Dugin Quotes

If you are in favour of global liberal hegemony, you are the enemy.

What we are against will unite us, while what we are for divides us. Therefore, we should emphasise what we oppose. The common enemy unites us, while the positive values each of us are defending actually divides us. Therefore, we must create strategic alliances to overthrow the present order of things, of which the core could be described as human rights, anti-hierarchy, and political correctness – everything that is the face of the Beast, the anti-Christ or, in other terms, Kali-Yuga.

Sooner or later the endless spectacle is over. Then we will take revenge; mercilessly.

History is local. A shared sense of history is possible only on the basis of the domination of one society over another, and imposing its own history and, thus, its identity on the enslaved one.

Civil society’ completely displaces government and converts into a global, cosmopolitan melting pot;

Myth does not belong to the past!" ..." Sacred dimension is always here.,

The path that humanity entered upon in the modern era led precisely to liberalism and to the repudiation of God, tradition, community, ethnicity, empires and kingdoms. Such a path is tread entirely logically: having decided to liberate itself from everything that keeps man in check, the man of the modern era reached his logical apogee: before our eyes he is liberated from himself. The logic of world liberalism and globalisation pulls us into the abyss of postmodern dissolution and virtuality. Our youth already have one foot in it: the codes of liberal globalism are effectively introduced on an unconscious level — through habits, commercials, glamour, technology, the media, celebrities. The usual phenomenon now is the loss of identity, and already not simply only national or cultural identity, but even sexual, and soon enough even human identity.

The subject of Communism was class. Fascism’s subject was the state, in Italian Fascism under Mussolini, or race in Hitler’s National Socialism. In liberalism, the subject was represented by the individual, freed from all forms of collective identity and any ‘membership’ (l’appartenance). While the ideological struggle had formal opponents, entire nations and societies, at least theoretically, were able to select their subject of choice — that of class, racism or statism, or individualism. The victory of liberalism resolved this question: the individual became the normative subject within the framework of all mankind. This is when the phenomenon of globalisation entered the stage, the model of a post-industrial society makes itself known, and the postmodern era begins. From now on, the individual subject is no longer the result of choice, but is a kind of mandatory given. Man is freed from his ‘membership’ in a community and from any collective identity,

The only way to be pardoned by the races violently abused and reduced to slavery - whites, blacks, yellows and browns included -- is to repent the Modernity, capitalism and all three main eurocentric and colonialist political theories - starting from liberalism (main evil) and communism and fascism as well. Real life matters, not this abhorrent and mean liberal simulacrum. The life should not be black. Without identity every life will be senseless and "black". Meaningful lives matter. It is the Modernity and capitalism that should be killed. Otherwise it will continue and in much worse way as before. Death to the System!

There are secularised cultures, but at the core of all of them, the spirit of Tradition remains, religious or otherwise. By defending the multiplicity, plurality and polycentrism of cultures, we are making an appeal to the principles of their essences, which we can only find in the spiritual traditions. But we try to link this attitude to the necessity for social justice and the freedom of differing societies in the hope for better political regimes. The idea is to join the spirit of Tradition with the desire for social justice. And we don’t want to oppose them, because that is the main strategy of hegemonic power: to divide Left and Right, to divide cultures, to divide ethnic groups, East and West, Muslims and Christians. We invite Right and Left to unite, and not to oppose traditionalism and spirituality, social justice and social dynamism. So we are not on the Right or on the Left. We are against liberal postmodernity. Our idea is to join all the fronts and not let them divide us. When we stay divided, they can rule us safely. If we are united, their rule will immediately end. That is our global strategy. And when we try to join the spiritual tradition with social justice, there is an immediate panic among liberals. They fear this very much.

Either our political struggle is soteriological and eschatological, or it is meaningless.

when someone you love dies, there's this period of disbelief-a time of dug-in heels, the refusal to process your new reality.

Undoubtedly racist is the idea of unipolar globalization. It is based on the fact that Western, especially American, society equates its history and its values to universal law and artifcially tries to con- struct a global society based on these local and historically specific values – democracy, the market, parliamentarianism, capitalism, individualism, human rights, and unlimited technological development. These values are local, and globalization is trying to impose them onto all of humanity as something that is universal and taken for granted. This attempt implicitly argues that the values of all other peoples and cultures are imperfect, underdeveloped, and are subject to modernization and standardization based on the Western model. Globalization is thus nothing more than a globally deployed model of Western European, or, rather, Anglo-Saxon ethnocentrism, which is the purest manifestation of racist ideology.

For the traditionalists modernism is nothing less than a spiritual disease which continues to spread like a plague across the globe, decimating traditional cultures wherever they are still to be found.

The only thing which could fill this gigantic inner emptiness which I had was the total rejection of everything modern within the framework of the ultra-revolutionary non-conformist intellectualism of [René] Guénon and [Julius] Evola. […]

I share the vision of René Guénon and Julius Evola, who considered modernity and its ideological basis (individualism, liberal democracy, capitalism, consumerism, and so on) to be the cause of the future catastrophe of humanity, and the global domination of the Western lifestyle as the reason for the final degradation of the Earth.

Olavismo. 1. Estilo de pensamento filosófico muito peculiar, que substitui o argumento pelo xingamento e o conceito pelo palavrão. 2. Fruto da expansão dos meios tecnológicos de informação, que, utilizando selfies e vídeos autoproduzidos, deixam aparecer na rede pessoas como se fossem “professores” e “intelectuais”, posando nas telas ao terem no fundo estantes decoradas com livros mal lidos e mal compreendidos. 3. Nome de uma corrente de fake-pensamento. "4. Expressão oriunda da composição de “Olá” e “revanchismo”, combinando alguém que chega de repente para dar a ideia aos governantes sem ideias de en-direitar o país com rifles e rifas e quem se sentiu a vida toda complexado por nunca ter conseguido entender o que é uma ideia e muito menos uma filosofia. 5. Nome da corrente ideológica que seduz, encanta e lidera o bando de ressentidos do país. 6. Uma forma bem específica de saudosismo: saudades da era medieval, saudades da teocracia, saudades de D. Pedro, saudades dos bons costumes. 7. Modo borrágico de expressar opiniões que procuram, em tese, chocar o senso comum, mas que nada mais fazem além de corroborar o pior dos sensos (o qual, infelizmente, muitas vezes é comum e quase sempre predominou ao longo da história). 8. Movimento de desespero final de quem quer encontrar uma identidade para chamar de sua e um líder para chamar de seu. 9. Espécie de fanatismo religioso que cultua o ódio e a intolerância travestidos de intelectualismo. 10. Seita seguida por pessoas particularmente vulneráveis a uma retórica violenta e macabra, mas perigosamente sedutora. 11. Doutrina do ter-razão-em-tudo quando não se tem razão em nada. Atribuindo a base dessa doutrina do ter-razão-em-tudo ao filósofo alemão Arthur Schopenhauer, é fácil constatar como olavistas não possuem o menor conhecimento nem de alemão e nem de filosofia, tendo (mal) entendido o próprio nome de Schopenhauer como “chope raro”, que, bebido, gera mal-entendidos dos princípios básicos da erística e da dialética. Com bases em erros fundamentais, o olavismo derivado desse “chope raro” (confundido com Schopenhauer) desenvolveu uma errística dislética, que se vale de argumentos nefastos (do latim nefas que significa ilícito) para destruir as questões mais lícitas do pensamento, da sociedade e da cultura. 11. Tradução google para o português bolsonarista da tradução google para o inglês trumpista da tradução google russa do resumo dos clássicos da extrema direita europeia, assinada por Dugin, ideólogo de Putin.

L’unique façon de nous sauver, de sortir l’humanité et la culture de ce piège est de faire un pas au-delà de la culture logocentrique et de s’adresser au Chaos.

I think everything begins and ends with philosophy. Philosophy is not appreciated and is marginal now.

Un des éléments de la philosophie eurasiste est l'esprit de la terre, la foi en l'esprit de la terre, l'adoration de l'esprit de la terre, le dialogue avec lui et le culte de l'esprit de la terre.

he focuses on conflict between various deviations from tradition. The West is the only civilization which has not descended from “real” tradition, and that is why all traditional religions should unite against it.

Anticrist [sic] besides theological also has geopolitical, immanently social meaning. It is evident today that the most "perfect" and "complete" form of the historical realisation of this sinister personage is the liberal West,

Bannon’s vision is shared by Russian far-right ideologue Alexander Dugin, who is popular in both Trump’s and Putin’s circles.3 “It is generally important,” Dugin wrote in his 1997 book Foundations of Geopolitics, “to introduce geopolitical chaos within the American daily experience by encouraging all manner of separatism, ethnic diversity, social and racial conflict, actively supporting every extremist dissident movement, racist sectarian groups, and destabilizing the political processes within America.”4

Idéologiquement, l’unipolarité est basée sur les valeurs Modernes et Postmodernes, qui sont ouvertement anti-traditionnelles. Je partage la vision de René Guénon et Julius Evola qui ont considéré la Modernité et ses bases idéologiques (l’individualisme, la démocratie libérale, le capitalisme, le consumérisme, etc.) comme les causes de la catastrophe à venir de l’humanité, et d’autre part la domination globale du style occidental comme la raison de la dégradation finale de la Terre. L’Occident approche de sa fin et nous ne devrions pas le laisser entraîner tout le reste dans l’abîme".

Aquilo que os americanos chamam de "progresso", a "democratização", "desenvolvimento" e "civilização" é de fato uma degradação, colonização, degeneração, degenerescência e uma forma paradoxal peculiar da ditadura liberal. Não é exagero dizer que os Estados Unidos como um bastião do liberalismo militante, é uma encarnação visível de todo o mal que assola a humanidade hoje, é um mecanismo poderoso que constantemente leva a humanidade à catástrofe final. Esse é o império do mal absoluto. E os reféns e vítimas do curso desastroso desse império não são apenas todas as outras nações, mas também os americanos comuns, não diferentes do resto das conquistadas, espoliadas, privadas e perseguidas nações de abate.

The Eurasianist cosmos is the generalizing territory of the place-development of the spirit. It is the spiritual order that penetrates all levels of reality, both subtle and coarse, soulful and corporeal, social and natural. The Eurasianist cosmos is permeated with subtle trajectories traversed by fiery, eternal ideas and winged meanings. Reading these trajectories, revealing them out of concealment, and extracting complex meanings out of the corporeal plasma of disparate facts and phenomena is the task of humanity. For the Eurasianists, the cosmos is an inner notion. It is revealed not through expansion, but rather, or on the contrary, through immersion deep within it, through concentration on the hidden aspects of the reality given here and now.

A ONU que não representa uma instituição do multipolarismo na forma pura pode cumprir –temporária e pragmaticamente – uma função defensiva através de opor mecanicamente essas tendências através da sua própria estrutura. Os EUA percebem isto perfeitamente quando expõe à ONU as críticas ainda mais fortes, ridicularizando sua inabilidade e incapacidade, repreendendo-a por recursos devastadores apropriados para seus limites e abonos antigos, etc. Os apoiadores da ordem do mundo multipolar podem muito bem utilizar a ONU como uma tela em tal caso para organizar mais instituições efetivas do multipolarismo. Tomando a ONU como uma forma da ordem cessante do mundo que sobrevive nas sombras de sua gradual decadência como até agora prolongando sua graduação tão longe quanto possível, se pode tentar colocar a fundação das novas instituições legais dentro dos limites antigos.

A sociedade normal é aquela onde os povos, nações e estados são mantidos como formas tradicionais de comunidade humana, como as formas criadas, criados pela história e tradição. Eles podem mudar ou se transformar, mas eles não devem ser abolidos ou mesclados forçadamente em um único caldeirão global. A diversidade de povos e nações é um tesouro histórico da humanidade. Abolindo isso, iremos para a abolição da história, para o fim do casamento plural, liberdade e riqueza cultural. Os processos de globalização devem ser imediatamente cortados.

Heidegger speaks of “the war of Seyn-being with beings”. This was is based on the fact that the interrelation of Seyn-being and beings is problematic and not obvious. This is that which more than anything else merits questioning. If questioning is not constituted in the proper way, if it becomes one question along with others, if too hurried and inaccurate an answer is given to it – and a decision is made in every case by man as the carrier of speech as a form of the essenting of Seyn-being – then Seyn-being enters into a war with beings. The name of this war is Gestell.

Esses espetáculos que vemos hoje nas chamadas "revoluções coloridas" não têm nada de revolucionário genuíno em si mesmo. Eles são organizados pela oligarquia mundial, são preparados e apoiados por suas redes. As "revoluções coloridas" são quase sempre dirigidas contra as sociedades ou os regimes políticos, que ativa ou passivamente resistem à oligarquia global, desafiam seus interesses, que tentam manter certa independência de sua política, estratégia, assuntos regionais e economia. Assim, as "revoluções coloridas" ocorrem de forma seletiva, baseando-se em redes de comunicação de massa desenvolvidas pela elite globalista. Trata-se de uma paródia da revolução e servem apenas fins contrarrevolucionários.

[Magyar] had an intense dislike for terms like 'illiberal,' which focused on traits the regimes did not possess--like free media or fair elections. This he likened to trying to describe an elephant by saying that the elephant cannot fly or cannot swim--it says nothing about what the elephant actually is. Nor did he like the term 'hybrid regime,' which to him seemed like an imitation of a definition, since it failed to define what the regime was ostensibly a hybrid of. Magyar developed his own concept: the 'post-communist mafia state.' Both halves of the designation were significant: 'post-communist' because "the conditions preceding the democratic big bang have a decisive role in the formation of the system. Namely that it came about on the foundations of a communist dictatorship, as a product of the debris left by its decay." (quoting Balint Magyar) The ruling elites of post-communist states most often hail from the old nomenklatura, be it Party or secret service. But to Magyar this was not the countries' most important common feature: what mattered most was that some of these old groups evolved into structures centered around a single man who led them in wielding power. Consolidating power and resources was relatively simple because these countries had just recently had Party monopoly on power and a state monopoly on property. ... A mafia state, in Magyar's definition, was different from other states ruled by one person surrounded by a small elite. In a mafia state, the small powerful group was structured just like a family. The center of the family is the patriarch, who does not govern: "he disposes--of positions, wealth, statuses, persons." The system works like a caricature of the Communist distribution economy. The patriarch and his family have only two goals: accumulating wealth and concentrating power. The family-like structure is strictly hierarchical, and membership in it can be obtained only through birth or adoption. In Putin's case, his inner circle consisted of men with whom he grew up in the streets and judo clubs of Leningrad, the next circle included men with whom he had worked with in the KGB/FSB, and the next circle was made up of men who had worked in the St. Petersburg administration with him. Very rarely, he 'adopted' someone into the family as he did with Kholmanskikh, the head of the assembly shop, who was elevated from obscurity to a sort of third-cousin-hood. One cannot leave the family voluntarily: one can only be kicked out, disowned and disinherited. Violence and ideology, the pillars of the totalitarian state, became, in the hands of the mafia state, mere instruments. The post-communist mafia state, in Magyar's words, is an "ideology-applying regime" (while a totalitarian regime is 'ideology-driven'). A crackdown required both force and ideology. While the instruments of force---the riot police, the interior troops, and even the street-washing machines---were within arm's reach, ready to be used, ideology was less apparently available. Up until spring 2012, Putin's ideological repertoire had consisted of the word 'stability,' a lament for the loss of the Soviet empire, a steady but barely articulated restoration of the Soviet aesthetic and the myth of the Great Patriotic War, and general statements about the United States and NATO, which had cheated Russia and threatened it now. All these components had been employed during the 'preventative counter-revolution,' when the country, and especially its youth, was called upon to battle the American-inspired orange menace, which threatened stability. Putin employed the same set of images when he first responded to the protests in December. But Dugin was now arguing that this was not enough. At the end of December, Dugin published an article in which he predicted the fall of Putin if he continued to ignore the importance of ideas and history.

The U.N. air interdiction against North Korea went on, destroying what little was left of its economy, making life utterly miserable for its people, but affecting the dug-in Chinese and North Korean armies, supplied from privileged sanctuary across the Yalu, hardly at all.

Everything that Baryshnikov believes is consistent with the beliefs of Alexander Dugin, the influential Russian philosopher and proponent of a Russian-dominated Eurasian empire which would not only reunite ethnic Russians but dominate the West too. Dugin has chastised Putin for being too soft on Ukraine, and is a visceral opponent of anything that smacks of Western liberalism.

The neo-Eurasianist Aleksandr Dugin, in his terrifying 1997 book Foundations of Geopolitics, which made him popular among Russian military and political elites, identifies America as “a total geopolitical rival of Russia.” He prescribes that Russia “counteract U.S. policy at all levels and [in] all regions of the earth.” Russia must “weaken, demoralize, [and] deceive, in order to win,” he writes. “It is especially important to introduce geopolitical disorder into America’s internal reality; to encourage separatism and ethnic, social, and racial conflicts; actively support dissident movements [and] extremist, racist groups and sects; and to destabilize internal processes.”72

I cannot forbid others from calling me a Fascist, although I am not one, though ultimately this reflects badly not so much on me as on the accusers themselves: fighting an imaginary threat, the accuser misses a real one. The more stupid, mendacious, and straightforward a liberal is, the simpler it is to fight with him.

The higher up and more authoritarian the ruler, the closer he is to the masses and the more stable his rule.

Politicamente, temos aqui uma base interessante para a cooperação consciente entre esquerdistas e direitistas, assim como entre os religiosos e outros movimentos anti-modernos (os ecologistas, por exemplo). A única coisa na qual insistimos para criar tal cooperação é colocar de lado os preconceitos anticomunistas e também os antifascistas. Esses preconceitos são instrumentos nas mãos de liberais e globalistas, através dos quais mantêm seus inimigos divididos. Devemos, portanto, rejeitar firmemente o anticomunismo e o antifascismo. Ambos são ferramenta contrarrevolucionárias nas mãos da elite global.

Para retornar à Tradição, precisamos levar a cabo a revolta contra o mundo moderno e contra o Ocidente moderno, uma revolta que seja absoluta – espiritual (tradicionalista) e social (socialista). O Ocidente está em agonia. Precisamos salvar o mundo dessa agonia e talvez salvar o próprio Ocidente. O Ocidente Moderno e Pós-moderno tem que morrer.

Ideologicamente a unipolaridade é baseada em valores do Modernismo e do Pós-modernismo, valores esses que são anti-tradicionais. Compartilho da visão de René Guénon e Julius Evola, que consideravam a Modernidade e sua base ideológica (o individualismo, a democracia liberal, o capitalismo, o “confortismo” e assim por diante) como sendo a causa da futura catástrofe da humanidade, e o domínio das atitudes ocidentais como a razão da degradação final do planeta. O Ocidente está se aproximando de seu fim e não deveríamos permitir que ele levasse consigo ao abismo todo o resto.

Dugo sam trčala ne bih li prošla ispod duuge, da promjenom sebe usrećim druge. A onda sam našla tebe. Našla sam dio sebe. Našla sam i sunce i kišu u jednom komadu. Ehh, da ljudi znadu kako je lijepo... nositi sve dugine boje - u sebi - kao svoje.

Liberalism developed flawless weapons aimed at achieving its straightforward alternatives, which was the basis for its victory. But it is this very victory that holds the greatest risk to liberalism. We need only to ascertain the location of these new, vulnerable spots in the global system and decipher its login passwords in order to hack into its system. At the very least, we must try to do so. The events of 11 September 2001 in New York demonstrated that this is technologically possible. The Internet society can be useful, even for those who staunchly oppose it. In

The way the truth of it hits you is less white-lighting whisky more the slow arrival of fall in a place that knows little of hard, dug-in winters. Here we are southerners playing North, Appalachians denying everything by the salvation of the Lord, folks running from those people everyone tries to make us be. Daylight bends through the trees and steady songs of birds we cannot see.

For the Radical Subject, it is not only virtuality and the electronic networks which are the prison, but reality itself has already become so: a concentration camp, an agony, and a torture. The slumber of history is something contrary to the condition where the Radical Subject could exist, complete itself, and become. The creation of subjectivity, being the secondary formation of temporality, is an obstacle for its realisation. If we accept the hypothesis of the Radical Subject, we immediately confront an instance that explains who has made the decision in favor of globalisation, the suicide of humanity, and the end of history; who has conceived this plan and made it reality. It can only therefore only be the drastic gesture of the Radical Subject, looking for liberation from time through the construction of non-temporal (impossible) reality. The Radical Subject is incompatible with all kinds of time. It vehemently demands anti-time, based on the exalted fire of eternity transfigured in the radical light.

If Husserl’s transcendental subjectivity constitutes reality through the experience of a manifestation of self-awareness, the Radical Subject is to be found, not on the way out, but on the way in. It shows itself only in the moment of ultimate historic catastrophe, in the traumatic experience of the ‘short circuit’ which is stronger, and lasts for a moment longer than it is possible to endure.

What is most important in this interpretation of the morphology of time? The idea that time precedes the object, and that in the construction of time we should seek an inner depth of consciousness, rather than a consciousness rooted in outer phenomena constituted by the subjective process of traumatic self-awareness. The world around us becomes what it is by the fundamental action of presencing accomplished by the mind. When the mind sleeps, reality lacks the sense of present existence. It is fully immersed in a continuous dream. The world is created by time, and time, in its turn, is the manifestation of self-aware subjectivity, an intrasubjectivity.

In any case, the era of persecuting Tradition is over, although, following the logic of postliberalism, this will likely lead to the creation of a new global pseudo-religion, based on scraps of disparate syncretic cults, rampant chaotic ecumenism, and 'tolerance'.

This was the core of the New Era of modernity: man came to replace God, philosophy and science replaced religion, and the rational, forceful, and technological constructs took the place of revelation.

The subject of Communism was class. Fascism’s subject was the state, in Italian Fascism under Mussolini, or race in Hitler’s National Socialism. In liberalism, the subject was represented by the individual, freed from all forms of collective identity and any ‘membership’ (l’appartenance).

According to Heidegger, the notion of “Event” (Ereignis) – is routine rupture, an encounter with something, what had not been. This is anthropological, ontological and temporal essence of revolution. That’s why the time of revolution is the opposite to any other time, because one becomes himself in this time. The rest of time one is essentially asleep waiting for revolution. The rest of time – is antitime, that separates two revolutions, it is a moment of break. And his anti-time is maximally alienated from one. During this dreamy period between two revolutions one considers his identity as positive, that means he starts to associate himself not with deficiency, but with something present (with the food, welfare, care, fine details of reality). According to Heidegger, this exact condition is defined as unauthentic existence. One does not live as part of this existence, he is being replaced with das Man, and genuine humane existence, Dasein, is absent. Dasein is revealed only in revolution, the rest of time – is the time of das Man, a framework, which limits within one identifies himself with a fiction, with a fetish. But this is not a man’s figure, this is not a man in his true sense.

Russian political strategist Aleksandr Dugin wrote that restoring the power of the ancient Russian empire depended on destabilizing the American democracy that supported liberal democracies in Europe. He called for provoking “instability and separatism within the borders of the United States,

Though neither Putin’s siloviki – nor even ultra-conservative philosophers like Aleksandr Dugin – would put it in these terms, a war of national salvation was the only force powerful enough to stop the encroachment of the modern world and radically cut the country off from the West.

If you stop burning witches, they are not witches anymore. It means they are accepted as members of society, like Hillary Clinton and Theresa May. Something's wrong with her (May), in the way she moves, she may be a reptile. She dances in a very strange way. She may be a ghost. I thought she was imitating an African dance, but she did it in an alien matter.

I think the essence of philosophy and human thought is to be dangerous.

Virtue and vice are very personal. It is a moral judgement of ourselves, of our behavior and attitude. It's so personal that we could share this only with a spiritual father and through him with God. It's a judgment that we give ourselves. It's an inner aspect, and not public. The confession of a sin is secret. Not because it's shameful (it is), but it should be secret because it concerns the deepest and innermost levels of the soul. It's a dialogue of the soul with itself, making this judgement ( or hesitation of judgement ) open to God.

I believe that artificial intelligence is quite possible precisely because our human intelligence is artificial. What is natural is stupidity. When we try not to be stupid, we become more and more artificial because we acquire some practices, agencies, and some knowledge, some algorithm, more than knowledge, more than the storage of some facts. In that sense, reason is mechanical. What is not mechanical, what is really deep in us, is something that transcends this level of mechanical choice that is completely based on pre-established protocols.

So I think that beauty is something that is not only unexplainable but something that doesn't expand the desire to explain. It is something evident, your inspiration stops, you are struck by the beauty. I think that beauty is incompatible with the concept of explanation or ownership. It should be contemplated, valued, and observed as a distance. If you approach too close to beauty , this image disappears. So, I think that beauty is to be observed at a distance; it is something unexplainable which doesn't inspire the desire to possess, it is something that overwhelms you.

Men are totally defined by their identity, language, cultural biology, history, and heritage in any sense, positive or negative. So I think in that sense only robots or racist, which are almost the same typologically, cold pretend to possess a universal rule or universal protocols to define what justice if for a Russia, Muslim, or Chinese.

Evola s'oppose à la tradition chrétienne occidentale. Ce qui est intéressant c'est sa critique de la désacralisation du christianisme occidental, qui concorde bien avec la critique orthodoxe du christianisme occidental. Il est facile de voir que la sécularisation du christianisme occidental a produit le libéralisme. La sécularisation de la religion orthodoxe nous a donné, quant à elle, le communisme. C'est l'individualisme contre le collectivisme.

Notre monachisme est un modèle anthropologique. L'autorité, le niveau hiérarchique et le pouvoir augmentent proportionnellement à l'abolition de l'élément individuel et à la lueur émanant de l'effort ascétique. Un bon dirigeant est celui qui ne veut rien avoir pour lui-même. Au lieu de cela, il a tout, mais pris en agrégation et enrichi de manière eidétique, enrichissant au maximum l'aspect intérieur de l'existence. Quelque chose de similaire a été incorporé au Moyen Âge dans la théorie du «deuxième corps du roi».

Soulever les masses et les conservateurs-traditionalistes jusqu’à un soulèvement victorieux dans le contexte de l’union complexe d’un bloc contre-hégémonique est extrêmement difficile. Les conservateurs et les masses qui les suivent, par exemple ceux de confession islamique ou orthodoxe, peuvent difficilement comprendre la nécessité de faire alliance avec les Hindous ou les Chinois. Cela fera le jeu (et c’est déjà le cas) des globalistes et de leur principe de « diviser pour régner ».

A Tradição (religião, hierarquia, família) e seus valores foram sobrepujados na aurora da modernidade. Na verdade, todas as três teorias políticas foram concebidas como construções ideológicas artificiais por pessoas que compreenderam, de vários modos, “a morte de Deus” (Friedrich Nietzsche), o “desencanto do mundo” (Max Weber) e o “fim do sagrado”. Este foi o núcleo da Nova era da Modernidade: o homem passou a substituir Deus, a filosofia e a ciência substituíram a religião, e os construtos racionais, enérgicos e biotecnológicos tomaram o lugar da Revelação. Porém, se o modernismo se exauriu na pos-modernidade, então ao mesmo tempo, o período de “teomaquia” direta chega a um fim junto com ela. As pessoas pós-modernas não são contrárias à religião, mas ao invés, indiferentes. Ademais, certos aspectos da religião, via de regra, relativas às regiões do inferno, a “textura demonica” dos filósofos pos-modernistas são bastante atrativas. Em qualquer caso, a era da perseguição à Tradição acabou, ainda que, seguindo a logica do pos-liberalismo, isso provavelmente levará à criação de uma nova pseudo-religião global, baseada nos restos de cultos sincréticos disparatados, no ecumenismo caótico desenfreado e na “tolerância”. Enquanto esse curso dos eventos é, de algumas maneiras, ainda mais aterrorizante do que o materialismo e o ateísmo dogmático diretos e descomplicados, o enfraquecimento da perseguição da Fé pode ser aquela chance, se os representantes da Quarta Teoria Política agirem consistentemente e descompromissadamente na defesa dos ideais e valores da Tradição.

preference for a multipolar world, contrary to a presumed unipolar world which he posits that the United States/“New World Order” is attempting to establish. Dugin will often rail against ‘the hegemony of mondialism’ (or words to that effect) by which he means to refer to the conspiratorial notion that there are forces at work which are trying to suppress all civilizations in favor of the one civilization—that of Western globalization—which is trying to eliminate all meaningful forms of national or local government in order to impose Western civilization on the entire world.

La danse et l’attaque, la mode et l’agression, l’excès et la discipline, la volonté et le geste, le fanatisme et l’ironie commenceront à bouillir chez les révolutionnaires nationaux – jeunes, méchants, gais, intrépides, passionnés (...) Pour eux – construire et détruire, gouverner et exécuter les ordres, réaliser le nettoyage des ennemis de la nation et se soucier tendrement des vieillards et des enfants. D’un pas furieux et allègre, ils s’approcheront de la citadelle usée, le Système pourrissant. Oui, ils ont soif du Pouvoir. Ils savent ordonner. Ils insuffleront la Vie dans la société, ils précipiteront le peuple dans le processus voluptueux de la création de l’Histoire.

Le thème de « troisième totalitarisme » peut bien apparaître dans le contexte de la sociologie française classique (l’école de Dürkheim) et de la philosophie postmoderne. La sociologie de Dürkheim soutient que les contenus de la conscience individuelle sont entièrement formés sur les bases de la conscience collective. En d’autres mots, la nature totalitaire d’une société, même d’une société individualiste et libérale, ne peut pas être annulée. Ainsi, le fait même de déclarer que l’individu est la plus haute valeur et la mesure de toutes choses (libéralisme) est une projection de la société, c’est-à-dire une forme d’influence totalitaire et d’induction idéologique.

Il est tout à fait inapproprié d’appeler le fascisme une idéologie d’« extrême droite ». Ce phénomène est caractérisé beaucoup plus exactement par la formule paradoxale de « Révolution Conservatrice ». Cette combinaison de l’orientation culturelle-politique de « droite » – le traditionalisme, la fidélité au sol, les racines, l’éthique nationale – avec le programme économique de « gauche » – la justice sociale, la restriction de l’élément de marché, la libération de « l’esclavage du pourcentage », l’interdiction des trafics boursiers, des monopoles et des trusts, la primauté du travail honnête.

« Fasciste et prolétarien », telle est l’orientation du fascisme. Ouvrier, héroïque, combatif et créateur, idéaliste et futuriste, une idéologie n’ayant rien à voir avec la garantie du confort supplémentaire d’Etat pour les marchands (même s’ils sont mille fois nationaux) et des sinécures pour les intellectuels parasites sociaux. Les figures centrales de l’Etat fasciste, du mythe fasciste sont le paysan, l’ouvrier, le soldat.

Le regard fasciste sur la culture correspond au refus radical de l’humanisme, de la mentalité « trop humaine », c’est-à-dire de ce qui fait l’essence des « intellectuels ». Le fasciste déteste l’espèce intellectuelle. Il y voit un bourgeois masqué, un bourgeois prétentieux, un bavard et un froussard irresponsable. Le fasciste aime simultanément le féroce, le surhumain et l’angélique. Il aime le froid et la tragédie, il n’aime pas la chaleur et le confort.

Nous devons donc distinguer deux types de chaos : le « chaos » postmoderniste équivalant à une confusion, un genre de post-ordre, et un Chaos grec, comme pré-ordre, quelque chose qui existe avant que ne naisse la réalité ordonnée. Seul le deuxième peut être considéré comme Chaos au sens propre du mot. Ce second sens (en fait, l'original) devrait être examiné avec attention d'un point de vue métaphysique.

...Man differs from his black double in that he is a philosophical being capable of free choice. He has been given the freedom to choose his own political philosophy on a paradigmatic level

A la tête de la hiérarchie, se trouve le roi philosophe, qui représente en conséquence un être en lequel il n'y a quasiment pas d'individualité. Le roi philosophe, un César philosophique, ne diffère pas essentiellement de l'incarnation de cet ange personnel. Il en est une forme en tant que telle. En fait, si nous examinons l’idée monarchique impériale, nous voyons des échos de cette théorie dans laquelle le roi était le pôle métonymique de toute la société, de toute la culture et de tout le peuple. Le roi est un ange, figure de tout le peuple. C'est une personne véritable, supérieure à la fois à l'individu et au collectif ou à la société. D'où la sacralisation des rois jusqu'à leur déification dans l'Égypte ancienne, Babylone, l'Iran ancien, etc.

La production est de la poésie. De l’artocracie (principe de Wagner). Les gens devraient se nourrir de produits artistiques. L'art est la coquille la plus brute d'une idée, sa matérialisation, son « incarnation plamatique ». Selon notre point de vue politique, tout objet devrait être tout d’abord et principalement beau. Les objets non beaux seront soumis à la destruction.

Il y a déjà une instrumentalisation par les globalistes des divers mouvements fondamentalistes et nationalistes conservateurs. Les fondamentalistes islamiques qui aident l’Occident sont une chose. Les nationalistes européens en sont une autre. Donc le « moment unipolaire » n’existe pas seulement de lui-même, mais joue aussi les forces antagonistes les unes contre les autres. Le renversement de la dictature de l’Occident ne deviendra possible que si cette stratégie permet de créer ou de faire apparaître une nouvelle élite contre-hégémonique. Une initiative comme la Global Revolutionary Alliance – l’unique exemple d’une opposition vraiment révolutionnaire et efficace contre l’hégémonie.

La société devrait être structurée sous la forme d’une hiérarchie fondée sur un principe existentielle, c’est-à-dire que le degré d’intensité de vie d’un être eidétique devrait être au cœur du critère hiérarchique. Cela ne concerne personne d'autre que les différents étages ou degrés de l'existence des anges. Le dogme devrait être accepté que les gens ne vivent pas, mais plutôt un ange vit à travers nous. Plus il vit en nous avec intensité, plus haut est le niveau hiérarchique de celui à travers lequel vit l'Ange et, par la suite, moins il vit au travers de son élément individuel. L'ange et l'ego sont présents chez une personne en proportion inverse : plus l'ange prend une grande ampleur, plus l'ego est petit. Plus une personne est modeste et ascétique et moins elle est individuelle, et plus son rang dans la vraie hiérarchie est élevé.

Ce sera un immense Empire. La richesse du paysage et la diversité des régimes seront intrinsèques à l'État. Le principe de l'Empire doit être réhabilité. Outre le système trifonctionnel (philosophes, guerriers et paysans), l'Empire peut inclure des enclaves d'une variété de créatures allant des Amazones aux êtres à deux têtes, sans jambes, sans tête, les gitans, les Evenki, etc. Il pourrait même y avoir une république de sirènes ou une forêt Veche gouvernées ensemble par une assemblée de Domoviye et de Leshie. On peut aussi imaginer un congrès d’Anges ou de Tatar Kurultai." Alexandre Douguine

L'attitude envers les agriculteurs sera empreint de sacralité. Toute la vie sera adaptée aux agriculteurs. Tout pour les agriculteurs. La population sera composée de pasteurs et de cultivateurs. Le travail agricole, les céréales, les raisins, la boulangerie, les pains et les taureaux, les vaches, les moutons et les chèvres seront élevés au statut d’idéologie de l’État. En voyant un grain de blé ou un âne, sans parler d'un fermier ou d'un berger, tous les citoyens de Platonopolis les accueilleront en chantant. Le pain et le vin seront à la tête de l'humanité. Parler de taureaux avec la Lune entre leurs cornes servira de nourriture spirituelle aux voyageurs fatigués.

La chose la plus importante est de commencer la préparation systématique d’une élite révolutionnaire globale, orientée vers la multipolarité et la Quatrième Théorie Politique. Cette élite doit assumer une fonction critique – être un lien entre le local et le global. Au niveau local, nous parlons des masses et des meilleurs représentants de leur culture locale (dirigeants religieux, philosophes, etc.). Souvent, ces communautés n’ont pas de vision planétaire et défendent simplement leur identité conservatrice qui existait avant le début de la mondialisation toxique et de l’impérialisme occidental.

En ce qui concerne le genre, les femmes seront estimées dans l'Empire, car elles sont plus intéressantes que les hommes (et plus belles). Les hommes ne seront pas bouleversés par le fait que l'envie sera abolie par décret (le premier décret supprimera l'envie, la jalousie et la propriété ; l'envie sera punie par trois coups de lierre pour un regard envieux et six pour un mot jaloux). Les femmes aimeront l'Empire et le chériront chaque matin en saluant le soleil.

his plan for nations of the “third category” could easily mean a century of war which would outstrip the horrors of the twentieth century.

The pro-American liberal pattern, in turn, can not be realised in Russia by definition, being an organic part of another civilisation, alien to Russia. This is well understood in the West too, where nobody disguises their preference to see not a prospering and safe Russia, but, on the contrary, a weakened Russia, submerged in the abyss of chaos and corruption.

paranoia regarding Western motivations and intentions regarding Russia

So the misfit as totalitarian politician (Putin), being of the criminal type, finds intellectual flunkies (like Dugin) to invent vainglorious political theories (like the Fourth Political Theory), which are merely excuses for an attack on normal society, on freedom, on the wellbeing of average people everywhere. For this purpose, and with simplification in mind, America is their natural whipping boy, their intended victim, their object of envy and disdain, and the focus of their strategic malevolence. On Russian television, on this day, 15 March 2015, the evil dwarf-president, demonstrating his thermonuclear manhood by way of compensation, is merely another one of those damn fool misfits – like that scrappy little Stalin, or wee little Lenin. What is needed, perhaps, is a big strapping fellow to sweep this malignant race of dwarfs from the Russian stage. Perhaps Boris Nemtsov would have been that fellow, but Boris was gunned down on the street in Moscow. It is said that the assassin shot him four times in the back. The ultimate coward, of course, is not the one who shot an unarmed man in the back. The ultimate coward was, assuredly, that same totalitarian pygmy who was blaming America on Russian TV, and whose regime has overseen many political killings. It is sad that Putin’s cleverly staged absence pushed the fallen Nemtsov from public remembrance, placing the murderer center stage and, yes, Vladimir, it is all about you after all, isn’t it? Yes, oh yes. In America as well as in Russia, it takes a traitor and a misfit.

Je suis sûr que l'Apocalypse est proche et je considère le libéralisme et la mondialisation comme des signes évidents de la venue de l'Antéchrist et de la Fin des temps. Je suis traditionaliste et adepte des slavophiles russes, de Dostoïevski, de Soloviev, de divers philosophes religieux russes et de monarchistes.

Goumilev affirme dès lors que la civilisation la plus normale et la plus saine aujourd'hui serait une civilisation synthétique fusionnant les énergies de ces peuples jeunes sur l'ensemble du continent eurasien. Cette synthèse serait de type impérial. Goumilev a forgé un concept spécial pour désigner cette force motrice et organique provoquant le déploiement d'une ethnie : la "passionalité" (passionarnost), entendue comme une concentration d'énergie créative, à bases biologique et psychologique, qui pourrait caractériser des peuples entiers ou des personnalités.