very opposite landscapes, and each has a very different mythic history. In Tucson, the population is a mix of Native Americans, Mexican Americans, and Euro-Americans of various immigrant backgrounds — so the folklore of the place is a mix of all those things, as well as the music and the architecture. The desert has its own colors, light, and rhythms. In Devon, by contrast, it’s all Celtic and green and leafy, and the color palette of the place comes straight out of old English paintings — which is more familiar to me, growing up loving the Pre-Raphaelites and England’s ‘Golden Age’ illustrators. I’ve learned to love an entirely different palette in Arizona, where the starkness of the desert is offset by the brilliance of the light, the cactus in bloom, and the wild colors of Mexican decor.

Rarely in the history of the United States has the nation been so ill-served as during the presidency of George W. Bush. When Bush took office in 2001, the federal budget ran a surplus, the national debt stood at a generational low of 56 percent of gross domestic product (GDP), and unemployment clocked in at 4 percent—which most economists consider the practical equivalent of full employment. The government’s tax revenue amounted to $2.1 trillion annually, of which $1 trillion came from personal income taxes and another $200 billion from corporate taxes. Military spending totaled $350 billion, or 3 percent of GDP—a low not seen since the late 1940s—and not one American had been killed in combat in almost a decade. Each dollar bought 1.06 euros, or 117 yen. Gasoline cost $1.50 per gallon. Twelve years after the Berlin Wall came down, the United States stood at the pinnacle of authority: the world’s only superpower, endowed with democratic legitimacy, the credible champion of the rule of law, the exemplar of freedom and prosperity.1 Eight years later the United States found itself in two distant “wars of choice”; military spending constituted 20 percent of all federal outlays and more than 5 percent of the gross domestic product. The final Bush budget was $1.4 trillion in the red and the national debt was out of control. The nation’s GDP had increased from $10.3 trillion to $$14.2 trillion during those eight years, but a series of tax cuts that Bush introduced had reduced the government’s revenue from personal income taxes by 9 percent and corporate taxes by 33 percent. Unemployment stood at 9.3 percent and was rising; two million Americans had lost their homes when a housing bubble burst, and new construction was at a standstill. The stock market had taken a nosedive, the dollar had lost much of its former value, and gasoline sold for $3.27 a gallon.2 The United States remained the world’s only superpower, but its reputation abroad was badly tarnished.

This surprised him, her turning down his invitation to dine with him, and his face showed it. "Katie." She rose. Their gazes locked for an extended moment. "Good luck, Shaw." She hesitated for another second, long enough for him to say something to keep her there. Yet he remained quiet. She turned and left. Shaw sat there for several beats, a massive struggle going on inside his mind. Finally, he threw some euros on the table, hustled from the restaurant, and looked up and down the crowded street. But Katie was already gone.

Si esa consultora aplicara el método de McKinsey, empezaría por el final, y lo expondría todo al revés. [Situación] Escuchen: ustedes tienen quince fábricas y 20.000 operarios en todo el mundo. Fabrican 150.000 coches al año. [Complicación] Pero tengo una mala noticia: no han detectado un error que cometen todos ellos cada día, y que les está costando mucho dinero. Cada uno de sus operarios pierde 32 minutos al día. [Pregunta] ¿Por qué? Pues porque los operarios pierden mucho tiempo yendo de acá para allá para buscar las herramientas. [Solución] ¿Cuál es la solución? Hay que acercar las herramientas a los operarios. ¿Cuánto podemos ahorrar en tiempo al año? Decenas de miles de minutos por persona. ¿Cuánto podemos ahorrar en dinero? 40 euros al día por operario. ¿Cuántos coches de más podemos fabricar al día? 240. ¿Cuánto cuesta implementar eso? 12 millones de euros al año. ¿Cuándo lo recuperamos? Al primer año. Muchos consultores han acogido con alegría el método de la pirámide porque es un patrón. Un modelo

In 2005 joblessness would peak at 10.6 percent. To combat this scourge, between 2003 and 2005 the Schroeder government announced a national restructuring program titled Agenda 2010. Its main thrust was a multiphase program of labor market liberalization and benefit cuts, designed by a committee headed by VW’s head of human resources, Peter Hartz. The fourth and final phase of cuts, Hartz IV, became synonymous with a new German “reform” narrative. The unemployed were returned to work. Wage restraint restored German competitiveness. The reward came already in 2003 when Germany could boast of being the world export champion (Exportweltmeister). Agenda 2010 would come to define a new bipartisan self-understanding of Germany’s political class. Having accomplished the enormous task of reunification, Germany had overcome its internal difficulties and “reformed” its way back to economic health. It is a narrative that is superficially compelling and it would have significant implications for how Berlin approached the crisis of the eurozone, but it does not withstand close scrutiny. Hartz IV certainly drove millions of people more or less willingly off long-term unemployment benefits into a range of insecure jobs. This helped to hold down wages for unskilled workers, such as cashiers and cleaning workers. In the first ten years of the euro, despite soaring productivity, half of German households experienced no wage growth at all. This shortened unemployment rolls. It also increased pretax inequality and lowered Germany’s wages relative to its European neighbors. But as to the competitiveness of German exporters, the significance of Hartz IV is far less obvious. German companies do not win export orders by shaving the wages of unskilled workers. A far more important source of competitive advantage came from outsourcing production to Eastern Europe and Southern Europe. Added to which there was the boost from the global recovery of the early 2000s. While its economic impact has been exaggerated, what Hartz IV did transform was German politics. The blue-collar electorate and the left wing of the SPD never forgave Schroeder for Hartz IV.